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Full text of "Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal"

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JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL 



VOL. XLVIII. 

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.) 

(Nos. I to IV.— 1879 : with 19 Plates and 2 I^aps.) 

edited by 
The Philological Secretary. 



" It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science 
in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to wiiting, and send them to 
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long 
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease." Sir. Wm. Jones. 



CALCUTTA : 

P1UNTED BY G. H. BOUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, 

AND PUBLISHED BY THE 

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET. 

1879. 



CONTENTS 



OF 



JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. XLVIII. Past I, 

fob 1879. 



No. I. P a 9 e 

Prehistoric Remains in Central India. — By J. H. Ritett-Caenac, 

Esq., c. i. e., m. e. a. s., f. s. a., &c., (with five Plates), 1 

The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the wor- 
ship of Siva. — By J. H. Ritett-Caenac, Esq , c. i. E., f. s. a., 

m. E. A. s., &c , (with two Plates), 17 

Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. — By Geoege A. Geieesojt, 

b. c. s., 32 

No. II. 
The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad — A Chronicle, (1713 — 1857). 

By William Ietltste, c. s., Fatehgarh, N. W. P., 49 

The Sect of the Pran-nathis. — By F. S., Geowse, Bengal Civil 

Service, m. a., Oxon, c. i. e., 171 

No. III. 

Rough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kan- 
dahar. — By Lieut. R. C. Temple, 1st Goorkhas, (with two 
maps), 181 

Hamir Rasa, or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. Trans- 
lated from the Hindi. — By Beajanatha Bandtopadhyaxa, 

Jeypore, 186 

No. IV. 

Pali Derivations in Burmese. — By H. L. St. Baebe, b. c. s., 253 

A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining 

countries. — By S. E. Peal, Sibsagar, Asam, 258 



IV 

Page 
Bulandshahr Antiquities.— By F. S. Growse, c. s., m. a., Oxon., 

c. i. E. (with three Plates). With a note hy Dr. Rajendralala 

Mitra, Rai Bahadur, c. I. e., 270 

The Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of Kashmir. — By C. J. 

Rodgers, (with two Plates), 277 

The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. — By C. J. Rodgers, 

(with a Plate) 282 

Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. — By V. A. Smith, e. a., 

c. s., and F. C. Black, c. e., (with six Plates), 2S5 



LIST OF PLATES 

IN 

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I, 
foe 1879. 



PI. I (pp. 3, 4). Rough Survey of Barrows near Junapani in the Nagpur 

District of the Central Provinces of India. 
PI. II (p. 4). Barrows and Cup-marks in Europe. 
PL III (p. 4). Remains of Barrows near Nagpur, India. 
PL IV (pp. 5, 13). Iron Implements found in the Junapani Barrows. 
PL V (pp. 14, 15). Cup-marked Boulders. 
PL VI (p. 23). Illustrations on the Serpent Symbol. 
PL VII (p. 24). Ditto ditto. 

Pis. VIII & IX (p. 273). Inscriptions from Bulandshahar. 
PL X (p. 274). Bulandshahar Antiquities. 
Pis. XI & XII (p. 280). Coins of the Maharajahs of Kashmir. 
PL XIII (p. 284). Copper coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. 
Pis XIV & XV (pp. 287, 288, 293). Inscriptions from Khajuraho. 
PL XVI (p. 289). Rubbing of Inscription on a Figure of Debi at Ghu- 

lavar Khera. 
Pis. XVII, XVIII & XIX (pp. 294, 295). Plans of Temples at Khajuraho. 
Map No. 1, (p. 181). Showing Villages about Kandahar. 
Map No. 2, (p. 183). Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Valley. 



ERRATA. 



J. A. S. B., Pt. I, Vol. XLVI, p. 231, line 23, Dele ' Jains and.' This 
error was due to a misreading of an ill-written Urdu manuscript. 

Ibid. p. 231, line 1, for ' 1730 A. D.' read ' 1721 A. D.' and in line 2 for 
'son' read 'chela.' In both these instances I was misled by the 
Gazetteer. For the corrections I am indebted to Mr. Irvine in J. A, 
S. B., Vol. XLVII, Part I, pp. 286 and 367. 



JOURNAL 



OP THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 



Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. 

No. I.— 1879. 

Prehistoric Remains in Central India. — By J. H. Eivett-Caenac, Esq., 

C. I. E., P. S. A., M. E. A. S., &C. 

At a meeting of the Society held in 1874, some iron implements dug 
out of the barrows of the Nagpore district of the Central Provinces were 
exhibited by me, and a brief notice was then given of those grave-mounds 
and their contents. I have long intended preparing for the Society the 
detailed description together with sketches of these interesting remains 
then promised. But various circumstances have delayed the working up 
of the notes taken on the spot and the copying of the sketches, and I am 
only now able to offer them to the Society. 

Last year when in France, I paid a visit to the Museum at St. Germain- 
en-Laye, celebrated for its prehistoric collection, and there the resemblance 
between the remains, dug out of tumuli in Brittany and other parts of France, 
and the contents of the Nagpore barrows presented itself in the most striking 
manner. M. Bertrand the Director of the Museum and President of the 
Society of Antiquaries of France, to whom the subject was mentioned 
by me, strongly urged the preparation of - a detailed account of the Indian 
grave-mounds and their contents, together with sketches, so as to admit 
of further comparison between the Indian and European types. 

The subject is well known to the Society, but it is hoped that the fol- 
lowing details may not be without interest, and that they may assist in 
directing further attention to the extraordinary resemblance between the 
Prehistoric Remains of India and of Europe. 

Barrows or grave-mounds, surrounded by circles of stones, are found 
in several districts of the Nagpore province. They have been examined 

A 



2 J. II. Rivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains [No. 1, 

and described at various times by Colonel Glasfurd, Colonel Godfrey Pearse, 
it. n. a., and Mr. J. J. Carey, c. E. The late Rev. Stephen Hislop, 
well known for his interest in all antiquarian subjects, accompanied Sir 
llichard Temple, the then Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces, on 
an exploration of the Bori remains during the rainy season of 1864', 
and it was then that occurred the accident which resulted in Mr. Hislop's 
lamented death. 

Similar barrows were found in the Nizam's territory and in Madras by 
the late Colonel Meadows Taylor, c. s. i., and an interesting account of 
that officer's researches, by which the similarity of the remains found in 
India and in Europe is clearly demonstrated, was published in the Journal 
of the Royal Irish Academy. Tbe Journal of the Asiatic Society also con- 
tains descriptions by Colonel Dalton, c. s I., of similar grave mounds and 
circles in tbe billy country of Chutia Nagpore, which in many of its 
conditions resembles the districts of the old Nagpore province. 

The most extensive of the many groups of this class of tumuli that 
are found scattered over the district of Nagpore is situated near Junapani, 
a hamlet lying about 5 miles to the west of the civil station of Nagpore, on 
the high road to Katole. The proximity of these barrows to Nagpore has 
marked them out for careful investigation, and they have been visited and 
opened at various times by the late Rev. S. Hislop, Mr. Henry Danger- 
field, c. E. and Mr. Hanna, c. e. No detailed account of the discoveries 
has as yet been published. The following notes refer chiefly to some explora- 
tions made as far back as the cold weather of 1867 by Mr. Alfred Lyall, 
C. s., then Commissioner of the Nagpore S. Division, Mr. Blanford, f. k. s. 
and myself. 

From the people of the neighbourhood, and even from the Brahmans 
and other learned persons of Nagpore, who speak with authority on the 
ancient history of the province, no satisfactory information regarding the 
tribes who constructed these barrows is to be obtained. Some will tell you 
the story that these mounds are the work of giants, or of the Gaolees or 
Shepherd kings, regarding whose rule in Central India, at a period prior to 
the Aryan invasion, a deep-rooted tradition exists. That the circles are very 
old, the condition in which they are now found distinctly shews, and the 
remains discovered .therein leave no doubt that they were once the burial- 
places of a people of whom these circles are now the only trace that remains 
to us. 

The southern slope of a line of low bare basaltic hills, which rise just 
beyond tbe village of Junapani, and which form the chief feature in the 
scer.ery of Nagpore and its neighbourhood, is covered with these barrows. 
The largest group consists of 54< tumuli. A smaller group situated on an 
adjacent spur, at about 300 yards from the main body, contains but 10 



Is70.] in Central India. 3 

barrows. Further south again, at a distance of about half a mile, on the 
other side of the village, is a third group. The position is somewhat low 
and damp, the ground sloping towards the small stream which runs past 
the village of Junapani. The remains discovered by Mr. Hanna were duo- 
out from the barrows of this group, and were found in a less perfect state 
of preservation than the iron implements from the tumuli situated further 
up on higher ground on the hill side. A fourth and stdl smaller group, 
situated further north, was examined by Mr. Henry Dangerfield. For several 
miles round, similar collections of barrows, which have not yet been noted or 
explored, are to be seen festooning with their dark funereal boulders the 
slopes of the low trap hill3 which extend far south towards the Wurdah river. 
A rough plan of the Junapani circles accompanies this paper; see 
Plate I. 

In all these groups the tumuli are of the same type, consisting of circular 
mounds of earth of various sizes, surrounded by single and, in some instances, 
by double rows of trap boulders, selected from the masses with which the 
hill-side is strewn and the presence of which in great numbers, ready to hand, 
doubtless suggested the locality as a burial-place to the tribes so many of 
whose members lie here entombed. The diameter of the circles varies from 
20 feet to 56 feet, the tomb being perhaps of large or inferior dimensions 
according to the consideration of the person buried. No barrow of the 
groups as yet examined by me exceeds 56 feet in diameter ; and 56 feet 
seems to have been a favourite size, as each group contains several tumuli 
of exactly these dimensions. 

The trying climate of Central India, with its prolonged scorching heat, 
followed by drenching rain, so destructive to every sort of masonry build- 
ing, has told with great severity upon even these solid masses of trap rock. 
They are all more or less wrinkled by age, and in some cases the stone has 
been split and its outer coating stripped off by the action of heat and 
damp, and it is doubtful whether the boulders that have thus suffered now 
retain their original form. There is thus some difficulty in determining 
whether they have been artificially shaped. It would appear from the 
resemblance borne by most of the blocks, ranged round the tumuli, to the 
still undisturbed masses with which nature has strewn the hill side, that, in 
most cases, the stones were not dressed, but that boulders of about the same 
size, bearing the nearest resemblance to oblong cubes, were chosen from 
the masses on the hill side and rolled down to the site of the tumulus, and 
then ranged side by side in their natural state round the circular mound of 
earth raised over the grave. Each circle, however, generally contains two 
or three stones, larger than their neighbours, which from the comparative 
regularity of shape would appear to have been artificially dressed. It is on 
these selected stones that the " cup-marks," resembling those fouud on 



4 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains [No. 1, 

exactly similar tumuli in Europe are to be seen. And.it suggests itself that 
the boulders were perhaps specially prepared to receive the inscriptions or 
ornamentation for which these marks were designed. 

So far as can be judged from the present appearance of the stones at 
Junapanijthey were certainly in most instances laid lengthways, side by side, 
round the edge of the circle, in a manner resembling the arrangement of the 
stones in the Clava Tumulus figured on plate XI of Sir J. Simpson's " Archaic 
Sculpturings" (see Plate II, fig. 1 and PI. V, fig. 1) a work to which it will 
be necessary to make frequent references in the present paper. Mr. Carey 
was, I believe, of opinion from the appearance of the stones at the Khy warree 
barrows examined by him, that the blocks had once been placed on end, and 
it is not imjirobable from the position of some of the largest blocks at Juna- 
pani, that some of these also may have been so placed. One of the stones 
covered all over with cup-marks sujmorts this view. It is conical in shape. 
It is the largest of the many large blocks at Junapani. Its dimensions 
are as follows : length ft. 103 ; breadth ft. 2*4, and height above the 
ground as it lies ft. 2 6. This block, and indeed nearly all those surrounding 
these tumuli have sunk deep into the earth and there is perhaps half as 
much below the surface of the ground as appears above it. Making 
allowance for this, the cubic contents of the stone would be say 16,000 
feet, and taking 200 lbs. to the cubic foot of trap rock, the weight of this 
stone would be about 8 tons. The stones on the north side of the circle, 
whence the drainage of the hill is, are deeply imbedded in the earth, and 
are sometimes hardly to be traced above the ground, the washings of the 
hill side, carried down by the drainage of ages, having nearly covered them 
up completely. 

The height of the mounds within the circles of stones is seldom 
more than from 3 to 4 feet above the level of the neighbouring 
ground. There is no doubt, however, that the mounds, now nearly as hard 
as the rock itself, were originally composed of earth, loosely thrown up, and 
were consequently much higher than they now are. In the course of many 
years, perhaps centuries, the boulders, surrounding these mounds, have sunk 
deep into the hard soil, and during the same period the once loose earth 
has become consolidated and comju-essed into its present form. In 
Plate III one of these barrows is shewn, the stones being ranged round 
the mound shewn in the background. In the foreground are some boulders 
of a tumulus that has been disturbed and examined. 

The number, size and position of the barrows will be best explained by 
the accompanying plan Plate I. It will be noticed, that the largest barrows 
are generally placed low down on the slope of the hill, the smaller circles, with 
the smaller stones being groujjed on the top, and it suggests itself, that 
for the former tumuli the large boulders had to be selected from particular 



1879.] in Central India. 5 

spots and rolled down the slope, whilst for the smaller tombs stones could 
be collected without difficulty at the summit or on any part of the hill side. 

Although, on no one occasion, has a collection, so varied as that which 
rewarded Colonel Pearse's exploration of the large solitary tumulus near 
Kamptee, been discovered, no single barrow at Junapani has been opened 
without remains of more or less interest being exhumed. The class of iron 
implements found in these tumuli in different parts of the Nagpore dis- 
trict, and further south again, resemble one another as closely as do the 
tumuli themselves. Some half a dozen barrows only have as yet been 
examined, out of the many hundreds which are known to exist, so that fur- 
ther and more interesting discoveries may not unreasonably be expected 
from future explorations, if conducted on a careful plan. 

The remains discovered were all found in the centre of the barrows. 
The earth, which had to be dug through, was invariably extremely hard and 
firm, as if many centuries had weighed it down and compressed it into 
its present compact form, changing soft earth into stiffish clay. 
The remains were always reached with considerable difficulty. On 
each occasion that I have examined these tombs, the first indication of 
" a find" has been broken pieces of pottery of red or black clay, which 
generally make their appearance at from 2 to 2\ feet from the surface. 
Immediately beneath these, the fragments of metal implements, and orna- 
ments are come upon, together with further traces of broken pottery in 
considerable quantity. The fragments are evidently the remains of urns 
originally placed intact within the tombs, but which, consequent on the 
tumulus having no interior chamber, have been broken by the masses of 
earth and stone thrown in to fill up the mound. In two cases the shape 
of the urns imbedded in the clay was distinctly traceable, but it was 
found impossible to take them out intact. I regret I did not know at the 
time, what I have since learnt from M. Bertrand and have seen demonstrated 
at the Museum of St. Germain, that the pieces, if carefully collected, can 
generally be joined together after the manner of a Chinese puzzle, and the 
original form can thus be satisfactorily reproduced. 

"With the urns the whitish coloured earth (noticed by Col. Meadows 
Taylor in the Dekhan remains),of£ering a striking contrast to the surrounding 
dark soil, is met with. I am unable at present to say of what this substance 
consists. It is probably the remains of bones. On only one occasion have 
traces of human remains been found at Junapani, and in this instance six 
small pieces of bone, weighing f ths of an ounce only, were obtained. 

The implements discovered with the urns are, with one exception, of 
iron. The most interesting of them are figuivd in Plate IV, and the 
following remarks will help to describe generally their peculiarities : 



G J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains [No. 1, 

Nos. 1, 2 are pieces of iron, thickly encrusted with lime and rust, 
found by Mr. Hanna in the group of barrows near the Junapani stream, 
to which allusion has already been made. The damp situation seriously 
affected these specimens, and they are not in such a good state of 
preservation as the other remains found in the vicinity. They offer hardly 
any attraction to the magnet. 

No. 2 was also found by Mr. Hanna in the same group. It has suffer- 
ed severely from rust, but the form is intact. It resembles a " spud," 
but it is not improbably a " palstave" of which many specimens have been 
found in similar tombs in Scandinavia and in Great Britain. It has no 
" eye" through which to loop the thong by which palstaves are supposed 
to have been attached to a wooden handle. But I find that, in some of the 
Irish specimens also, these eyes are wanting, (see figure 275, No. 510, page 
384, Vol. I, of a Descriptive Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum 
of the Royal Irish Academy, by Sir W. Wilde, Dublin, 18G3). The palstave 
found at Junapani exactly resembles this specimen. 

Similar implements have been found by Col. Glasf urd in tumuli in the 
Godavery district, and at page 358, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the 
Royal Irish Academy, in a paper by Col. Meadows Taylor, c. s. I., de- 
scribing " The Cairns, Cromlechs, Kistvaens and other Celtic, Druidical or 
Scythian monuments in the Dekhan," will be found figured a similar imple- 
ment discovered in one of the tumuli of the Hyderabad country. I may 
mention here incidentally, that Col. Sladen, who made an expedition from 
Mandalay to the western borders of China, mentioned to me, that imple- 
ments similar to these, but having in addition the " eye" so well known 
in the palstaves of Europe, were discovered by him on his travels. 
Length of specimen 4f inches. 

No. 3 is a knife or dagger, much corroded, found by Mr. Hanna in 
the same group. The guard at the hilt is perfect on one side, on the other 
side the rust has flaked off, taking with it the iron of the guard. Length 
5| inches. 

No. 4 is a smaller specimen of a hatchet or battle-axe, similar to the 
one found by Col. Pearse, and resembling Nos. 5, 11 described below. 
In these specimens the bands are wanting. It will be seen that the rust 
is coming off the hatchet in great flakes and the bands have most probably 
corroded. Length 6 inches ; breadth 2 inches. 

No. 5 is the best specimen of the battle-axe or hatchet that has yet 
been discovered. It was found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in one of the out- 
lying groups of barrows near Junapani. The bands, with which the axe 
was fastened on to the wooden handle, are in perfect preservation. Length 
10 inches. 

This iron axe bears a remarkable resemblance in shape to the copper 



1879.] in Central India. 7 

" celt," figured at page 363 of Sir W. Wilde's Catalogue of the Irish Anti- 
quities above referred to. At page 367, Sir W. Wilde shows how this class 
of celts is supposed to have been fixed on to the handle, and he writes : 
" Fig. 252 represents 2 simple, flat, wedge-sbaped celts passed tbrough a 
wooden handle and secured by a ligature, possibly of thong or gut." 

And on the preceding page, he remarks — 

" Left witbout historic reference, and with but few pictorial illustra- 
tions, we are thrown back upon conjecture as to the mode of hafting and 
using the metal celt. As already stated, this weapon-tool is but the stone 
implement reproduced in another form, and having once obtained a better 
material, the people who acquired this knowledge repeated the form they 
were best acquainted with, but economized the metal and lessened the bulk 
by flattening the sides. In pi'oof of this repetition in metal of the ancient 
form of stone celt may be adduced the fact of a copper celt of the precise 
outline, both in shape and thickness, of one of our ordinary stone imple- 
ments having been found in an Etruscan tomb, and now preserved in the 
Museum of Berlin." 

In this specimen, however, as indeed in the case of nearly all the iron 
axes found in Central India, the bands are of iron. And it does not ap- 
pear unnatural, that, the tribes who used these weapons having discovered 
the use of iron, and the place of the stone hatchet having been supplied by 
an improved axe of iron, the ligatures of thong too, should, in like 
manner, have given way before the bands of iron shewn in the engraving. 
An axe, similar to this one in nearly every respect, was found by me in the 
main group of barrows at Junapani. One of the bands, however, was 
missing. In another case the bands were found loose by the side of a 
small axe to which they evidently belonged. Col. Glasfurd found in the 
Godavery district an iron axe similar in other respects to these, but without 
the bands. I am inclined to think that the bands, being of thinner metal 
than the weapon itself, may have been eaten away by rust and have thus 
disappeared. The specimen found by Mr. Dangerfield is in excellent 
preservation, the spot on which it was found being dry and hard. 

This axe was shewn to Col. Maisey, some of whose beautiful drawings 
of the Bhilsa or Sanchi Topes are engraved in General Cunningham's work. 
He immediately remarked, that the specimen exactly resembled the wea- 
pons carved on the " Topes" of which he had made sketches years before. A 
reference to Plate XXXIII, Fig. 8, Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes,* will shew 
the hatchet with bands. In the carving on the Tope the bands are not 
placed well in the centre. But the accuracy of the native sculptor may 
have been at fault. A hatchet fastened on to the wood in the manner re- 
* See also " Orissa" by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra, c. i. e. 



8 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Hevmins [No. 1, 

presented, would have been liable to fly out of the handle, an accident 
which the position of the bands of the specimens found in the barrow is 
better calculated to prevent. In Plate XXXII, Fig. 1, " Fergusson's 
Tree and Serpent Worship" will be found a representation of a bas-relief 
on the eastern gateway at Sanchi described by Mr. Fergusson as follows : 
" In itself it (the bas-relief) represents a family of Dasyus following their 
usual avocation. On the right hand, two men are splitting wood with 
hatchets, and what is more remarkable is, that the heads of their axes are 
tied on to the shafts as if they were of stone. Yet in the same bas-relief 
we have the tongs or ladles which certainly are of metal ; and we can hard- 
ly understand a people who could make metal femurs using stone hatchets." 

It is probable then, that the carving on the Sanchi Tope is intended to 
represent a metal hatchet such as that discovered in the barrow and 
marked No. 5. And it suggests itself that the tumuli at Junapani 
are the remains of an aboriginal tribe, whose presence on the Sanchi 
sculptures, in contradistinction to the followers of Buddha, is distinctly 
traced by Mr. Fergusson. The significance of this point will be noticed 
more in detail later. 

No. 6. A spear-head, much corroded, which was dug up by me from a 
Junapani barrow. The large axe, with one band, above alluded to, was 
found by its side ; and, as in every instance, broken pottery in large 
quantities was dug up. Length 8| inches. 

No. 7. Six bangles or bracelets, found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in a 
barrow adjacent to that in which the axe was discovered. They are gradu- 
ated in size, and weigh from 5^ oz. to 3i oz., the whole set weighing 1 ft. 
10 oz. 

The metal of which they are composed is apparently copper. A rough 
analysis that has already been made shows that copper is the principal in- 
gredient, but points to the presence of alloy which is neither zinc nor tin, 
but which is believed to be gold or silver, possibly both. The bangles are 
thickly covered with a coating, in which the verdigris of the copper is ap- 
parent. But, with it, is a further substance which may bo either an artifi- 
cial varnish, or one supplied by organic matter and the discolouration of 
the metal during the many years the bangles must have been buried. 

An interesting circumstance connected with these bangles is the pecu- 
liar ornamentation on one end of each of the specimens. The coating of 
verdigris and varnish, above alluded to, is so thick, that, at first, the mark- 
ings might escape notice. But a more careful inspection and the removal 
of the coating of verdigris show a series of notches or punched or filed 
lines, resembling exactly the " herring-bone" ornamentation found on the 
Irish remains, which is described and figured at page 389 of Sir W. 



1879.] in Central India. ■ 9 

Wilde's Catalogue before noticed. The number of the punched lines on 
each ornament varies from 14 to 16, and these are placed in three rows. 

I have not Mr. Fergusson's paper at hand, but I think I remember 
reading in his description of the Amravati Tope, that in the carvings there 
two distinct races are traceable, the Aryans and a non- Aryan race, the latter 
wearing heavy bangles of the description shewn in the plate and which are 
similar to those still worn by the Brinjarah women and by some of the 
aboriginal tribes. 

No. 8 is a small circular clear pebble. It was found by me in bar- 
row No. 37, together with only one small piece of iron and a quantity of 
pottery. In its dirty state it did not appear very inviting, and I was at 
first inclined to throw it away together with the earth and stones dug out of 
the barrow. But as it seemed to be of a different substance from the other 
stones of the formation, it was preserved. I am not prepared to say that 
it is really a curiosity. But one side of it bears a striking resemblance to 
the " Altar Stone" No. 102, figured at page 132, of Sir W. Wilde's Cata- 
logue. It has the four finger-marks on one side, on the other side a larger 
" finger-mark" corresponding with the lai'ge central " finger-mark" of the 
sketch. It may have been an ornament or amulet, and may have been set 
in a claw, fastened on to the two central " finger-marks." 

The following specimens were all dug out of the barrow at Junapani, 
No. 37 in the plan, in .the presence of Mr. Lyall, Mr. Blanford and 
myself, in January 1867. Our first impression on visiting the spot 
was, that as all the barrows were so much alike, it would be well 
to trust to chance and to open the tumulus nearest at hand. Further 
examination, however, brought to notice three barrows, rather more impos- 
ing-looking than those of the main group, situated at some little distance 
from it, in a quiet, pleasant spot near a small stream, on the south side of 
the hill. The centre barrow was encircled by a double row of black boul- 
ders. The circles flanking the main tomb on either side consisted of single 
rows of stones somewhat smaller and less imposing in character. The ap- 
pearance of this small group suggested, that the centre tomb was, perhaps, 
that of some chieftain who had been buried with his wives or favourite chil- 
dren apart from his followers, in a quiet and specially selected spot. It 
was accordingly determined to open the centre and most imposing-looking 
tomb, which measured 58 feet in diameter and is the largest of the 54 
barrows that form the main group at Junapani. 

After digging through about 3 feet of thick, caked soil nearly as hard 
as stone, we came upon broken pieces of pottery in which mica was preva- 
lent, and from amongst the fragments the iron implements, figured in 

B 



10 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains [No. 1, 

Plate IV, Nos. 9-14,were collected. The excavation bad evidently been carried 
down to the rocky basis of the hill, and earth filled up over the remains. 
Though thickly encrusted with rust, some of which subsequently flaked off, 
the iron was in good preservation owing to the dryness of the soil in which 
it had been buried. The photographs shew the implements as they looked 
some six months after they were found, after they had undergone some 
rough handling. No traces of human remains were found. They had 
perhaps long since disappeared. 

No. 9. Small pieces of rusty iron, possibly arrow-heads, &c. ( ?) 

No. 10. Spear heads ( ?) 

No. 11. Axes, small specimens of No. 5. In one specimen the bands 
are perfect. They are wanting in the other. 

No. 12. A snaffle bit in excellent preservation. The form is quite that 
of the present day. But, after all, this is hardly very remarkable and cannot 
be held to militate against the antiquity of the remains. The dagger, the 
sword and the spear have not undergone any great change during many 
centuries, and the snaffle as the easiest bit for a horse's mouth would have 
suggested itself at an early date to a race of horsemen. 

No. 13. A small brooch, or buckle, or ornament, resembling in shape a 
bow and arrow. It will be noticed that both this and the axes are in miniature. 
I cannot find the passage in Herodotus, but, if I am not mistaken, it is 
mentioned either by him or one of the old writers, that a custom prevailed 
among the Scythians or nomadic tribes of that class, of burying with their 
dead their weapons and horse-trappings, or the miniatures of their weapons. 

No. 14. A pair of iron articles of exactly the same size and shape with 
loops at either end. At first it was thought they might be horse bits. It 
afterwards suggested itself that they must be stirrups. The sculpturings 
on the remains found in England are supposed by some, to be rough repre- 
sentations of the articles buried in the tumuli. Without pausing to enquire 
whether this view is correct, the somewhat singular resemblance between 
the remains, found in this barrow, and the sculptures on the wall of the 
Deo Cave, Fife, may be noticed (see Plate XXXIV, Fig. 3, Sir J. Simpson's 
Archaic Sculptures). The so-called " spectacle marks" may be the bit, and 
the form of the stirrups and spear-heads may be traced in Sir J. Simpson's 
sketch, without the exercise of any very great stretch of the imagination. 
To the view, that these are indeed the stirrups of the rider, the bit of whose 
horse and whose spear and other weapons were buried by his side, I still 
adhere, believing that the foot of the horseman was placed on the piece of 
iron, which formed the base of a triangle, the two sides being perhaps com- 
posed of thongs passed through the loops at either end. This view receives 
further confirmation from the extract of Professor Stephen's note to 
Frithiof's Saga, extracted in a later paragraph. 



1879] in Central India. 11 

Although the excavation has been extended to the solid rock, neither on 
this nor on any other occasion has any chamber, similar to that of other parts 
of India, been found beneath the mounds of the Junapani barrows. This I 
believe is to be accounted for by the fact, that, in the vicinity of these 
remains, no material like sandstone, which can be easily split and used for 
the walls of chambers, is to be found. In the basaltic formation of the 
Nagpur district, trap-boulders are the only stones available, as the contrac- 
tors who had to build the bridges on the Nagpore Branch of the G. I. P. 
Railway found to their cost. Although these boulders answer admirably for 
the boundaries of the circles, they are not equally well adapted to the interior 
chambers. Moreover, the trap rock is here close to the surface, and a cavity 
for a chamber, even if the stone necessary for its construction were at hand, 
could only be excavated with the greatest difficulty. Further West and 
South again, when we come on the sandstone formation, Kistvaens and 
Cromlechs of sandstone take the place of, or are found in connection with, 
the stone circles, suggesting the view, that the same class of people in differ- 
ent parts of the country built Kistvaens, where the easily worked sandstone 
was procurable, whilst, in the trap region, they contented themselves with 
the barrows, such as those found at Junapani. 

In addition to the iron implements figured in Plate IV and described 
above, many other pieces of rusty iron, some of which have no character 
whatsoever, and the probable use of which it is not easy to conjecture, have 
been found in the tombs at Junapani, Takulghat, in the Godavary district and 
elsewhere. Sickles similar to those figured in Col. Meadows Taylor's paper, 
page 357, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, and 
found by that Officer in the Dekhan, have been dug up by Col. Glasf urd 
and the late Rev. Stephen Hislop. The barrow opened by Mr. Carey, 
again, was found to contain bells, the counterpart of those which had been 
dug up by Col. Meadows Taylor in the same class of tomb, some hundreds 
of miles further South. 

Similarity between these Tumuli and- the Baebows of Europe. 

The tumuli at Junapani and the remains found within the barrows 
having been described, the remarkable resemblance, borne by these tumuli 
and their contents to the sepulchral mounds and the remains . common in 
other and distant parts of India and in other countries of the world, has 
to be noticed. 

In the first place, the barrows and their contents near Nagpur are 
identical in nearly every single detail with those on the Godavery. In the 
southern parts of India, where trap boulders are not procurable, the tumuli, 
as noticed above, take the"form of Kistvaens and Cromlechs, sometimes with 
and sometimes without the stone circles. The remains found within this 
class of tombs and the position of tombs indicate that they are the burying- 



12 J. H. Bivett-Carnac — Preliistoric 'Remains [No. 1, 

places of the same class of people, who for very good reasons had, in 
different parts of the country, to make use of different materials, on the 
same principle that an engineer adapts his class of work to the stone found 
in the locality in which he is engaged. 

Col. Meadows Taylor, in his paper already alluded to, has placed side 
by side, in his sketch, barrows, examined by him near Alnwick in Northum- 
berland, and the tumuli of the Dekhan of India, explored by him in 1851 ; 
and it will be seen that, in nearly every respect, these burial-places are 
counterparts of one another. What has been said regarding the Dekhan 
remains and those found in Great Britain, applies with equal force to the 
tumuli of Junapani and the European ; and Mr. Kipling's drawing, from 
my sketch, of a barrow near Nagpur, given in Plate III, and one near 
Alnwick in Northumberland, figured by the late Col. Meadows Taylor in 
the paper already referred to, will show, most distinctly, the striking resem- 
blance between the tombs in England and in India. 

This interesting circumstance was noticed some years ago by Major- 
General Cunningham, c. s. i., c. I. e., of the Royal Engineers, who in the 
preface to his description of the Bhilsa Topes thus refers to it — 

" To the Indian antiquary and historian, these discoveries will be, I am 
willing to think, of very high importance, while to the mere English reader 
they may not be uninteresting, as the massive mounds are surrounded by 
mysterious circles of stone pillars, recalling attention at every turn to the 
early earthworks or barrows, and the Druidical colonnades of Britain. 

" In the Buddhistical worship of trees displayed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, 
others, I hope, will see (as well as myself) the counterpart of the Druidical 
and adopted English reverence for the oak. In the horse-shoe temples of 
Ajanta and Sanchi many will recognise the form of the inner colonnade at 
Stonehenge. More, I suspect, will learn that there are Cromlechs in India 
as well as in Britain, that the Brahmans, Buddhists and Druids all believed 
in the transmigration of the soul, and the Celtic language was undoubtedly 
derived from the Sanscrit &c." 

The circumstance of the remarkable similarity in the shape of the 
tumuli being borne in the mind, the next point of resemblance is the posi- 
tion in which the barrows are found. Col. Meadows Taylor particularly 
notices, that, both in Europe and in India, these burying-places are situat- 
ed on the southern slope of the hill, the sunny side in fact, and this cir- 
cumstance has already been noticed in regard to the grouping of the 
Junapani barrows. 

similarity between tiie remains found in the indian barrows 
and tiie Contents op the Barrows in Europe. 

If these two points have been established, then the third point of re- 
semblance is in the remains buried in the tombs. Passing from the pot- 



1879.] in Central India. 13 

tery urns to the metal articles found within the barrows, it is to be noticed, 
that, both in England and in India, the arms and ornaments of the deceased 
were buried with him. Further, if the list of weapons given above, 
sketches of some of which accompany this paper (PL IV), be examined, it will 
be seen, that to nearly every single implement or ornament, found in India, 
an exact counterpart can be traced among the specimens dug out of simi- 
lar tumuli in Ireland, which are now in the Museum of the Royal Irish 
Academy in Dublin. 

As further evidence on this point and in support of the view expressed 
in an earlier paragraph that we had indeed the good fortune at Junapani 
to come upon the remains of some chieftain who had been buried centuries 
ago with his arms and horse-trappings, I would refer to the account 
in Bishop Tegnier's Frithiof's Saga of the ceremonies of the burial of 
king Ring, and of the barrow in which the body of the old king was 
laid, together with his charger and his arms. Professor Stephens of 
Copenhagen, whose translation of the poem is well known, was good 
enough to send me a copy of his work some years ago when he heard of our 
success at the Junapani barrows. And in the note to the word " barrow," 
which accompanies the text, is the following description of a tumulus and 
its contents discovered by Russian officers in the steppes of Tartary. This 
description, so exact is the resemblance in detail, might have been written 
of the opening of the Junapani barrow, with the exception that, there 
being no stone other than trap rock available within many miles of Nagpur, 
the Junapani tumulus contained no stone vault. 

" Barrow (perhaps derived from Berg, hill), grave, mound, sepulchral 
heap, was a vast mass of earth and stones raised over the remains of a chief or 
warrior of renown. Commonly one or more timbered or walled chambers 
protected the corpse from contact with the soil itself. Such barrows or 
cairns are found in Scandinavia and in the British Isles, Poland and 
Russia, especially in the steppes of Tartary. The borderers upon these 
deserts (near Tromsky) have for many years continued to dig for treasure 
deposited in these tumuli, and the Russian Court, being informed of these 
depredations, desjjatched an officer to open such of the tumuli as were too 
large for the marauding parties to undertake. He selected the barrow of 
largest dimensions, and a deep covering of earth and stones having been 
removed, the workman came to vaults. The centre and largest, containing 
the bones of the chief, was easily distinguished by the sword, spear, bow, 
quiver and arrow, which lay beside him. In the vault beyond him, toward 
which his feet lay, were his horse and bridle and stirrups." 

The implements figured in Plate IV have been made over by me to 
Mr. Franks, p. e. s., p. s. a., of the British Museum. 

We have then three very striking points of resemblance. In both 
countries the class of tumuli is the same ; the barrows are always placed 



1-1 J. H. llivett-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains [No. 1, 

on the same side of the bill, i. e., on the southern slope ; and the remains 
found within these tumuli are almost identical in character. 

Similarity between the marks found on tiie stones and tiie 
" Cup Marks" of the Barrows in Europe. 

There is yet a fourth and most remarkable circumstance which goes 
far to establish the identity of the remains found in Central India with the 
well-known prehistoric tumuli of Europe. This is the form of the " cup- 
marks" on the stones surrounding the tumuli, the existence of which on the 
Indian remains I was fortunate enough to be the first to discover. These 
cup-marks on the Junapani tumuli and similar markings in the Kumaon 
hills have already been noticed in my paper in the Itock markings in 
Kumaon (see the Journal of the Society for January 1877), but the sub- 
ject requires a brief notice in this place also. 

On the stone circles of England and Scotland are found a variety of 
" Archaic Sculpturings" of various types. The most common of these are 
the cup-marks which are thus described by Sir James Simpson at page 2 of 
his work. 

" First type, single cups. The simplest type of these ancient stone 
and rock cuttings consists of incised, hollowed out depressions or cuj>s, 
varying from an inch to three inches and more in diameter. For the 
most part these cup-cuttings are shallow, consequently their depth is 
usually far less than their diameter ; it is often not more than half an inch, 
and rarely exceeds an inch or an inch and a half. On the same stone or 
each surface they are commonly carved out of many different sizes. These 
cup excavations are, on the whole, usually more smooth and polished over 
their cut surfaces than the ring cuttings are. Sometimes they form the 
only sculpturings on the stone or rock, as on many Scottish monoliths, but 
more frequently they are found mixed up and intermingled with ring cut- 
tings. Among the sculptured rock surfaces, for instance, in Argyleshire, 
there are in one group at Auchuabreach thirty-nine or forty cup cuttings, 
and the same number of ring cuttings, and at Camber there are twenty- 
nine figures, namely, nine single cups, seven cups surrounded by single rings, 
and thirteen cups encircled by a series of concentric rings." 

Now, although I had paid several visits to the barrows of Junapani 
and the neighbourhood and had noticed on the boulders small holes placed 
in lines, I had paid no particular attention to their existence. From their 
regularity and aiTangement and general position on the top of the stones 
(Fl. V, fig. 1, 2, 3), I was led to suppose that they were perhaps the work 
of the cowherds, who grazed their cattle in the neighbourhood, and that 
they were, perhaps, used for some game similar to that which commended 
the tri-junction boundary marks of the village lands to the attention of 
the village children, who, when I was in the Settlement Department, used 



1879.] in Central India. 15 

to be continually causing damage to our boundary platforms. Subsequent 
examination shewed these marks on the sides of the boulders also (PI. V, 
fig. 4), suggesting that they could not be used for the game in question. 
About the same time I was fortunate enough to receive Sir James Simpson's 
book, above alluded to, which established, without doubt, the exact similarity 
between the marks on the Indian barrows and on the monolithic remains 
which have been examined and described in England. 

Two classes of " cup-marks" the one large, the other small, have been 
found, similar to those in the English barrows. But as yet I have not traced 
on the barrows any of the concentric circles noticed by Sir James Simpson.* 
They may, however, be yet brought to light together with perhaps other and 
more striking particulars, linking these tumuli still more closely to the 
remains found at home. On Plate II, Fig. 1, a sketch taken from Sir 
J. Simpson's book of a tumulus with the " cup-marks" on one of the stones 
is given, and on Plate V will be found a sketch of a stone at Junapani 
with the markings as I saw them some years ago. It will be seen, that, 
with the exception of the stone chamber, the absence of which in the 
Nagpur tombs has already been accounted for, there would be no difficulty 
in mistaking the picture for a sketch of one of the Junapani barrows. 
The " cup-markings" are all shallow, the depth of the cup being about i 
of an inch at the most, age probably having told on the carvings. 

In the present paper, I will not stop to discuss at any length the 
significance of these marks. The chief point I am anxious here to esta- 
blish is their resemblance to the markings found in the same class of 
tumuli at home. It may, however, be noticed that the view generally 
adopted at home is, that the " cup marks" are a rough sort of ornamenta- 
tion, and that they have no signification whatsoever. "Without venturing 
an opinion regarding the object which the constructors of the barrows had 
in carving these marks on the stones, I would repeat what I have said in 
my paper on the Kumaon markings, that the arrangement of the cups is 
peculiar and would seem to indicate some design beyond mere ornamenta- 
tion. On no two stones are the marks similar. The combination of large 
and small cups is striking (PI. V, fig. 4). The permutations of the cups on 
the stones already examined are very numerous, f The manner too, in 
which the large cups are introduced, would seem to suggest that the combina- 
tions of marks may have some meaning, which may, perhaps, yet be discovered 
and explained. Those who are acquainted with the system of printing by the 
electric telegraph, and the combination of long and short strokes in Morse 

* These have been found by me on the Kumaon Rocks. See Bengal Asiatic 
Society's Journal, January, 1 877. 

t These are shewn in the paper on the Kumaon markings. See Journal B, A. S., 
January, 1877. 



1G J. H. Ilivctt-Carnac — Prehistoric Remains in Central India. [No. 1, 

Code, and the recent arrangements for communicating signals to troops at 
night, by short and long flashes of lamps, specially adapted to the purpose, 
and by day by the sun-telegraph, will perhaps agree, that it is not altogether 
impossible, that these marks may have some, as yet hidden, signification. 
The Agham writing consists, I understand, of a combination of long and 
short strokes. This writing is found chiefly on sandstone, on which it 
would not be difficult to cut out long strokes with a chisel. On hard 
trap, however, it would be found much easier to make " cup-marks," by 
working a chisel round and round, than to cut strokes ; and is it impossi- 
ble, that, perhaps, on the trap boulders, the " cups," large and small, took 
the place of the long and short strokes of the sandstone lettering, in the 
same way that the barrows took the place of Cromlechs in the localities 
in which sandstone was not procurable ? Or that, if this theory is unte- 
nable, the marks denote the age of the deceased or the number of his 
children, or the number of the enemies slain by the warrior, whose remains 
are buried in the tomb encircled by the stone ? 

Whatever conclusion may be arrived at regarding the possible correct- 
ness of any of the above suggestions, I think it will be generally admitted, 
that the four points of resemblance noticed above as existing between the 
remains found in this country and in Europe are of more than common 
interest. 

The sketches will shew that (I) the shape of the tumuli in India and 
in Europe is the same. 

(II) The barrows in India and in Europe always face towards the 
south. 

(III) The remains found in the Indian barrows resemble almost 
exactly the remains dug out of similar burial-places in Europe. 

(IV) The cup-marks on the boulders which surround the Indian 
tombs are identical with the marks found on the stones placed around the 
same class of tumuli in Europe. 

The inferences to be drawn from these points will be noticed in a later 
paper. 



H. RIVETT-CAF.NAC.- 



-Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII. Fart I, 1B79 



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H. RIVETT-CARNAC. -Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XL VIII, Parti, 1879. PLATE II. 



mW 




FU. 1. 



Pift. 2. 




Z. lc cached, at tae Surveyor General's Office Calcutta, 

BARROWS AND CUP MARKS IN EUROPE, 
To shew the similarity between the European and Indian Types. 

( From Sir J. Simpson's "Archaic Sculpturing." ) 



R] ! - - 



I ' I 




IRON IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN THE JUNAPANI BARROWS. 
(Prom Photographs.) 



Lithographed at the Surveyor General's 0£Hce, Calcutta, July IS79. 



H. RIVETT - CARNAC.-Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XL VIII, Parti, 187y. PLATE V. 



Fig. 1. 




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Rough Plan to show arrangement of boulders cup-marked on top. 




Boulder showing cup-marks on top 



Fig. 4. 




Boulder with cup-marks on side. 



Boulder cup-marked on top. 



H. Itivett-Carnao, del. Zmeogrophed at the Surveys- General's Office Calcutta. 

CUP - MARKED BOULDERS. 
Scale of Figures 2, 3, & 4, I Inch = 1 Foot. 



1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac— The Snake Symbol in India. 17 



The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the worship of 
Siva. — By J. H. Rivett-Cabnac, Esq., c. I. e., e. s. a., m. e. a. s., &c. 

In his work on " Tree and Serpent Worship" Mr. Fergusson has urged 
the desirability of workers in the rich field of Indian Antiquarian research 
collecting information regarding the worship of the snake, which is known 
to prevail in various forms in many parts of India. 

The accompanying instalment of rough jottings and sketches, made 
at various times, has been worked up by me into the present imperfect 
shape during the Christmas holidays. It is now submitted to the Society 
in the hope that this paper, although doubtless full of faults, may at least 
induce discussion, and thereby assist in placing me on the right track, and 
in awakening further interest in this important subject amongst those who 
have better opportunity than I have of following it up. 

The snake as a personal ornament, or as a canopy surmounting the 
figure, is not, of course, confined to representations of Siva, and in the col- 
lection of the deities of the Hindu Pantheon that I have been able to make, 
the five-headed snake (Nag panchamukhi) is to be seen overshadowing 
Vishnu, Garuda and others. The Sesha or Ananta in the pictures of 
Vishnu is well known. Still, as Moor says at p. 36 of his Hindu Panthe- 
on, " As emblems of immortality, serpents are common ornaments with many 
deities. But Mahadeo seems most abundantly bedecked with them ; bound 
in his hair, round his neck, wrist, waist, arms and legs, as well as for 
rings, snakes are his constant attendants." 

The serpent appears on the prehistoric cromlechs and menhirs of 
Europe, on which, as stated in my paper on the Kamaon Rock-carvings 
published in the Society's Journal for January 1877, I believe, the remains 
of phallic worship may also be traced. What little attention I have been 
able to give to the serpent-sjmibol, has been chiefly in its connection with 
the worship of Mahadeo or Siva, with a view to ascertain whether the wor- 
ship of the snake and that of Mahadeo or the phallus may be considered 
identical, and whether the presence of the serpent on the prehistoric remains 
of Europe can be shewn to support my theory that the markings on the 
cromlechs and menhirs are indeed the traces of this form of worship, 
carried to Europe from the East by the tribes whose remains are buried 
beneath the tumuli. 

During my visits to Benares, the chief centre of Siva worship in 
India, I have always carefully searched for the presence of the snake-sym- 
bol. On the most ordinary class of " Mahadeo," a rough stone placed on 
end supposed to represent the phallus, the serpent is not generally seen. 




18 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symlol in India. [No. 1, 

But in the temples and in the better class of shrines which abound in the 
city and the neighbourhood, the snake is generally found encircling the 
phallus in the manner shewn in Plate VI, fig. 8. 

The tail of the snake is sometimes carried down the yoni, and in one 
case I found two snakes on a shrine in the manner figured in Plate VI, fig. 
5,6. 

In the Benares bazar I once came across a splendid metal cobra, the 
head erect and hood expanded, so made as to be placed around and above a 
stone or metal " Mahadeo." It is now in England. The attitude of the 
cobra when excited and the expansion of the head will suggest the reason 
for this snake representing Mahadeo and the phallus. 

In several instances in Benares, I have found the Nag surrounding 
and surmounting the hump of the " Nandi" or Siva's Bull. In such cases 
the hump is apparently recognised as a Mahadeo, as the remains of flowers, 
libations and other offerings were found thereon. 

I hardly venture to suggest that the existence of the hump is the 
reason for the Nandi being selected as the Valian or " vehicle" of Siva. 
But the circumstance may be worth noticing. I am of course aware that 
the Bull is a symbol of generation and reproduction, traceable to its position 
in the Zodiac at the Vernal Equinox. But it may have been recognised as 
Siva's Vahan, long before the honor was assigned to it of introducing it 
into the Equinox. And its position with regard to Siva may have secured 
for it this important place in the signs of the Zodiac. 

The snake in conjunction with Mahadeo is further to be traced in 
several of the metal specimens of the collection now forwarded for the 
inspection of the Society. In two small shrines, containing " Ganas" or 
assemblages of deities, of which the Mahadeo or Linga is the centre, the 
Nag or cobra can be seen to hold the chief position at the back of the shrine. 
In a remarkable bracelet purchased in Benares, consisting of a mass of Maha- 
deos and yonis, many of which are arranged in circles like cromlechs, the 
serpent can be traced encircling the phallus. It is again to be seen forming 
the handle of a spoon and surmounting the figure of Ganesha, Siva's son, 
wherewith holy Ganges-water is taken from the cup, and sprinkled over 
the Mahadeo by pilgrims and worshippers at the shrines of Benares and 
other Siva temples. It is seen again in the sacrificial lamp, used in the 
same worship. In the centre of the lamp is a space for a small " Mahadeo," 
an agate in the shape of an egg, brought, it is said, from Banda and the 
hilly country of the Ncrbudda, rich in these pebbles, which are imported 
annually in large quantities into Benares. And the snake-canopy can be 
recognised again forming the back-ground of the shrine of the figure of 
Anna-Puma Devi, a form of Siva's sakti Parvati. The snake is present 



1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. 19 

again in a specimen where Siva's Bull or Nandi supports the Lotus, repre- 
senting the female or watery principle, and within which is enclosed an agate 
egg (the jewel of the lotus ?), representing Mahadeo or the male principle. 
Above this is a small pierced vessel which should contain Granges water, to 
trickle through the aperture and keep anointed the sacred stone placed 
beneath it. The vessel or lota is supported by a Nag or cobra, the head 
erect, the hood expanded, forming the conventional canopy of the shrines of 
Siva. 

The serpent with the tree is to be seen on the canopies of shrines. 
In one case the shrine with a cobra-canopy has the Linga and yoni or Maha- 
deo complete. 

Most of the other canopies, as I will call these backs of shrines, were 
purchased as old brass or old copper, and the deities belonging to them had 
perhaps long since been broken up and melted down. In some of them the 
tree, with the serpent twisted round the trunk, is very distinct. One of 
them has been figured by me in the annexed sketch, Plate VII, fig. 3. I was 
hardly prepared to find the tree and the serpent together in this form, in a 
shrine apparently used comparatively recently, if not in the present day, and 
I hope for some explanation of these interesting symbols from Dr. Rajendra- 
lala Mitra, or some other authority.* 

The Bell, sent with the collection on which a hooded snake overshadows 
the figures of Garuda and Hanuman, seems, from these figures, to be 
adaptable for use at a shrine of either Vishnu or Siva. Lastly, the brass 
models represent the cobra with head erect and hood expanded, the design 
somewhat elaborated and ornamented. Although, in one of them at least, 
there is no space for the Mahadeo, these Nags are, I am assured, considered 
symbolical of life or generation, and as such are worshipped as Siva or 
Mahadeo or the Linga or Phallus or whatever it may be called. 

All these specimens were picked up in the metal bazar in Benares, 
where the fashionable trays, " specimen-vases," and much Philistine work 
are now made and exposed for sale. In most cases the specimens were raked 
out with difficulty from among sacks containing old metal, collected to be 
broken up and melted down for the manufacture of the brass-ware now in 
vogue. 

Although the presence of the snake in these models cannot be said to 
prove much, and although from the easy adaptibility of its form, the snake 
must always have been a favourite subject in ornament, still it will be seen 
that the serpent is prominent in connection with the conventional shape 
under which Mahadeo is worshipped at Benares and elsewhere, that it 
sometimes even takes the place of the Linga, and that it is to be found 
entwined with almost every article connected with this worship. 

* See Appendix, p. 31. 



20 J. H. RivettrCarnac — The SnctJce Symbol in India. [No. 1, 

It might be expected that the Nag or Cobra would be seen at its best 
in the carvings or idols of Nageshwar, the Cobra or Snake Temple of 
Benares. But in this I was disappointed ; Nageshwar, as I saw it, consisted 
of two temples, or an inner and outer shrine, the one called Sideshwar, the 
other Nageshwar. In the outer or Nageshwar shrine was a large sized 
stone Mahadeo, of ordinary construction without the snake on it or round 
it. The old woman in charge of the temple, the priest being absent, 
assured me that a snake had once surmounted the Mahadeo, but .that the 
symbol had been worn away by much veneration. The story was most 
probably manufactured for the occasion in consequence of my manifest dis- 
appointment at the absence of the Nag. 

A Bull or Nandi and a Cobra faced the Mahadeo. The contents of 
the inner temple were peculiar. The Mahadeo consists of a broad black 
stone in shape something like a tumulus. It is sunk some little depth 
below the ground, and is surrounded by four stone slabs forming a small 
square tank. There was no yoni with this Mahadeo, the tank perhaps 
representing the yoni. On the top of the Mahadeo had been traced, 
Avith some sort of white pigment, a circle with a central dot or cup 
mark, exactly similar in shajae to the circles with centres noticed in 
my paper on the Kumaon Kock-markings. These marks are common 
enough at Benares, and are to be seen painted on the bamboo umbrellas 
which line the ghats and are also dabbed about freely on the walls of 
buildings. Further enquiry has confirmed the opinion expressed by me 
and supported by Mr. Campbell of Islay in my paper on Kumaon rock 
markings, that, whatever it may have meant in Europe, in India the sign 
means Mahadeo. There seems to be little doubt that at Nageshwar 
the snake god is Mahadeo himself, or that he is worshipped under that name, 
and that Nageshwar is a temple of Siva or Mahadeo in the form of a Nag 
or cobra. 

These same marks were to be seen on a Mahadeo in a small shrine 
under a tree close by. In front of Nageshwar were the graves of the Gosains 
of the temple. They resemble the graves of Chandeshwar in Kumaon, 
noticed in my paper on the Kumaon Bock Markings. The Kumaon 
graves were evidently the graves of Gosains of the Siva sect who I have 
uince learnt are always buried, not burnt.* At Benares, as at Chandeshwar, 

* Vide Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 445. " The priests of Eklinga are termed 
" Gosain or Goswami which signifies control over the senses. The distinguishing mark 
" of the faith of Siva is the crescent on the forehead. They bury their dead in a sit- 
" ting posture, and erect cairns over them which aro generally conical in form. I 
" have seen a cemetery of these, each of very small dimensions, which may bo described 



1879.] J. H. Eivett-Carnac — TJte SnaJce Symbol in India. 21 

a platform had been raised above the grave, on the top of which were 
placed a Mahadeo and yoni. A representation of Siva's Trident and the 
soles of two feet, not unlike those figured in Fergusson's Eastern Archi- 
tecture, were also noticed on the grave. 

Our cicerone informed \is that the feet were represented here in order 
that pilgrims might fall down and worship at the feet of the Gosain, who, 
dying, had become a saint and deserving of worship. 

A visit in search of the snake symbol to the Nag Kuan, or serpent well, 
was rewarded with better success. Tbe well itself is described by the Eev. 
Mr. Sherring in his " Sacred City of the Hindus," from wbich I may be per- 
mitted to quote the following passage : 

" The Nag Kuan or serpent's well is situated in a ward of the city 
called after the name of the well Nag Kuan Mahalla, whicb adjoins the 
Ausan Gang Mahalla. This well bears marks of considerable antiquity ; 
and from the circumstance of an extensive district of Benares being de- 
signated by its name, there is no doubt that it must be regarded as one of 
the oldest historical places the present city possesses. The construction of 
this well was, probably, nearly, if not quite coeval with the building of the 
Mahalla or ward itself, which, we may imagine, was described as that part 
of the city containing the well — the well being the most important and 
noticeable object there : and, so gradually, the inhabitants associated the 
Mahalla with the well, and called them by the same name. The ward is in 
the north-western part of the city, at some distance from the Ganges. 
The quarter lying to the east of this ward, that is, between it and the 
Ganges, is, as I have already remarked, in all likelihood, the oldest portion of 
the present city ; and, therefore, the Nag-Kuan ward would have been ori- 
ginally in its suburbs. It is even possible that one of the first places built 
in these suburbs, and frequented by the people, was this well, and that its 
existence was one of the reasons, perhaps the chief, for the settling of a 
poprdation in its neighbourhood. No person in Benares can tell when the 
well was made ; but there is a reference to its existence in the Kasi-Khanda. 

" Steep stone stairs, in the form of a square, lead down to the well ; and 
a broad wall of good masonry, six or seven feet thick, surrounds them at 
their summit, rising to the height of four or five feet above the ground. 
Each of the four series of stairs has an entrance of its own. Their junc- 
tion below forms a small square, in the centre of which is the well. De- 

" as so many concentric rings of earth diminishing to the apex crowned with a 
" cylindrical stone pillar." 

Now may not the circular tomb have represented the womb or yoni of mother 
earth, the corpse, which is to be born again to a new life, being placed in the posi- 
tion as in the mother's womb t 



22 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Si/mlol in India. [No. 1, 

scending twelve stone steps you reach the water which is stagnant and 
foul. Beneath the water is a sheet of iron, which constitutes the door 
leading to a still lower well, which perhaps may he the old well in its ori- 
ginal state. The stairs, I suspect, are not of great date. On the inside of 
those to the east is an inscription, to the effect that, in 1825 Samvat, or 
nearly one hundred years ago, a Raja extensively repaired the well. It is 
possible he may have built the stairs then. Many of the slabs of stone of 
which they are composed display carvings on their external surface, some 
of which bear unmistakeable marks of considerable antiquity. These 
slabs were doubtless taken from dilapidated buildings in the neighbour- 
hood. A thorough examination of them, especially of the more ancient 
among them, would, I am satisfied, be not unproductive of interesting 
results. The wall was also repaired by Mr. Prinsep about thirty years 
ago. 

" At this well the Nag or serpent is worshipped. In a niche in the wall 
of one of the stairs is a figure representing three serpents ; and, on the 
floor, is an emblem of Mahadeo in stone, with a snake crawling up it. 
The well is visited, for religious purposes, only once in the year, namely, on 
the 24th and 25th days of the month Sawan, when immense numbers of 
persons come to it, on pilgrimage, from all parts of the city. The women 
come on the first day, and the men on the second. They offer sacrifices 
both to the well and to Nageshwar, or the serpent-god". (Sherring's 
Sacred City of the Hindus.) 

The well does not seem to attract much attention during most months 
of the year. I have often passed it and seen but few people there. In the 
dry season, there is little or no water in it. But the " Nag Punchami" — 
is a gala day at the well, and I believe at most Siva temples. The 
Mahadeo from the neighbouring temple of " Nageshwar" is brought 
to the third step of the stairs on the west side of the tank surmount- 
ing the well, and Hindus of all classes come in thousands to adore 
the Mahadeo and bathe in the well, which, as the " Nag Punchami" 
Fair is held in July, or during the rains, is filled with water at this 
season. On the fourth step of the stairs above mentioned, are six circular 
holes, each 4.} inches in diameter and about 4 inches deep arranged in a row. 
Being always on the look out for " cup marks," I immediately noticed 
these holes, but the Brahman in attendance explained that they were intended 
to collect the libations poured over the Mahadeo, and which trickled down 
from the gutter above. The same idea, Dr. Keller informed me at Zurich, 
exists in Switzerland, regarding these cup marks. And from a paper, 
recently received from the Society of Antiquaries of France, I learn 
that cup marks are frequently found on stones and slabs in the founda- 



1879.] J. H. Bivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India, 23 

tions and walls of old churches in the north of Europe. To the right of 
the spot where the Mahadeo is placed, three stone slabs or panels, appa- 
rently of great age, have been let into the wall. On one of these, two 
cobras standing on their tails (see Plate VI, fig. 7) have been roughly 
carved. On the next are two cobras intertwined in the attitude men- 
tioned by Mr. Fergusson in the Appendix to his work on " Tree and Serpent 
worship." The cobras are somewhat battered, but the spectacle marks on 
one is still traceable (see Plate VI, fig. 4) . The third slab contains a 
head, also much battered and weather-worn, which has been at one time 
surmounted by an ornament of some kind, possibly a cobra, but the form 
of which is no longer distinguishable. The heads of the twin cobras and 
of the human figure are all freely daubed with red paint, shewing their 
sacredness in the eyes of the Hindu visitors. The slabs appear to be very 
old and to have been collected from the ruins of some old temple. 

To the left and some steps lower down, is a niche or shrine containing 
an ordinary Mahadeo and yoni with cobra twined round it as shewn in the 
sketch (Plate VI, fig. 8). 

Behind on a tablet or panel, let into the wall, is the head of a cobra, 
roughly carved, and of the same character and style as the cobras above 
noticed. On a smaller panel to the right, two snakes are again repre- 
sented intertwined, but shewing one twist less than in the pair previously 
noticed. Below the panel are the rough marks as shewn in the sketch 
(Plate VI, fig. 2) which may be either the remains of a rough inscription or 
perhaps of chisel or mason's marks. In two other places also was the twin 
snake symbol found. In the one case, the snakes are intertwined with ap- 
parently an egg between the two heads (Plate VI, fig. 3). In the other, the 
snakes are not intertwined and the egg appears to have been broken (Plate 
VI, fig. 7). These tablets or slabs appear to be of great antiquity. There 
seemed to be little doubt here, that the snakes were worshipped at the 
" Nag Kuan" as representing Mahadeo, and the act of congress, in which 
the snakes are represented as engaged, suggests the connection of these 
symbols with Siva worship. 

Whilst on the subject of the snake well or tank, I would notice that 
snake wells are frequently found attached to temples of Mahadeo. I 
saw such a well recently in Kumaon close to the temple of Mahadeo, below 
the monoliths worshipped as representing Mahadeo, on the road between 
Almorah and Devi Dkoora. A snake was supposed to inhabit the tank or 
well. I venture to throw out the suggestion, that the snake in the well 
may represent the post, or Mahadeo, in the tank, the well representing the 
yoni or tank as explained by Moor in his " Hindu Pantheon." The mys- 
terious snake inhabiting the well is, of course, not confined to India ; and 



2-A J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. [No. I, 

Schwalbach, and other snake wells in Europe will suggest themselves to 
many. 

Later I visited the Benares Palace of the Rajahs of Nagpur situated 
on the Ganges and built in the palmy days of the Bhonslahs, and when a 
visit to Benares was frequently undertaken by some of the family or its chief 
dependents. In a shrine within the buildings, I found the Mahadeo repre- 
sented by a cobra or Nag, the coils of which were so elaborately intertwined 
as to make an accurate sketch of the arrangement a matter of no small 
difficulty. Here the Nag is certainly worshipped as a Mahadeo or phallus. 
The much intertwined Nag is shewn in Plate VII, fig. 1. 

The Palace of the Bhonslahs at Benares brings me to Nagpur, where, 
many years ago, I commenced to make, with but small success, some rough 
notes on serpent worship. Looking up some old sketches, I find that the 
Mahadeo in the oldest temples at Nagpur is surmounted by the Nag as at 
Benares. And in the old temple near the palace of Nagpur, or city of the 
Nag or cobra, is a five-headed snake elaborately coiled as shewn in Fig. 2, 
Plate VII. The Bhonslahs apparently took the many-coiled Nag with them 
to Benares. A similar representation of the Nag is found in the temple near 
the Itwarah gate at Nagpur. Here again the Nag or cobra is certainly 
worshipped as Mahadeo or the phallus, and as already noticed, there are 
certain obvious points connected with the position assumed by the cobra 
when excited, and the expansion of the hood, which suggest the reason for 
this snake, in particular, being adopted as a representation of the phallus 
and an emblem of Siva. 

The worship of the snake is very common in the old Nagpur Province 
where, especially among the lower class, the votaries of Siva or Nag bhu- 
sltan, " he who wears snakes as his ornaments," are numerous. It is likely 
enough that the City took its name from the Nag temple, still to be seen 
there, and that the river Nag perhaps took its name from the city or 
temple, and not the city from the river, as some think. Certain it is that 
many of the Kunbi or cultivating class worship the snake, and the snake 
only, and that this worship is something more than the ordinary supersti- 
tious awe, with which all Hindus regard the snake. I find from my notes 
that one Kunbi whom I questioned in old days, when I was a Settlement 
Officer hi Camp in the Nagpur Division, stated that he worshipped the Nag 
and nothing else ; that he worshipped clay images of the snake, and when lie 
could afford to pay snake-catchers for a look at a live one, he worshipped 
the living snake ; that if he saw a Nag on the road, he would worship it, and 
that he believed no Hindu would kill a Nag or cobra, if he knew it were 
a Nag. He then gave mc the following list of articles he would use in wor- 



1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. 25 

shipping the snake, when he could afford it ; and I take it, the list is similar 
to what would be used in ordinary Siva worship. 

1. Water. 

2. Gandh, pigment of sandalwood for the forehead or body. 

3. Cleaned rice. 

4. Flowers. 

5. Leaves of the Bail Tree. 

6. Milk. 

7. Curds. 

8. A thread or piece of cloth. 

9. Red powder. 

10. Saffron. 

11. Abir, a powder composed of fragrant substances (?) 

12. Garlands of flowers. 

13. Buttemah or gram soaked and parched. 

14. Joivarri (holcus sorghum) do. 

15. Five lights. 

16. Sweetmeats. 

17. Betel leaves. 

18. Cocoanut, or nut. 

19. A sum of money (according to means). 

20. Flowers offered by the suppliant, the palms of the hands being 

joined. 

All these articles, my informant assured me, were offered to the snake 
in regular succession, one after the other, the worshipper repeating the 
while certain mantras or incantations. Having offered all these gifts, the 
worshipper prostrates himself before the snake, and begging for pardon if 
he has ever offended against him, craves that the snake will continue his 
favour upon him and protect him from every danger. 

The Deshpandia or chief Pandia (Putwari) of the parganah, who 
was in attendance with the Settlement Camp, also got for me the following 
mantra or verse to be used in the antidote for a snake-bite or to charm 
snakes. 

mwz i 
i^# v?*rr lire ^t^ ^rJiWtwT *?TJrerflT'<3^'jr5iT»i'sn:*jn: ^rg Hjrzw^ n ^ it 

D 



26 J. H. airett-Carnao— The Snake Symlol in India. [No. 1, 

The village where I was encamped was rich in Tanddhs, mat-enclosures 
of betel leaf cultivation. The Baris who cultivate the betel-creeper or 
JVdqballi or Cobra-creeper, as it is called, are, from their constant contact 
with the Nag-creeper, supposed to be on terms of friendship and to bave 
influence with the snakes, and are often invoked to assist in curing persons 
who have offended, and who have consequently been bitten by the snake 
deota or deity. Besides the mantra given above, a remedy employed 
by the Baris is, I was told, to slap on the mouth the person who brings 
the news of the accident ! These Baris are generally snake-worsbippers, 
and as snakes are often found in the cool, well- watered and covered enclo- 
sures, in which the delicate creeper is grown, this desire to keep on good 
terms with tbe deity may readily be understood. I find too tbat I noted at 
the same time that those who worshipped snakes also worshipped the ant-hills 
or mounds of eartb thrown up by ants. The holes of these ant-hills are held, 
correctly or incorrectly I cannot say, to be full of snakes. I should like 
further information on this point and would enquire whether the worship 
of ant-hills may not be on account of their pyramidical shape and hence 
connection with Siva worship ? 

The " Nag panchami" or 5th day of the moon in Sawan is a great fete 
in the city of Nagpur, and more than usual license is indulged in on 
that day. Rough pictures of snakes, in all sorts of sharjes and positions, 
are sold and distributed, something after the manner of Valentines. I 
cannot find any copies of these queer sketches, and, if I could, they would 
hardly be fit to be reproduced. Mr. J. W. Neill, C. S., the present Commis- 
sioner of Nagpur, was good enough to send me some superior Valentines of 
this class, and I submit them now for the inspection of tbe Society. It 
will be seen that in these paintings, some of which are not without merit 
either as to design or execution, no human figures are introduced. In the 
ones I have seen, in days gone by, the positions of the women with the 
snakes were of the most indecent description and left no doubt that, so 
far as the idea represented in these sketches was concerned, the cobra was 
regarded as the phallus. In the pictures now sent the snakes will be seen 
represented in congress, in the well known form of the Caduceus or 
Esculapian rod. Then the many-headed snake, drinking from the jewelled 
cup, takes one back to some of the symbols of the mysteries of bygone 
days ? The snake twisted round the tree and the second snake approaching 
it are suggestive of the temptation and fall ? But I am not unmindful of 
the pitfalls from which Wilford suffered, and I quite see that it is not 
impossible that this picture may be held to be not ■ strictly Hindu in its 
treatment. Still the tree and the serpent are on the brass models, which 
accompany this paper and which I have already shewn are to be purchased 



1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. 27 

in the Benares Brass Bazaar of to-day — many hundreds of miles away from 
Nagpvir where these Valentines were drawn. I am in correspondence with 
Mr. J. W. Neill on the subject, and hope to send some further information 
regarding the meaning of what may certainly be said to be these curious 
pictures of the Cobra. I shall be interested to learn how far their character 
may be considered by those, who are competent to judge on this subject, 
to connect them with the worship of Mahadeo ? 

I have now to state briefly the direction in which I would desire that 
these imperfect notes should be considered to lead. As the Society know, 
I have for some time past been endeavouring to collect information on the 
points of resemblance between the tumuli of India and the well known 
types of Scandinavia, of Brittany and of the British Isles. In my paper 
on the Kumaon Kock markings, besides noting the resemblance between 
the cup markings of India and of Europe, I hazarded the theory that the 
concentric circles and certain cm-ious markings of what some have called the 
" jews-harp" type, so common in Europe, are traces of Phallic worship, 
carried there by tribes whose hosts descended into India, pushed forward 
into the remotest corners of Europe and as their traces now seem to 
suggest, found their way on to the American Continent also. 

Whether these markings really ever were intended to represent the 
Phallus and the Yoni, must always remain a matter of opinion. But I 
have no reason to be dissatisfied with the reception with which this, to 
many somewhat unpleasant, theory has met in some of the Antiquarian 
Societies of Europe. 

No one who compares the stone Yonis of Benares, sent herewith, 
with the engravings on the first page of the work on the rock mark- 
ings of Northumberland and Argyleshire, published privately by the 
Duke of Northumberland, President of the Newcastle Society of Anti- 
quaries, which is also sent for the inspection of the Society, will deny 
that there is an extraordinary resemblance between the conventional sym- 
bol of Siva worship of to-day and the ancient markings on the rocks, men- 
hirs and cromlechs of Northumberland, of Scotland, of Ireland, of Brittany, 
of Scandinavia and other parts of Europe. 

And a further examination of the forms of the cromlechs and tumuli 
and menhirs will suggest that the tumuli themselves were intended to 
indicate the symbols of the Mahadeo and yoni, conceived in no obscene 
sense, but as representing regeneration, the new life, " life out of death, 
life everlasting," which those buried in the tumuli, facing towards the sun 
in its meridian, were expected to enjoy in the hereafter. Professor Stephens, 
the well known Scandinavian Antiquary, writing to me recently, speaks of 
these symbols as follows : 



28 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — TJic Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1, 

" The pieces (papers) you were so good as to send me were very valu- 
able and welcome. There can be no doubt that it is to India we are to 
look for the solution of many of our difficult archaeological questions. 

" But especially interesting is your paper on the Ancient Rock Sculp- 
turings. I believe that you are quite right in your views. Nay I go 
further. I think that the Northern Bulb-stones are explained by the 
same combination. I therefore send you by this post a copy of the part 
for 1874 of the Swedish Archaeological Journal containing Baron Herculius' 
excellent dissertation on these objects. Though in Swedish, you can easily 
understand it, at least the greater part, by reading it as a kind of broad 
north-English. At all events you can examine the many excellent wood- 
cuts. I look upon these things as late conventionalized abridgements of 
the Linga and Yoni, life out of death, life everlasting — thus a fitting 
ornament for the graves of the departed. 

" In the same way the hitherto not understood small stones with 1 or 
2 or 3 or 4 etc. distinct cups cut in them (vulgarly called chipping-stones, 
which they never were or could be) I regard as the same thing for domestic 
worship, house altars, the family Penates." 

I may note that this distinguished antiquary has adopted as a mono- 
gram for his writing paper a " menhir," round which a serpent is coiled, 
evidently copied from old Scandinavian remains. 

Many who indignantly repudiate the idea of the prevalence of phallic 
worship among our remote ancestors, hold that these symbols represent 
the snake or the sun. But admitting this, may not the snake, after all, 
have been but a symbol of the phallus ? And the sun,* the invigorating 

* Since -writing this I have come across the following remarks by Tod in the Asiatic 

Eesearches : ' The Suroi were in fact the Sauras, inhabiting the peninsula of Sau- 

r'ashtra, the Saurastrcne and Syrastrene already quoted from the Periplus, and the 

kingdom immediately adjoining, that of Tessarioustus, to the eastward. That the 

2upoi of Saur'ashtra, and the Syrians of Asia Minor had the same origin, appears 

from the worship of Surya, or the Sun. I have little doubt, we have more than 

one "city of the sun"* in this tract; indeed, the only temples of the Sun I have 

met with in India, are in Saur'ashtra. The temple raised to Bal in Tadmorf in the 

Desert, by Solomon, whore he worshipped "Bill and Ashtoroth, the strange gods of the 

Sidonians," was the Bal-nat'h, or Great God of tho Hindus, the Vivifier, the Sun : and 

the Pillar erected to him " in every grove, and on every high hill ; " the Lingam, or 

Phallus, the emblem of Bal ; Bal-nat'h, Bal-cesari, % or as Bal-Iswara, tho Osiris of tho 

Egyptians ; and as Nand-Iswara, their Serapis, or Lord of tho Sacred Bull ; Nanda, or 

Apis " the Calf of Egypt," which the chosen people bowed to " when their hearts were 

turned away from the Lord." 

* Heliopolie (Suryapura) was one capital of Syria. 

t Hence its name Bal-bec, lSecisan idol: so Fcrishta derives it, the idol Bal This, the capital in 
future times of the unfortunate Zenohia, was translated by tho Greeks to Palmyra; for it is hut a translation 

of Tad-tar, or Tal-mor, ami can have an Indian derivation, from Tar, or Tal, the Date, or Palmyra-tree ; 
and M<>r, the head, chief, or crown 

\ C.'esari, a lion, llenee the royal appellation of the Ciesars; and Lion (Sin'ha) Lords of India, have 
the same meanuifr. 



1879.] J. H. Bivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. 29 

power of nature, has ever, I believe, been considered to represent the same 
idea, not necessarily obscene, but the great mystery of nature, the life 
transmitted from generation to generation, or, as Professor Stephen puts 
it, "life out of death, life everlasting." The same idea in fact which, 
apart from any obscene conception, causes the rude Mahadeo and yoni to 
be worshipped daily by hundreds of thousands of Hindus. 

In a most interesting paper recently read at the Society of Antiquaries 
of France, some extracts of which I am now preparing for the Society, 
the authors M. M. Edouard Piette and Julien Sacaze have actually dis- 
covered the remains of phallic worship still existing among the people of 
the Pyrennees, the existence of which in Scandinavia, in days gone by, has 
already been brought to the notice of the Society by Dr. Pajendralala 
Mitra. These Archaeologists have established the fact that to this day the 
menhir is still reverenced in the Pyrennees as the phallus. And referring 
to certain cromlechs in the neighbourhood, M. M. Piette and Sacaze hold 
that the circle, and central stone represent the " Sun." The sun, they 
suppose, was the sacred symbol of these tribes, and they suggest that the 
tumuli and sacred places of the race, were raised in this form, just as we 
now build our churches in the shape of a cross and place the sign of the 
cross on the graves of our dead. Whilst I was writing these very remarks 
on the Kumaon markings, M. M. Piette and Sacaze were noticing the same 
points in regard to the tumuli of the Pyrennees. There are not wanting 
other remarkable points of resemblance between their paper and the Indian 
remains, with which M. Bertrand, President of the Society of Antiquaries 
of France, was much struck, and which induced him to send me, in Septem- 
ber 1877, the proof sheets of the Proceedings of the Society. But the cir- 
cumstance to which, in connection with the serpent worship of the above 
notes, I attach the greatest importance is, that I find that in many of 
these groups of tumuli, the circle is found with the serpent coiled round it. 

" Thus Bal was the type of productiveness, and Ashtoreth, as destruction, most 
probably that of the Eight (Ashta) armed mother. A'shta-Tara-Devi', or the radiated 
Goddess of Destiny, is always depicted as trampling- on the monster Bhainsastir, aided 
by her lion (when she resembles Cybele, or the Phrygian Diana) and in each of her 
eight arms holding a weapon of destruction : but I have ventured to pursue the subject 
elsewhere. I shall merely remark on the Suroi of Menander, that amongst the thirty- 
six royal races of Hindus, especially pertaining to Saur'ashtra, is that of Sarweya, as 
written in the Bhakha, but classically Suryaswa. The historian of the Court of Anhul- 
warra* thus introduces it : " And thou, Sarweya, essence of the martial races." No 
doubt, it was, with many others, of Scythic origin, perhaps from Zariaspa, or Bactria, 
introduced at a period when the worship of Bal, or the Sun, alone was common to the 
nations east and west of the Indus ; when, as Pinkerton says, a grand Scythic empire 
extended to the Ganges. Here I must drop Apollodotus and Menander, for the history 
of their exploits extends no further than the Suroi." — Tod in Asiatic Researches., 
* Nehrwara of D'Anville and Renaudot. 



30 J. H. Rivett-Carnac — The Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1, 

May not this represent the serpent encircling the Malutdeo as now seen 
in India and in the form which during many centuries has perhaps not 
undergone any great change ? 

A further detailed consideration of this view must be deferred until I 
can submit to the Society the result of the enquiries of M. M. Piette and 
Sacaze, many of the points of which, in connection with the remains dis- 
covered in India, cannot, I believe, be considered other than most remarkable. 

And I may add in conclusion that no one who has been in this country 
and who has noticed the monolith Mahadeos of the Western Ghats of the 
Himalayas and other parts of India, can fail to be struck with the resem- 
blance that the menhirs of Carnac* in Brittany and its neighbourhood 
bear to the Siva emblems of India. I visited these remarkable remains 
when at home last year, and was quite taken aback by their resemblance 
to well-known Indian types. The monoliths of Scotland covered with 
what I believe to be " Mahadeo" symbols are of the same class. Added 
to this, in the recesses of the Pyrennees, the people whose language sug- 
gests their descent from the Tribes who erected the tumuli and men- 
hirs, not only in this neighbourhood but also in other parts of Europe, 
still preserve traditions connected with these monoliths and have actually 
retained some traces of what I will call Siva worship. With this evidence, 
added to the points noticed in my paper on the Junapani Barrows and the 
Kumaon markings, the connection between the marks in India and Europe 
may then, I hope, be considered tolerably complete. 

Appendix. 



Note on the articles exhibited by Mr. Rivett-Carnac. — By Babu Pba- 
tapa Chandra Ghosha, b. a. 

It is interesting to observe how the ornamental and the artistic help 
in conrqnicating the myths of the Hindu religion. The occurrence of the 
snake on several of the articles exhibited is ornamental in some and in- 
consistent with the Sastras in a few. The snake on the spoon or ladle is 
for ornamental purposes, and that on the bell is altogether out of place. 
The Sastras make no mention of the necessity of any such figures on the 
handles of spoons, sacrificial ladles or water-pots. In the case of the bell 
the only figure directed to be represented on a religious bell is that of 
Garuda, the bird-god. The Padma Purana has the following — " He is not 

* I may be permitted to tie egotistical enough to note, that Carnac, the surname 
which my grandfather added to his own, by sign-manual on succeeding to General 
Carnac's property, is the Celtic "Carnej," "Cairn," or collection of monoliths, for 
which the Tillage whence General Carnac took his name is celebrated. The family 
crest, a crescent and dagger, bears an extraordinary resemblance to the markings on 
some of the menhirs. 



Journ As. Soc. Bengal, Part I, 1879. 



PLATE m 



Fig. 1. 



Fig. 3. 




H. Bivett-Carnac, fee. 



A E Oaiiclv. del. 
PhotorfMographea at tke Surveyor Generals Office CaWta 



ILLUSTRATIONS OP Mr. H. RIVETT - CARNAC'S PAPER ON THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 



Journ, As. Soc. Bengal. Part I, 1879. 



PLATE TO. 




Fig- 1. 



J^^. 





Pig. 2. 



H Eavett - Carnac, fee 



i 

-[ A. B. Caddy, del 



Elurtoimoograpted ax He Sum^oi- CHawrsle Office Calcutta . 

ILLUSTRATIONS op Mr. 1L RTVETT - CARNAC'S PAPER ok the SERPENT SYMBOL. 



1879.] J- H. Rivctt-Carnac — Appendix. 31 

a Bhagavat (worshipper of Bhagav&n) in tliis iron age who has not in his 
house a conch-shell or a hell surmounted by a Garuda or the bird-god." 
Such a bell as the above is used in the worship of Vasudeva ("Vishnu). 
And although in the Sastras regarding the worship of Siva and Rama- 
chandra, it is nowhere provided that the bell used in such service should 
be adorned with figures of the snake and Hanuman (the monkey-god), the 
vahanas of the two gods respectively, yet the bell-maker in his devoutness 
has added these figures to the bell, thinking that such a bell would serve 
the threefold worship of Siva, Vishnu and Ramchandra. The white paint 
of sandal-wood paste on the lingam in the form of a circle or a semicircle 
and a dot, is intended to represent the sacerdotal thread (poitd) and the 
mark (pJiontd) and, in the case of the semicircle, the half moon which is 
said to adorn the forehead of Siva. 

In the paper on Tree and Serpent worship published in Part I, No. 3 
J. A. S. B for 1870, Ananta the serpent king is said to have a thousand 
heads and four arms. In the Briddha Baudhayana quoted by Hemadri, 
a Naga is ordinarily described to have five heads. 

In the Visvakarma Sastra, Ananta is said to have a hundred thousand 
heads, and the other secondary eight Nagas to have seven heads each. 

+ + + +"++ + 

A Naga is said to have hoods and the body of a man, the lower 
extremities being like those of a reptile. A sarpa or serpent is a reptile. 
The three-headed or the nine-headed snakes are imaginative figures ; they 
have no foundation in the Sastras. The figures of snakes forming backs of 
the shrines exhibited are evidently artistic and ornamental ; they have no 
direct connection with serpent worship. 

Cup-marks occurring in the vicinity of sepulchral monuments suggest 
their origin in the Smritis, in which it is stated that, after the cremation 
of the body, the son of the deceased is directed to offer water and milk, 
^K and ~H\X, to the manes of the departed, and the water and milk are 
generally presented in unburnt clay cups, and it is not unoften that they 
are poured in little hollows made with the finger on the soft ground of the 
river side where the funeral ceremony is generally performed. May not 
the cup-marks on stone slabs represent these water and milk cups offered 
to the spirits of the departed ? 

The ant-hill has been known to be a resort of snakes where these 
reptiles have been seen to coil themselves up for comfortable and warm 
lodging. The eggs of ants and the queens of the same are well known 
favourite food of snakes. 



32 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1, 



Some Further Notes on Kdliddsa. — By Geoboe A. Grierson, Esq., b. c. s. 

In the April number of the Indian Antiquary for 1878, there is an in- 
teresting account of the traditions concerning Kalidasa current in Mysore. 

The tradition in Mithila, where I am at present, is somewhat different, 
and it may not be out of place to mention what I have gathered concerning 
Kalidasa in Bihar. 

It will be observed that the two legends coincide in describing Kalida- 
sa as being ignorant in his youth, and as acquiring his unrivalled power 
over the Sanskrit language by the special interposition of a deity. 

According to local tradition Kalidasa was born at Damodarpur, a village 
near the town of Uchait, and situated within the confines of the Madhubanf 
sub-division of the Darbhanga or Eastern Tirhut district. 

As narrated in the article above referred to, he was left an orphan at 
an early age, and being destitute of means of support, he was, although a 
Brahman, obliged to allow himself to be brought up amongst some low 
caste tribes, who tended cattle. He grew up so stupid, that even amongst 
his fellows he was considered little better than an idiot. 

Now, there was once on a time a Brahman, who lived in a certain city, 
who had a daughter (name unknown), who was the most learned woman of 
her age. She refused many advantageous offers of marriage, averring that 
she would only wed a man more learned than herself. At length her father, 
losing all patience, made a secret vow that he would marry her to the 
stupidest Brahman he could find. So he went about searching for such a 
man ; but could not find one, for ignorant Brahmans are rare in Mithila.* 
At length one day, he was passing through Damodarpur, when he saw a boy, 
dressed as a ffotvdld, sitting on the branch of a tree, and cutting the branch 
at a part between himself and the trunk. The Brahman looked, and the 
boy cut on and at last, when he had cut through the branch, fell to the 
ground along with it. The boy got up, much hurt, and expressed won- 
der at the result of his labour. The Brahman thought that if this boy 
were only of his caste, he would be just the husband for his daughter. He 
made enquiries and found that his name was Kalidasa, and that he teas a 
Brahman, who, being left destitute, was supported by the charity of the 
Gowalas of Damodarpur. After inquiring as to his stupidity, and finding the 
result of his inquiries satisfactory, the Brahman took Kalidasa to his home 

* So says the legend. I only wish that, at the present day, there was some truth 
in the statement. The difficulty now is to find a Brahman, who can do anything but 
fight and bring false cases. Experto creek ; Tirhutiya lirahnians arc the bane of a sub- 
divisional officer's life. 



2879.] Q. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 83 

and introduced him to his daughter, as her future husband. The daughter, in 
order to test Kalidasa' s knowledge, asked him if he was learned in Sanskrit. 
Kalidasa in his ignorance replied " 'sCT'TT Tlf% Wf*' meaning, of course, 
" TfT«f «nf%." The daughter was highly offended at this ignorant answer 
and told her parent that he ought to have known better than to bring for- 
ward such a dolt as her future husband. But her father was not in the least 
taken aback and replied that, by saying as she had just said, she had 
shown her inferiority to Kalidasa in Sanskrit learning, in that she was not 
able to understand the excellence of the idiom with which he spoke, — " For," 
said he, " ' WT ' means ' knowledge,' '^t' means ' of us,' i. e., ' of me,' 
' TT%' moans ' there is not' ; ' ^' is compounded of '*n' and ' ?^,' of 
which ' j{f means ' Lakshmi,' and ' T^', ' like.' The whole phrase ' in ^T 
1Ti% ifa' thei*efore means ' I am not as learned as Lakshmi.' "* On hearing 
this explanation, the daughter was compelled to confess herself vanquished 
and agreed to marry Kalidasa. After the performance of the ceremony, 
Kalidasa hastened to meet his bride in the wedding-chamber ; but she, 
being strong-minded, refused to allow any familiarities, until she had cate- 
chised him in the soundness of his knowledge of the Sastras. Of course, 
poor Kalidasa was utterly confounded and so incensed his wife that she 
gave him a sound drubbing with a broom-stick. 

He fled from the chamber and passed the rest of the night wandering 
about in a neighbouring wood, and crying with the pain of the broom-stick. 
In the morning he resolved to deserve his wife, by at least learning to read 
and write at a pdth-s'dla in Uchait. 

He attended the pdth-s'dld regularly, but in vain. He was a bye-word 
amongst the pupils and an example of stupidity continually held up to the 
other boys by the guru. 

At Uchait, there is a famous Durgasthan situated in the midst of the 
jangal : and one rainy stormy evening, his school-fellows dared Kalidasa to 
visit it at midnight. Out of his innate stupidity, Kalidasa was perfectly 
indifferent in the matter of ghosts and readily undertook to perform the 
venturesome action. As it was necessary for him to show some token of 
his visit, he smeared the palm of his hand with ashes, that he might leave 
the impress of his hand on the image. 

Now, it must be observed, that it is the custom in Mithila, when any 
one has committed a grievous sin, for the people to smear his face with 
ashes and to parade him in this state before the town. Therefore it is a 
" yat paro ndsti" insult to cast ashes on the face of an innocent man. 

* I fear this story did not originally apply to Kalidasa, though I have heard it 
attributed to him. I have met it in the Purusha Pariksha, hut no mention of Kalidasa 
is made in that version. 
£ 



84 6. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1, 

Kalidasa arrived at the Durgasthan at midnight, as agreed upon, and 
prepared to leave the ashy impress of his hand on the face of the image of 
Durga. No one but a fool would have dared to do this, — but then Kali- 
dasa was a fool indeed. As he lifted his hand, the awful consequences of 
the action became evident to Durga, who foresaw that in the morning her 
own image would become the laughing-stock of all the country round ; she 
therefore a};>peared before him in her proper form. Nothing deterred by 
this, Kalidasa was reaching out his hand towards the face of the image in 
spite of her entreaties, when to save her reputation she promised him any boon 
he might ask for, on condition of his abstaining. He consented and asked to 
be the wisest man in the world. She granted the boon, promising that he 
should know the contents of every page which he should turn over during that 
night, and that he should always be victorious in any public disputation in 
which he might engage. Kalidasa thereupon hurried home and spent the 
rest of the night in continually turning over all the leaves of all the books 
in his guru's library. At daybreak he retired to rest, and while he was 
yet asleep the pupils arrived and sat at the feet of the guru for their daily 
instruction. No one took any notice of Kalidasa, as he remained asleep in 
the room, till the guru, while instructing, made a slip in his Sanskrit. 
W ithout awaking, Kalidasa instantly corrected it ; and then all, being 
astonished at this precocity on the part of the fool of the Academy, joined 
in waking him and in demanding the authority for the correction. Kalidasa, 
on the spot, quoted the necessary sutra of Panini, a work which, till 
then, he had never read. The astonishment of all can be imagined, and it 
was not diminished when he described the miracle which was the source of 
his knowledge. 

There is a story about Kalidasa current here, which is not unamusing. 
It runs as follows. There was a king called S'ibay Sinh, the father of Riip- 
narayan, who was renowned for his patronage of learned men. As he 
knew nothing himself, he invented a very simple way of judging the capa- 
bilities of the crowds attracted to his court, — he valued pandits not by their 
learning, but by their weight. The fatter and more unwieldy a Brahman 
was, the more he was honoured, and the greater the rewards given him for 
his learning. Before Kalidasa had made his name, he determined to attend 
at the king's court. His friends dissuaded him, saying, " You will never 
succeed there, for you are small and lean," but nevertheless he started, 
repeating the following verse — 

That is to say, " Whether a king presents gifts or not, when he hears 
a poet's voice (he will certainly give) ; just as, whether a bride will admit a 



1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kdliddsa. 35 

man to her embraces or not, (she will certainly yield) once she has set her 
foot upon the threshold of the room dedicated to amorous sport." On 
the way he picked up a man of the Bheriyar or shepherd caste, who was 
the fattest man ever known. Kalidasa persuaded him to accompany him 
and to pretend that he was the master, and Kalidasa only the pupil. He 
further instructed the shepherd on no account to let his voice be beard, 
promising to do all the talking himself. The shepherd agreed to this, and 
the two journeyed to king S'ibay Sinh's court. Kalidasa introduced the 
shepherd as his master, and the weight of the latter immediately told. He 
was rapidly promoted and soon became the chief pandit in the court. All 
this time he never ojjened his lips, Kalidasa officiating on all occasions as 
his mouth-piece ; and probably the fact of his silence increased his fame, 
for the legend (unconsciously foretelling the story of Jack and his Parrot) 
says, that the king considered that as he did not speak, he must think a 
lot. 

One day, however, the Bheriyar forgot his instructions, and in a full 
Sabha, in the presence of the king, while the conversation was about the 
Ramayana, he opened his lips, and pronounced the word TWI? when he 
should have said rig^r.* The whole assembly was electrified at this one 
word of the Silent Pandit. The king to do him justice saw the mistake, 
but still it did not shake his faith in the weight of its utterer. So he pro- 
pounded the following question to the assembly — " I have always heard 
other pandits pronounce the word as ^T?*!! ; and I have seen the llamayana, 
and in it the word is always spelt TT3^. How then does it happen that 
this pandit, who is the greatest pandit at my court, pronounces ^ as *?, 
and says ^T*l^i ? Thereupon Kalidasa stood up, and on the spur of the 
moment repeated the following s'loka : 

" Kumbhakarna (was a R&kshasa, and) his name contains the letter 
" 5/t," so does the name of Vibhishana. Rav(bh)ana was the chief of the 
Bakshasas, and therefore his name should be Rabhana, and not Ravana." 
This very lame excuse appears to have filled the sahhd with admiration for 
Kalidasa's wisdom, and thenceforth his name became famous throughout 
the three worlds. 

At King Bhoja's court, the pandit who had the ear of the king was 

* This is evidently an allusion to the local pronunciation of the lower orders. In 
my notes on the Rangpur Dialect, published in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic 
Society for 1877, I have shown that similar changes to this exist in at least one pro- 
vincial dialect of Bengal. 



3G G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kdliddsa. [No. I, 

one named " Dalian Kavi" (^Sl«r^fa).* This man was neither very clever 
nor very ignorant, but was only moderately learned (?nq*? TffefT). By 
dint, however, of intrigues he had attained to such promotion, that no 
pandit could approach the king, until he had been examined and passed by 
Dalian Kavi. Dalian naturally abused this power and introduced only the 
most ignorant pandits to the king, sending all who were more learned than 
himself away, re ineffectd. 

Kalidasa wished to be introduced to King Bhoja : but, noticing that all 
the good pandits returned home disappointed, while the bad ones were 
received into favour, he suspected the true nature of the case, and had 
recourse to the following artifice : — 

He set out for Dhara, where King Bhoja reigned, and on the way he 
met three poor ignorant pedagogues, who were bent on the same errand as 
himself. These three had put their heads together to concoct some 
verses which they might recite before the king, but their united 
efforts only brought them as far as the first half of a single anushtubh, 
which was as follows : — 

This being interpreted means " Like a bone, like a crane, and again 
like a mendicant's tooth,"f but they could get no farther. "When they 
saw Kalidasa, they asked for his assistance, and he replied by giving the 
second half of the sloka impromptu, as follows, — 

the whole sloka then meaning. " (Bright) as ivory, or as the (snowy) 
crane, as the teeth of a mendicant, or as the rays of the autumn moon, is 
thy glory, O King Bhoja," which incongruous display of metaphor im- 
mensely pleased the three poor pandits. Kalidasa then went on his way 
to Dhara, and dressing himself in very mean attire called to pay his respects 
to Dalian Kavi. He took care, however, to call when Dalian was not at 
home ; and repeated this every day for a week, during which time he made 
himself thoroughly acquainted with all the habits, customs and hours of his 
future patron. 

After the expiration of the week Kalidasa went again to Dalian's 
house in mean attire, at a time when he was engaged in a ceremony usually 
performed apart from the multitude. J In spite of this, however, Kalidasa 

* So his name is pronounced and spelt now-a-days ; a reference, however, to the 
S'ardula vikridita verse later on will show that it was originally Dalana (ZwTT). 

t A Sannyast is not supposed to chew betel-nut and pan. Hence his teeth are not 
discoloured, but retain their pristine whiteness. 






1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 37 

forced himself into his presence and made a most profound obeisance. In- 
dignant at the interruption, Dalian ordered him to leave the place, but 
Kalidasa pacified him by a string of far-fetched compliments, and he at 
length condescended to ask the new-comer his business. Kalidasa replied 
that he was a poor poet from the south, who did not know the manners 
and customs of Dhara, and that he wished to be introduced to king Bhoja. 
Dalian asked if he had ever composed anything in Sanskrit. Kalidasa 
replied, "a little," and that he was prepared to give an example there and 
then. It was as follows : — 

^fe^i ^fa ^f% ^ttjt -vm^ i 

w- fa"T fm? -riTT. mx wsjw^t II 

This remarkable composition Kalidasa translated as meaning. " The 
cuckoo sings in the city and in the forest, and a woman keeps pounding 
sandal wood, and says I cannot bear my life. Separated from my beloved 
one, my heart goes pit-a-pat." 

To understand this ludicrous mixture of pedantic and ignorant mis- 
takes some explanation is necessary. The following verse occurs in the 
Amarakosha, " ^crfsre: q^^ffT: ^Tfaj^r: fw l^fq," "the cuckoo is also 
(TfSjfa) called pika and other names." Kalidasa, however, represents him- 
self as thinking that the meaning is that koJcila, piJca and ityapi are all 
synonymous terms. In ^^Ttfir there are three mistakes. Kalidasa meant 
to say 3raf«T, mistranslating it as " sings." The verb ?i " to make" is 
marked in the Dhdtupathas as *'^"Si«T," in which ^ and <5f are anuban- 
dhas or indicatory letters, which form no part of the root and only draw 
attention to certain peculiarities of conjugation. Kalidasa, however, repre- 
sents himself as thinking that only <3T is an anubandha, and that " ■&&" is 
a ready made root of the first class meaning " to sing." With regard to 
^t%^T, the following verse occurs in the Amarakosha : 

That is to say, " Of the following five names of celestial trees, the 
manddra, the par ijdtaka, the santdna, and the kalpavriksha are masculine 
while the harichandana is optionally neuter." Kalidasa, however took 
" punsi vd" as being a synonym for "harichandana''' or " yellow sandal- 
wood." The words " srf% gf% <gTJ] «j^" are Hindi. With regard to <t?jt, 
the " qfarn *rf%^I «T«U" of the Amarakosha led Kalidasa to represent him- 



38 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kdliddsa. [No. 1, 

self as saying that " 7TSJT" meant "a woman." The words " 3T^cr ^*r fsi3 
^W ^" are asjain Hindi. From " W- ^"Hf^r: T^arTTP V*iVV tJ^T ?TK'-" of the 
Amarakosha, Kalidasa makes out that " w" means " a heloved one." The 
rest of the verse is Hindi. 

Dalian, after hearing this elaborately explained to him, came to the 
conclusion, as he well might, that Kalidasa was a very poor pandit indeed, 
and that it would be quite safe to introduce him to king Bhoja. He there- 
fore applauded the composition, and requested him to leave him, promising 
to introduce him after he had concluded performing the office at which he 
had been interrupted. 

Tbey accordingly started off to the palace, and on the way Dalian ask- 
ed Kalidasa, if he had composed any verse to recite before the king. Kali- 
dasa said he had one, and repeated the verse which he and the three poor 
Brahmans had concocted between them. Poor as this was, it was far better 
than anything that Dalian could write, and his jealousy was not appeased 
until Kalidasa had assured him that it was not his own, but that he had 
got some one else to make it for him. It was then written down on a slip 
of paper, and they proceeded into the audience chamber. After the usual 
as'irvdda the following conversation took place : 



Dalian 


wm\ 






King 




f4 qfTpfri^ 


^^nsi i 


Dalian 




3TT3J 


zi ii 


King 




3f3j sr^ 




Dalian 






^mxh ?)frT*r^l 



King W^fff 

Kdliddsa q^JW II 

f^'srTsmtf^s^swf i 

That is to say, the king and Dalana were only talking prose, but 
Kalidasa ingeniously turned the whole conversation into four complicated 
S'drdulavikridita verses. The king was surrounded by a bevy of damsels, 
and Kalidasa expresses himself unable to read his verse, being distracted 
by their charms. The translation is as follows : — 

Dalian. O king, may you prosper. 

King. Dalian Kavi, what have you in that paper ? 



1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 39 

Dalian. This is a poetical composition. 

King. Of what poet ? 

Dalian. Of this ingenious gentleman here. 

King. Let it be read. 

Kalidasa. I proceed to read. But first, let the wanton tinkling of 
the bracelets on the slender arms of these damsels, beautiful-eyed as 
lotuses, as they wave their cliaunris round thee, be stopped for an instant. 

By this display of learning Dalian was obliged to confess himself con- 
quered, and ever after Kalidasa retained the post of honour near king 
Bhoja. 

At King Blioja's court, there were three pandits whose names are now 
unknown, but who are called collectively the three S'rutidliaras.* Now, 
one of these tbree was such that be could repeat a composition when it was 
repeated before him once, another could do the same when it was repeated 
twice, while the third could do so when he had heard it thrice. In 
order to attract poets to his court, King Bhoja offered a prize of a lakh of 
rupees to any one who could compose an original piece of poetry. Num- 
bers of poets became candidates for the prize, and recited their original 
compositions in the presence of the king and the three S'rutidliaras : but 
always with the same result. S'rutidhara No. 1 exclaimed that the composi- 
tion was an old one, that he had heard it before, and backed his opinion by 
repeating it, which he could, of course, do, as he had heard it once. Then 
No. 2, who by this time had heard it twice, also averred that it was an old 
one, and also repeated it, and the same course was followed by No. 3, who 
by this time had heard it thrice. In this way all the poets were driven 
with shame from the palace. Kalidasa, however, was not to be beaten, 
and going before the king as a competitor recited the following sragdhard 
verses, 

wf^% faWTW* II 

* A similar trio is met in the Katha Sarit Sdgara, (Introduction — story of Vara- 
ruchi) . They lived, however, at Pataliputra, being patronized by king Nanda. The 
three were named Vararuchi, Vyadi, and Indradatta. The story tells how there was 
a brahman named Varsha, who was an idiot. Kartikeya, however, had granted him 
as a boon, that he should be endowed with every science, with this proviso, that he 
could only communicate his learning to a brahman who should be able to acquire it 
all at one hearing. Vararuchi was such a person, and Varsha communicated his lore 
to him in presence of the other two. Vararuchi thereupon repeated it to Vyadi, who 
was able to remember a thing on hearing it twice repeated, — and Vyadi again repeated 
it to Indradatta, who thus heard it three times, and was then himself able to repeat it. 



■40 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Nbles on KalLlasa. [No. 1, 



^ 



wvfi sfsrc^r ii 
%r ^rfiiwr *?% k i 

^f? *i^ flWT « II 

That is to say, — " Hail, King Bkoja, thy father was famed throughout 
the three worlds as a virtuous man. The ninety-nine krors of jewels be- 
longing to me, which thy father took from me, do thou now restore unto 
me. All the wise men who stand in attendance on thee know this to be 
the fact, — or else, — if my words are false, — this poem of mine is an original 
composition, and thou must pay to me the proffered prize of a lakh of 
rupees." The three 8'rutidharas dared not say that they had heard this 
before, for that would be tantamount to confessing that Bhoja owed Kali- 
dasa ninety-nine krors of jewels.* 

Before Kalidasa became wise, but after his marriage, his wife used to 
try and teach him a little learning. One day she tried to teach him to 
pronounce the word " ^1*" " a camel" (nslttra). But Kalidasa could not 
form his mouth so as to pronounce the word, and at one time would he 
would say " ^3t" (w) and at another time ^3\ (ush). His wife at length 
lost her patience, and after saying — 

^f wvTfi < m $ ?i i 
«rfr ^rfT ft^ftrTRrr ii 

fa( 1 ^TTffT ^ vi fs fJS: II 

" He mispronounces ushtra with ra, and slta ; and yet God has given 
him a round-limbed wife. What can He not do when he is angered, and 
what can He not do when he is plcased,"f she launched forth into words 
of no measured abuse. When Kalidasa remonstrated with her on the foul- 

* I have met a story somewhat similar to this in Persian literature, and much 
regret that I cannot lay my hands on it now. A comic version of the Persian talc can 
ho found in Punch, Vol. II, January to June 1842. p. 254. It is called " Jawbrahim 
Heraudco." 

f i. e. He must be angry with me, inasmuch as he has given me a dolt for si 
husband, and he must be pleased with Kalidasa, for he has given him me for a wife. 



1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. fl 

ness of her language, she replied " sre^f ^il^T JlffU" " What else is fit for 
one so utterly debased ?" These words dwelt in Kalidasa's mind and 
rankled there. After the miraculous gift of learning was given to him by 
Durga, as previously described, before returning home, he disguised him- 
self as a Vairdgi and, taking a dish of flesh food, sat himself on the edge 
of the tank where his wife usually bathed, and commenced to eat. His 
wife presently came up, and the following conversation ensued, — in the 
S'drdula-vikridita metre. 



The 


wife. 


fw ^fafsre^na ^^^ | 


Kalidasa. 


far ^ wq f^fi ii 


W. 




VFZ ^Tf<T 7R fsj-q 


Kd. 




^TTTiTlFSTTfw: 3^ II 


W. 




$WI ?3J^N: f <T^R *)■# | 


Kd. 




^«T ^r^qr ^T II 


W. 






Kd. 




"ije^j ^rsrr Jifrr.-" ii 



That is : — 

Wife. Oh mendicant, are you eating flesh ? 

Kdliddsa. "What is that without wine ? 

W. Do you also like wine ? 

Kd. Indeed I do, and women with it. 

W. But courtezans expect money. Whence can you pay them ? 

Kd. From gambling and stealing. 

W. So, Sir, you also gamble and are a thief ? 

Kd. " What else is fit for one so.utterly debased ?" 

When the wife heard her own words thus hurled back in her teeth, she 
was ashamed and recognized her husband and, taking him home, ever after- 
wards lived in due subordination to him. 

There was &pis'dcha or demon who inhabited a wood in Dhara, through 
which ran a much-frequented road. H was his custom to seize passers-by 
and to propose to them a question in the words ' ' ^FT^^r , JRT^r , ^RT^f " 
" koruk, koruk, koruk." As no one could understand this, the traveller 
was invariably seized and eaten by the demon, his worldly possessions being 
added to a pile of those which had been the property of previous victims. 
One day Kalidasa had occasion to go along the road, and as usual, the 
pis'dcha seized him and asked the hard question. Kalidasa understood it 
to be % S^, #T S^^f , % S^^i. , that is to say, " who is free from disease ?" 
repeated thrice. He thereupon replied as follows : 



42 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1, 

" He who stays at home in the rainy season, eats little in the autumn, 
eats his fill in the cold and dewy season, goes abroad in the months o£ 
spring, and sleeps in the hot season, is free from disease." The pis'acha 
was much pleased at Kalidasa's reply and released him, giving him all the 
wealth which he had levied from his former victims. 

One cool spring evening when the south wind was blowing softly, and 
the mango blossoms were nodding on the trees, king Bhoja was walking in 
his garden, accompanied by Kalidasa and Bhavabhuti. The king, charmed 
by the graceful motion of the mango blossoms, asked Kalidasa to tell him 
why they waved so prettily. Kalidasa replied : — 

BTft^wraw i^^m?rr ^wsffrr^r i 
wtrt w'r if? ^x% ^r^t^hr ^<m 11 

" ' It is evening, and, lo, I have come from Malaya afar ; I would pass 
one night in thy house, O graceful one.' When the newly blossomed 
mango tendril is thus addressed by the wind, she shakes her head, and says 
' Nay, nay, nay.' " 

The king was pleased at this poetical description, but asked Kalidasa, 
why the mango said " nay" three times. The latter dared not j>lead exi- 
gencies of metre, and being unable to give a plausible excuse, hung his 
head ashamed. The king then turned to Bhavabhuti, and asked him the 
same question. Kalidasa's famous rival, giving a different meaning to 
^prf^jfarTT, which also means a woman who is not ' "^g^fTm", explained 
that the three-fold repetition referred to the three days of uncleanness 
which precede the purificatory bathing : as stated thus in the S'uddhi 
viveka. •$ 

gfft^ K*nx\ ^twt ^3*1 ^T5f«r^T<l ii 

" If a woman admit her husband on the first day, she sinks to the 
level of a clianddli, if on the second day, to that of a leather-worker, and 
if on the third day, to that of a dhobini ; but on the fourth day she may 
bathe and admit him." 

There was a famous courtezan at Dhdra, who loved Kalidasa and was 
beloved by him in return. She also admitted king Bhoja to her favours. 



1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 43 

The latter, however, she only allowed to approach her in pursuit of her 
calling, while Kalidasa was admitted for pure love. For what will a woman 
not do for love ? Does not the poet Vidyakara Misra say as follows.* 

faf%% w^f?r q^sr^ 11 

" Lo, there are many bonds, but none like the binding of the toils of 
love. Even the bee, skilled as he is in cleaving timber, lies helpless,— . 
bound in the hollow of a lotus." 

And again does not the poetess Lakhima Thakurain say : — 

flsrrfq" ^r vifri vim ^ifa vn 

»T3iif^ far ^f^: T ^qwq^^rg 11 

fts 3TT JnjJTijrgrrr *jfe ^tttsr*: 11 * n 
II *T«1T t? II 

«wr ^3 ^rfsf sarfcr *a^;<?i!^«if7rcfT 11 ^ 11 

II 3j*Tl^ II 

-J 
<sl^ MKJ ^fetfrft ^ W«T II 

Wr^^ ^^ ^^^wrf II 8 II 

(1.) " Ah ! may I never love, but if I must, — let it not be with a 
wanderer ; and if it be with such, may he not be full of excellence : and 
even if it be thus, may my love be never broken ; and if it be broken, may 
my life, which is not mine, be mine to cast away. 

* The following verses are generally quoted by pandits when telling this story. 
As I have not noticed them in any of the usual Chrestomathies, I give them here. 



41 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on KaJidasa. [No. 1, 

(2.) " What are adornments, if a woman bath not youth ; and what 
is youth, if she hath not perfect comeliness ; and what is that, if virtue doth 
not dwell within ; and what is virtue, if her beloved one doth not possess 
it too ? 

(3.) " My friend, a tender plant hath been planted by fate in the 
treacherous soil of thy heart. Cherish it jealously, for it beareth many 
flowers. Sprinkle it daily with the water of remembrance that it may not 
fade, — for that plant is love. 

(4.) " Like the shadows of the fore and of the afternoon are the 
loves of the wicked and of the good. The first beginneth great and gra- 
dually fadeth away j but the second is delicate at first, and afterwards 
waxeth mighty." 

One evening Kalidasa was with his mistress, when they were inter- 
rupted by the sudden arrival of the king. Kalidasa having no time to 
escape was obliged to hide himself under the bed, she cautioning him, as he 
valued his life, not to let his presence be known by either word or action. 
The king after his arrival, fancying himself alone with the courtezan, and 
wishing to pay a compliment to her beauty, laid his hand upon her bosom 
and addressed her as follows : 

Having got thus far, and having accomplished half a verse, he tried to 
finish it, but could not, and hemming and hawing, stuck there. Kalidasa, 
who would rather have died than have heard an incomplete verse, could no 
longer contain himself ; and his poetic fury overpowering him, he burst from 
under the bed, upsetting it and its occupants, crying out — 

The whole couplet, containing a pun on the word qjx, which means 
both " tax" and " hand," meaning — 

King. " Verily, my fair one, thy breasts are like two monarchs of 
the world." 

Kalidasa. "Yes — for doth not His Majesty, who levieth tribute from 
sea to sea,* lay his hand upon them."f 

The king, in consideration of the neatness of the reply, forgave Kali- 
dasa's indiscretion. 

The following verses show how poetically Kalidasa used to do his 
marketing. 

He went up to & pan seller and said : — 

* A ^rcR, is a tract of country running from sea to sea. 

f Which may also lie translated "pay tribute (mx) unto them." 



1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 45 

" Give me golden- coloured pdn, O fair one with the winsome eyes ; 
and give me lime, thou whose face is fair as the full fair moon, — and 
be quick about it." 

Now it happened that the^rfw-seller was no other then Devi in dis- 
guise : and she, not understanding the tone of compliment which was fol- 
lowed so unceremoniously by a peremptory order, took it into her head that 
Kalidasa was mocking her, and, being a woman, took offence and ignored 
his request. But Kalidasa, nothing daunted, went on, — 

" (and give me also) betel spice, for without it the lip of my fawn-eyed 
love will lack its lustre ; e'en as her bosom doth when shorn of its neck- 
lace." 

"Whereupon JDte/, charmed with the sweetness of his language, appear- 
ed in proper form and gave him her blessing. 

I have already quoted one uncomplimentary expression of opinion 
made use of by Kalidasa's wife, with regard to her husband. Another runs 
as follows : — 

fit ^fx*i ^fyreu-^TirJTT 
sr ^if<? war ^wrfzsrnw I 

" Even a beggar, who knoweth the whole law and the prophets, is bet- 
ter than a ruler of millions who is a fool. A fair-eyed damsel shineth 
even in tattered weeds, — not so one who is blind, even though she is adorned 
with gold." 

In the days of his wisdom Kalidasa often took occasion to playfully 
chide his wife for her former unkindness ; as in the verses connected with 
the following story. 

The husband and wife were taking a morning walk by the side of a 
tank covered with lotuses. The sun was rising, and the bells of the lotuses 
were in agitation, although there was no visible cause for their being so. 
The wife accordingly asked : — 

Kalidasa replied — 



46 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1, 

She again asked — 

And be again replied — 

mjr w*w sft^T *r*K: 3*rc^f>: I 

ttws fau*i ^fT^ v?m s??t ^r f% ii an 

She. (1) " There is no current of air, nor can I observe the approach 
of any elephant. Why, then, is the water-lotus agitated ? 

He. (2) " The coal black bees have been clasped within its bells all 
night, and now they wish to see the sun. Therefore, my love, is the lotus 
agitated. ^ 

She. (3) " But bees and their kin can pierce the hardest wood, and 
the lotus bell is exquisitely tender. Why, then, does not the bee tear it 
forcibly open ? 

He. (4) " The lotus clasps him in her bell in love, and the bee returns 
her love. Therefore he does not tear the bell asunder, — for, my Love, he 
is not like thee." 

The following verses in praise of contentment are universally attribut- 
ed to Kalidasa in this part of the country. They are excellent specimens 
of their style, and are worth recording here. 

fa^T wf« mi ***ft ^«m<f ^ ^^grfsr^T i 

>?|5tT ^JITl^i^JTfq^ WTT? T %fapr W^ I 

Hfir sjTf^gfT.Tftr^pr^f'g^ %wr &m fa'q^rr ii ^ n 

£«jf ^frfTT^^filXIW IT^lfq ^^5}% II 8 II 
j- vl *. 

^'flllW fw WVRq^ Slirrfw *T§T 5JT: II ^ II 






1879.] G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. ■ 47 

II ^T "Tf II 

(1.) " He who has nothing wishes to have a hundred ; and he who 
owns a hundred, desires a thousand, while the lord of a thousand wishes for 
ten thousand. The possessor of ten thousand would be a Mug, while the 
king desires to be an emperor. 

(2.) " An emperor wishes to rule the gods like Indra, while Indra 
aspires to the power of Brahman. Brahman himself wishes to obtain the 
throne of S'iva, and even S'iva, that of Vishnu.* What being has ever 
reached the limit of desire ? 

(3) " You have wandered over far and rugged countries, but you 
obtained no fruit : you abandoned your caste, and all your pride of birth, 
but your servitude was fruitless. 

(4.) " You laid aside your pride, and ate like a crow, — fearfully, in 
another's house, — and yet you are not satisfied. To-day even your thirst 
dwells in vile and wicked actions. 

(5.) " The bee deserts the fragrant jasmine and seeks the amaranth. 
Perchance he leaves it too, and approaches the champaTca, and then the 
lotus. 

(6.) " Imprisoned therein by fate and night, the foolish creature weeps, 
A fool may obtain discomfiture, but never contentment. 

(7.) " Saints pass their lives enjoying roots and fruit. Elephants live 
on dried grass, and are mighty. Snakes quafE the wind, nor are they want- 
ing in strength. Contentment alone should be the most precious wealth 
of man." 

Much of the preceding is trivial, and, of course, none of it can lay 
claim to any historical value. My aim has been a very humble one, and I 
shall be happy, if I am thought to have only moderately come up to it. 
Even in a backward country like Tirhut, the old class of pandits is fast 
dying out, and is being supplanted by men with a smattering of English 
and Urdu, and only a moderate book-knowledge of Sanskrit. The older 
pandits acknowledge the change with sorrow, and say that even the women 
who most conserve the purity of the language, are beginning to use Ydvani 

* Vishnu is appropriately placed last, as being absolutely firr^f^f " free from 
desire." 



48 G. A. Grierson — Some Further Notes on Kdliddsa. [No. 1, 

words. Circumstances have thrown me much amongst these men, and I 
have taken advantage of this, to make an attempt to preserve some of the 
vast amount of unwritten lore, which is so fast being forgotten. 

In this paper I have thrown into shape part of what I have collected 
concerning Kalidasa : and if it meets with favour, and if time and health 
permit, I may at some future time give similar legendary accounts of other 
famous heroes and heroines of Mithila. With regard to the verses sprinkled 
through the foregoing pages, my reading has been too limited for me to 
assume that none of them have been printed before. It must suffice that 
I do not remember meeting any of them in the usual collections of 
apothegms, and if my memory has betrayed me, I shall be the first to wel- 
come my error being pointed out. 



JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL 



Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. 
No. II.— 1879. 



The Bangash Naivdbs of FarruMdbdd — A Chronicle, (1713 — 1857). — By 
Willtam Irvine, C. S., Fatehgarh, N. W. P. Part II. 

(Continued /romp. 383 of Vol. XLVII, Part I, 1878.) 

Naivdo Imam Khan, and the Confiscation of the Territory. 

After Kaim Khan had been buried, the Bibi Sahiba sent for all her 
husband's sons, and dissimulating her wish to see Imam Khan succeed, 
directed Ahmad Khan to assume the leadership. Ahmad Khan, who had 
quickly penetrated her designs, gave a decided refusal. One after another, 
each son made the same answer. At length Imam Khan was selected and 
took his seat upon the masnad. He seems to have enjoyed little real autho- 
rity. Although they attended to salute him no one presented any nazar ; 
for months not a single kauri of revenue came in. After a time men 
ceased even to go near him, since he had no income from any source, by 
which he could assert his title. 

When news of the defeat and death of Kaim Khan reached Delhi, many 
were deeply grieved and wrung their hands with sorrow ; on the con- 
trary, 'Abd-ul-Mansur Khan Safdar Jang was rejoiced, and at once laughed 
and joked about the sad event. He then persuaded the Emperor that if 
he proceeded to Farrukhabad in person, the surviving Bangash leaders would 
be deprived of all excuse for not attending and submitting themselves. Even 
if they should refuse to obey and decline to deliver up their wealth, the result 
would be the same ; they would be compelled to take to flight, and thus they 

G 



50 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FarruTehabdd. [No. 2, 

would be extirpated from the imperial territory. The young Emperor, who 
was entirely subservient to the Wazir, agreed to all bis plans. 

At the end of Zi'l Hajj 1162 H. (November 1749), Ahmad Shah 
marched from Delhi as far as Koil ; and Safdar Jang, leaving the Emperor, 
advanced to Thana Daryaoganj in Parganah A'zamnagar of the Eta district, 
about thirty-five miles north-west of Farrukhabad.* He had witb him 
forty thousand Mughals from Iran under the command of his relations, 
Mirza Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Nawab Sher Jang, Nawab Ishak Khan and 
others. 

At the same time the Wazir ordered Rajah Naval Rae to marcb to 
meet him without delay. This Naval Rae, the Wazir's Diwan or Bakhshi, 
was a Saksena Kayath of the Chakwa and Parasna family, hereditary 
Kanungoes of Parganah Etawah. He had risen by his own merits to be 
deputy governor of the Subahs of Audh and Allahabad. He first was 
brought into notice by Ratn Chand Banya, the Diwan of 'Abdullah Khan 
and Husain Ali Khan (1712— 1721) f 

Naval Rae, leaving the Sarkiir of Lakhnau, marcbed towards Farrukha- 
bad. On the 16th Muharram 1163 H. (15th December 1749), after Rae 
Ram Narayan had joined witb 10,000 men, he crossed the Ganges. The 
day afterwards he moved to the banks of the Kali four or five hos distant, 
The next day Naval Rae and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan crossed by the ford, 
and stood on foot side by side encouraging their men to exertion, the river 
being in flood, with heavy rain falling and a cold north wind blowing. Sup- 
plies were scarce and grain was the price of saffron. After a day spent in dry- 
ing their things, the army marcbed to within three Jcos of Khudaganj, where 
the Afghans were posted with a force estimated at 29,000 men and artillery. 
Another march of one and a half Jcos was made, and hostilities were immi- 
nent. Mir Muhammad Salah and Rajah Pirthi Pat were placed in the 
van, Naval Rae himself led the main body, while the left wing was com- 
manded by Nawab Baka-ullah Kban and the right by Rae Ram Narayan. 
There were 25,OCO horsemen, 100 elephants and innumerable camp followers ; 
and the camp stretched for five or six Jcos as far as the eye could reach. 
Negotiations were, however, opened and the Pathans returned to Farrukha- 
bad. On the 23rd Muharram (22nd Dec. 1749) Naval Rae was at Khuda- 

* One account says ho camped at Surajpur, but I do not know where that village 
is. 

t S-ul-M. 875, Hisam-ud-din, and Gaz. N. W. V. IV. 307. See also the Uadi- 
kat-ul-Alcalim, third Clime, under Sarkar Lakhnau, as to the founding of Navalganj 
and Khushalganj. Under Itdwah it is stated that Naval Rile was born at Khaksfs(?) 
He left a son, Khushal Uac, who was subsequently naib of Allahabad under Asuf. 
ud-daula. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bnngash Nawdls of Farrukhabad. 51 

ganj. The Nawab Wazir was then reported to be at Kasganj, and there 
was some talk of investing Farrukhabad. 

We now return to the events occurring at Farrukhabad. Although the 
younger brothers of Kaim Khan and many experienced chelas still survived, 
at first no plan was decided upon, nothing was undertaken. At length by 
the exertions of Shamsher Khan, chela, some men were collected and posted, 
as we have just seen, on the banks of the Kalinadi near Khudaganj, seven- 
teen miles south-east of the city, thus barring the advance of Rajah 
Naval Rde. Mukim Khan, chela, was sent out in tbe other direction as 
'Amil of Parganah Shamshabad, with orders to take possession of the late 
Khan Bahadur Khan's property. Daud Khan, Sa'dat Khan, Islam Khan 
and other chelas patrolled round the city night and day. Meanwhile the 
Bibi Sahiba and Imam Khan prayed God fervently that the Emperor might 
not be led astray by the Wazir's wicked advice, nor take away from their 
family the territory of Muhammad Khan Bangash, Ghazanfar Jang. To 
avert this calamity a friendly letter was prepared, and sent in a submissive 
manner to 'Abd-ul-Mansur Khan Safdar Jang. It reminded him that 
formerly, when a noble was slain in battle, his treasures were appropriated 
while his dignities were conferred on his children. They hoped, therefore r 
that the prayers of the widow would be heard, that a far man would be 
granted pardoning all bygone offences, and confirming the mahals in the 
name of Imam Khan. 

From his camp at Daryaoganj the Wazir replied, that he had already 
presented a paper of requests to the Emperor, who had graciously signed 
an order conferring the territory on Imam Khan. This order he had 
brought with him. There was, however, the condition usual in such cases, 
that they should appear in person in the camp of the Wazir, who was 
invested with full powers, and place before him a large sum by way of fine 
(nazarana) on confirmation. Should allegiance be professed in the way 
suggested, there was little doubt that the farmdn would be carried into 
effect, the dress of honour conferred, and with it the rank and dignity held 
by the former Nawabs. There were other flattering and deceitful words ; 
for instance, he said he had bitterly felt the loss of Kaim Khan, it was like 
that of a brother, it was as if his right hand had been cut off ; but, please 
God, he would not leave a vestige of the Rohela seed in the whole of Hin- 
dustan. Suspecting no treachery, the Bibi Sahiba believed in the truth of 
these promises, and began to prepare for departure to the Wazir's camp. 
A camel rider was sent to recall Shamsher Khan and Ja'far Khan from 
Khudaganj where they barred the way to Rajah Naval Rae. Instructions 
were also sent to them to engage Naval Rae if possible in their favour, for 
he had the greatest influence over the Wazir. 



52 W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Nawdbs of FarruJchabad. [No. 2, 

By this time Rajah Naval Rae, seeing that without hostilities he could 
not continue his march, had despatched a letter to Shamsher Khan and 
Ja'far Khan, telling them that he was a well- wisher to the family of the 
late Ghazanfar Jang, and when he reached the Wazir's camp, he would 
secure for them what they wanted without the slightest difficulty. The 
chelas, in the innocence of their hearts, believed these deceitful promises. 
Their readiness to listen to his proposals was increased on hearing that the 
Bibi Sahiba intended to go to the enemy's camp to treat, and quitting their 
position at Khudaganj they returned to Farrukhabad. 

On their arrival the Bibi Sahiba set out with her chelas for the camp. 
When she reached Mau all the Pathans came out to meet her, and next 
day when she resumed her march, the Pathan commanders formed them- 
selves into an escort. On arriving within three kos of the Wazir's camp 
they halted, and when he heard of her arrival the Wazir sent out Sher Jang 
to meet her. On coming near the equipage of the Bibi Sahiba he descend- 
ed from his elephant, and standing in an attitude of respect, he expressed 
with tears his sorrow at the loss of Nawab Kaim Khan. He wept because 
he and the Nawab were brothers by exchange of turbans. The Bibi Sahiba 
said to him, " I count on you to replace Kaim Khan, and in this time of 
trouble, I expect you to side with me." Sher Jang swore by his head 
and eyes, that he was ready to give up even his life for her. The Bibi 
Sahiba was then conducted to her encampment near that of the Wazir. 
Negotiations began through Sher Jang. 

Shortly after this Rajah Naval Rae arrived. But, when he received 
audience of the Wazir, he did not act up to the promises he had made at 
Khudaganj. Indeed, he acted exactly contrary to his professions, and spoke 
nothing but evil of the Bangash family. This double-dealer, being trusted 
by the Wazir more than the rest of his servants, found acceptance for his 
evil words. From that time Sher Jang was set aside, and the matter was 
put into the hands of Rajah Naval Rae. He sent for Shamsher Khan, 
Ja'far Khan and others, and demanded that, before they began to talk about 
the territory and the revenue-free grants, a payment of one kror of rupees 
should be made to the imperial treasury. After a long altercation Sham- 
sher Khan and Ja'far Khan stood on one side and held a whispered conver- 
sation. They then came forward and agreed to give thirty lakhs of rupees 
nine lakhs in cash and goods, the balance of twenty-one lakhs to be paid 
in three years, on condition that the Emperor's farmdn issued for the 
former territory, with the usual robe of investiture and a grant of the 
titles and dignities held by the former Nawabs. The Rajah rose and said, 
" Be it so, I will report what you say to the Wazir, and in the evening I 
will inform you of his orders." He then went to the Wazir and reported 
what had passed. 



1879.] W.Irvine — The Bangasli Nawdbs of Farrulchdbad. 53 

When they had consulted together, Nazir Yakut Khan was sent to the 
Bibi Sahiba. She received him and touching his " nazar" remitted it. 
Directly she saw him she burst into tears, for he called to mind her own 
chela, Yakut Khan Khan Bahadur. Yakut Khan, having made a con- 
doling reference to the late Khan Bahadur, went on to deliver his mes- 
sage. The Wazir said that he would look on her as his own mother, that 
Ghazanfar Jang and Kaim Khan had been nobles of the highest rank, 
and that their successors should hold the same position. It was absolutely 
necessary, however, that she should make a payment of one Tcror of rupees. 
Bibi Hajiain, without consulting the Bibi Sahiba and against her wishes, 
began to say that as the Bibi Sahiba could not help herself she would give 
half a hror, or fifty lakhs of rupees (£500,000). The Nazir then asked for 
a blank paper with seal affixed. The Bibi Sahiba, without referring to 
Shamsher Khan and Ja'far Khan, attached her seal to the paper and made 
it over to the messenger, who carried it off to the Wazir. Then the Wazir 
wrote out the sum of sixty lakhs of rupees. After this he told the Bibi 
Sahiba to return to Farrukhabad, accompanied by Nazir Yakut Khan and 
Jugal Kishor, who were to receive payment of the money. 

Bajah Naval Eae sent for Shamsher Khan and Ja'far Khan and told 
them that they were responsible for the due payment to the imperial treasury 
of the sixty lakhs, which the Bibi Sahiba had agreed to with her own lips. 
Titles and rent-free grants were promised to them in reward. The chelas 
went to the Bibi Sahiba and complained of her having promised sixty lakhs, 
when they had already settled for thirty lakhs. The Bibi Sahiba defended 
herself by saying is was Bibi Hajiain's fault. There being no remedy the 
Bibi Sahiba started for Farrukhabad with Yakut Khan and Jugal Kishor. 
All the cash in the treasury, the jewels, the ward-robe, the furniture of 
the rooms, the kitchen utensils, the elephants, the horses, the camels, the 
cannon, the cattle, everything they had, was made over to the Wazir's 
agents. The eunuchs examined each article, appraised it at half its value, 
and then from the total thus arrived at they deducted half a lakh of 
rupees. The sum allowed was forty-five lakhs of rupees. The agents 
demanded the balance of fifteen lakhs from Shamsher Khan and Ja'far 
Khan ; but they could only promise to pay the required sum within three 
years. The Nazir (Yakut Khan) then directed that the Bibi Sahiba should 
set out next day for the Wazir's camp, where all he could do to intercede for 
her should be done. 

The next day the Bibi Sahiba with her sons and chelas set out on her 
return to the Wazir's camp. When she came to Mau all the Pathans visited 
her to pay their respects, and from that place joined her retinue. On reach- 
ing the neighbourhood of the Wazir, she set up her encampment. Next 



5 l W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawahs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

morning Shamsher Khan and the other chelas were sent for hy Naval Rae, 
and a demand made for the balance due. They were kept waiting till the 
evening with plausible words and the hope of a favourable decision. Mean- 
while Naval Rae went to the Wazir, announcing himself by a Harkara, of 
whom there were ten to twelve thousand employed as spies and messengers. 
Admitted to the presence of the Wazir, he reported in detail what had 
passed with Shamsher Khan and the others, and he also called attention to 
the large assemblage of Pathans in the Bibi Sahiba's retinue. After this 
a messenger was sent to the chelas directing them to remain where they 
were that night, for their business had been put off till the next day. As 
a precaution against any opposition by the Pathans, Naval Rae during the 
night, which was very dark, caused several guns protected by chains to be 
posted in front of the Bibi Sahiba's camp. Then he sent to ask the Bibi 
Sahiba if she had come to treat or to fight ; if the former, he would advise 
her to send off to their homes the large body of armed Pathans who had 
accompanied her. The Bibi Sahiba sent for the commander of each regi- 
ment (tuman) and ordered them to march back to Mau. They represented 
that being hereditary servants of her house, it was not right that, with their 
eyes open, they should leave her in the midst of the enemy's army, for their 
desertion would doom her to certain destruction. The Bibi Sahiba's answer 
was that a wise man, after consenting to pay a large sum, should not raise 
further difficulties. The whole of the Pathans, unable to shake her resolu- 
tion, marched away to Mau. There, to protect their families and property, 
they posted themselves outside the town in the mango groves, and remained 
on the alert day and night. 

The Wazir, after having ordered Naval Rae to keep Shamsher Khan 
and the four other chelas under surveillance, directed his march eastwards. 
When word was brought to Farrukkabad that the five chelas had been 
arrested, and that the Wazir was advancing eastwards, the inhabitants 
removed with their belongings to the town of Mau, and hardly a soul was 
left in the city. When the Wazir with his army came near to Mau, Rajah 
Naval Rae asked urgently for permission to burn it down and level it with 
the ground, so that not a vestige might be left. Although in his heart the 
Wazir approved of this suggestion, still prudence prevailed, and he replied 
that the Pathans were too many and too powerful to be attacked, and as 
they might gain the upper hand, the project had better be postponed till 
some more fitting opportunity. It was enough to be thankful for that the 
mother of Kaim Khan, her sons, and her principal chelas had fallen into 
their hands. When the Wazir with his retinue drew near to Mau, he saw 
enough to convince him that what he had foretold was true, for all the 
Afghans, whether infantry or horsemen, were drawn up on foot, with 
rockets, arrows, and matchlocks, ready to repel any attack. Without 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 55 

attempting to interfere with them, the Wazir continued his advance east- 
wards along the banks of the Ganges till he came to Yakiitganj, some six 
miles south-east of the city of Farrukhabad, and there he encamped. 

Rajah Naval Rae marched through the town of Shamsabad, and on reach- 
ing the city of Farrukhabad, went to the fort, where for some reason he re- 
mained. When he saw the fort and buildings, he exclaimed — " With places 
" like this they presumed to give themselves out for Bdivan Sazdris (com- 
" manders of fiftj'-two thousand) ; the fort is just like that of a petty zamin- 
" dar." He made other similar depreciatory remarks. Next morning he 
marched and rejoined the Wazir at Yakiitganj. Then, like as the fowler scat- 
ters grain to lure the birds into his net, so the Nawab Wazir entertained the 
Bibi Sahiba, the five sons, and the five chelas with costly food, and furnish- 
ed them with supplies of every description. Meanwhile he put off a final 
decision from day to day on various pretexts. Every day they looked for 
investiture with the khila't, to be followed by dismissal to their homes. 
Several days passed in this way. One night the Wazir asked Naval Rae for 
his advice. His opinion was that the chelas should be fettered, and that 
the Wazir should march for Delhi taking them with him. On his depar- 
ture, Naval Rae said, he would seize the mother of Kaim Khan and the five 
young Nawabs, whom he would send off to the fortress of Allahabad. The 
Wazir approved of these proposals. Next day the five chelas* were seized, 
and placed upon elephants. The army then marched stage by stage past 
Muhamdabadf and through Sarae Aghat J on its return to Delhi. 

After the departure of the Wazir, one day the Kayath sent for the five 
sons,§ and with deceptive words he began to extol the greatness, the glory, 
the bravery and the generosity of their family. Then getting up himself 
on some pretext, he said to an attendant in his confidence, " I will return 
" in a moment, bring the dresses of honour for the princes (Sahibzadas)." 
Haying said this he went away. Suddenly Mir Muhammad Salah, accom- 
panied by a number of fully armed men, with iron chains and a blacksmith, 
entered behind the princes. Nawab Husain Khan who was also of the Shia 
(Imamiya) sect, said to Mir Muhammad Salah, " Was there no one else 
" with this unbeliever, Mir Sahib ! that you should accept this service ; 
" it is strange that a man of your race|| should perform such an unworthy 

* (1) Shamsher Khan, (2) Ja'far Khan, (3) Mukim Khan, (4) Islam Khan, (5) 
Sardar Khan. 

t Thirteen miles west of Farrukhabad, on the Mainpuri road. 

t In Parganah 'Azamnagar, about 26 miles west of Farrukhabad. 

$ 1, Imam Khan, 2, Husain Khan, 3, Fakhr-ud-din Khan, 4, Isma'il Khan, and 
5, Karimdad Khan. 

|| i. e., a Sayyad or descendant of the Prophet. 



5G W. Irvine — The Bangash Naivdbs of TarrtMi&bad. [No. 2, 

" office ; had we only arms by us, we should try first what our swords could 
do." Having said this, he stretched out his feet to be fettered, and each 
of the other princes, out of affection for his brothers, claimed to be ironed 
first. This indignity having been completed, they were placed in litters 
under guard, and forwarded to the fort at Allahabad. The news of their 
arrest spread consternation and despair amongst all the Afghans. 

By direction of the Wazir, Rajah Naval Rae now took up his quarters 
at Kannauj, forty miles south-east of Farrukhabad, near the junction of 
the Kalinadi with the Ganges. This place was selected as being midway 
between the two Subahs of Audh and Allahabad and the new territory ac- 
quired from the Bangash family. Naval Rae lived in the Motiya Mahal, 
built by the founder of the large sarae at Miran-ki-Sarae, which he re-chris. 
tened the Rang Mahal. Directly under his orders he had forty thousand 
horsemen. There were in addition the troops commanded by Nawab Baka- 
ullah Khan, Amir Kbani Nawab 'Ata-ullah Khan, former ruler of 'Azima- 
bad, Mirza 'Ali Kuli Khan, Mirza Muhammad Ali Kochak, Mirza Najaf 
Beg, Mirza Mashadi, Aka Muhammad Bakir Yarmani, Mir Kudrat 'Ali Khan 
Daipuri,* Mir Muhammad Salah Miranpuri.f From Kannauj were des- 
patched subordinate rulers (dmils) and collectors of revenue (sazdwals) 
with orders to proclaim from lane to lane through all the villages the de- 
feat and degradation of the Pathans. These agents, in their rapacity, 
acting even in excess of their instructions, began to levy fines from every 
inhabited place up to the confines of the towns of Shamsabad, 'Ataepur 
and Kaimganj. The town of Mau alone escaped. It owed its safety to 
the number of Pathans inhabiting it, of the tribes of Bangash, Afridi, 
Toyah, Khatak, Ghilzai, Warakzai, Kochar, Dilazak, Khalil and Mahmand. 
These stood ready day and night to repel force by force, but they refrained 
from beginning hostilities, for fear of injury to the Bibi Sakiba who re- 
mained in the custody of Naval Rae. 

It was arranged that Munshi Sahib Rae, an old servant of the Bangash 
family, who knew Naval Rae before, should be sent to him. Being of the 
same caste and having already made Naval Rae's acquaintance at Delhi, in 
a few days he managed to be admitted to the drinking bouts, which took 
place every night in the Rang Mahal after business was over. One night 
Naval Rae got drunk, and knowing a little of the Shastras began to talk 
on religion, boasting also of his bravery. Sahib Rae, pretending to be 

* Daipur is in Parganah Kannauj, it is tho easternmost village adjoining the first 
village in the Cawnpur parganah of Bilhor. 

t This Miranpur is, I suppose, the town in tho Barha Sadat of the Muaffarnagar 
district, 10 miles cast of Khatauli. The 'Amdd-us-Sa dat (p. 4S), tolls us ho was a Barha 
Sayyad. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukliabdd. 57 

equally drunk, replied that all this talk was flatly contradicted by his 
acts, which were directly opposed to the Shastras. Naval Rae asserted that 
up to that day he had done no act forbidden by the Dharm-Shastra. Sahib 
Rde said — " Wbat direction of the Dharm-Shastra is this then, by which 
" you vex poor innocent women, if this is sanctioned by the words of any 
" saint or sage, then quote the passage." Naval Eae denied that he had 
injured any woman. Sahib Rae at once seized the opportunity and said, 
" To-day I saw a woman in prison said to be a Pathani, I have heard she 
" has done no harm ; where, then, are your pious pretensions, you who have 
" a woman and a widow in your custody. Even admitting she is guilty, 
" you are now in full and peaceable occupation of this territory, and keep- 
" ing the widow is quite unnecessary." Naval Rae at the time thought 
this reasoning just, and, it being then midnight, he told Sahib Rae to go and 
release her. Sahib Rae replied that without an order in writing her guards 
would not let her go. Then Naval Rae, stupified as he was, attached his seal 
to an order of release. Sahib Rae hurried to the entrance gate, showed the 
order to the sentries and gave them some money. He then urged the Bibi 
Sahiba to lose not a moment, and she getting out her bullock rath started at 
once. They made such good speed that tbey reached Mau, a distance of 
sixty- one miles, in the space of nine hours, and when they got there one of 
the bullocks dropped down dead. At Kannauj, when morning broke, Sahib 
Rae forestalled every one by enquiring from Naval Rae whether during the 
night he had ordered the release of the Bibi Sahiba or not. When Naval 
Rae replied that he had not done so, Sahib Rae produced the written order. 
He upbraided Sahib Rae for having tricked an old friend, but Sahib Rae 
retorted that he placed his duty to his salt before friendship. Naval Rae 
ordered him out of his presence and despatched five hundred horsemen to 
bring back the Pathani. They rode as far as Nabiganj and the Kali river, 
but did not find her. The Kayath then wrote to the Wazir an account of 
her escape in which he screened himself as best he could.* 

The oppressions of Naval Rae's subordinates proceeded beyond all 
bounds, and the Afghans began to concert together measures of resis- 
tance. A final outrage goaded them into revolt. One day a Avoman took 
some thread to the bazar for sale ; and a Hindu in the service of Naval 
Rae bought and paid for it. The woman took the money and spent it. A 
month afterwards the purchaser brought back the thread and wished to 
return it. The woman said she could not give back the price, nor was it 
the custom to give things back after a month. The Hindu used abusive 

* Life of H. E. E. pp. 36, 37. The last part of p. 36, and top of p. 37, is all 
wrong. Naval Eae did not need to pass through Mau, nor was he waylaid at three 
kos from that place. 
H 



58 W. Irvine — The Bangash Naw&bs of Furrulclcdbdd. [No. 2, 

language, she replied in similar terms ; whereupon he took off his shoe and 
struck her. She began to heat her head and breast, and went to the principal 
Path&ns, telling them it had been better if God had granted daughters only 
to Muhammad Khan, and she called down God's curse on them, the turban- 
wearers, for allowing her, the wife of an Afridi, to be beaten with a shoe 
by a Hindu from the Kotwali (police post).* Eustam Khan, a wealthy 
Afridi, and several of the leaders from each tuman went to the Bibi Sahiba's 
entrance gate, and told her that they would no longer submit in silence to 
the oppression of Naval Bae. She asked their plans. They told her that 
if she would place one of her sons at their head to lead them on to victory, 
they would attack Rajah Naval Bae. She counselled them to dismiss such 
idle thoughts from their minds, for how could she join them while five of 
her sons were in the fort at Allahabad, and five of her principal chelas in 
prison at Delhi. When Eustam Khan and the others found the Bibi 
.Sahiba turned a deaf ear to them, they resolved on other plans. 

Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghdlib Jang. 

Ahmad Khan, second son of Nawab Muhammad Khan, during the 
lifetime of his elder brother, Kaim Khan, lived for some time at Delhi. He 
had taken a farming lease of five parganahs, Sakrawah and others, from 
his brother Kaim Khan. Instead of remitting the revenue he spent it on 
a silver howdah, such as none but Kaim Khan used, and caused a fan of 
peacock's feathers to be waved over his head. Mahmud Khan Bakhshi 
denounced Ahmad Khan to Nawab Kaim Khan, and at his instigation a 
thousand horse were despatched to Sakrawah with orders to cut off Ahmad 
Khan's head. Having received word of their approach Ahmad Khan 
escaped to Eudain in Parganah Kampil, thirty miles north-west of Far- 
rukhabad, where his father-in-law lived, and thence he made his way to 
Delhi, where he placed himself under the protection of Ghazi-ud-din Khan 
Firuz Jang. When the war with the Eohelas broke out, he managed with 
the connivance of Firuz Jang to escape from Delhi at midnight, without 
receiving the Emperor's permission. We have already mentioned the part 
he took in the campaign. 

After the confiscation of the territory and the return of the Wazir to 
Delhi, Ahmad Khan lived in retirement at Farrukhabad in his house, known 
till a few years ago as the " Kacha Kila' " (the mud fort), near the Bihisht 
Bagh. He could barely afford to keep two servants and a boy Bamzani, 
the son of an old servant of the house. Some months jtassed in this way* 
when one day in the month of Sawan (July) fifteen men from Mau, each 

* Amad-us Sa'dat, p. 46, from lino 2. Ahmad Khan was I believe at Farrukhabad, 
so I have omitted his name from this story, the scene of which is Mau. 



1879.] W. Irvine — Tlie Bangasli Nawaks of ' Farruhhdbdd. 59 

with a slave behind him, rode in at midday and dismounted. Ahmad Khan 
when he saw them was greatly perplexed to know what it meant. The 
Pathans saluted him, and he asked their errand. For fear of Naval Bae's 
spies, who prowled about the city, they said they had come to make some 
wedding purchases. The Nawab ordered food to be got ready for them. 

The visitors then said they wished to talk to the Nawab in private. The 
two khidmatgars and the boy Bamzani were turned out, and the chain was 
put on the female apartments. The discussion endured for some five hours, 
during which Bamzani was called in to fill huqqa after 7iuqqa. Whenever 
he went in, all the Pathans stopped speaking. From the sounds which came 
out through the doors, it appeared that the Nawab was maintaining an 
argument with them, to some things he agreed, others he disputed. It ap- 
peared afterwards that the Nawab had told them he had no confidence in 
them ; as they had forsaken Kaim Khan on the field of battle, so would 
they forsake him. Then they put up their hands respectfully and pledged 
themselves never to quit him in the hour of danger, they would either con- 
quer or die. The Nawab demanded an oath from them and they solemnly 
swore fidelity to him on the holy Kuran. 

A little before sunset the Pathans said they must go, there being little 
daylight left in which to make their purchases, and the next day they 
must return to Mau. They mounted and went away to the Tirpolya Bazar 
where each bought what he wanted. Naval Eae's spies and patrols chal- 
lenged them, but they said they had come to buy cloth in the bazar. They 
were really Eustam Khan and a deputation of Pathans from Mau. They 
stopped the night at Ahmad Khan's and finally obtained his adherence to 
their plans. They then returned to Mau. 

In a few days a messenger, Ghul Miyan, came from the Bibi Sahiba 
asking Ahmad Khan to come to Mau. Hiring eight kahars and having 
his old palJei, the pole of which was nearly in two, tied together with rope, 
he set out for Mau. There he paid his respects to the Bibi Sahiba and 
presented his nazar. Apparently she had been talked over, and was now 
eager for an attack on Naval Bae. The only difficulty was the want of 
funds. 

Eustam Khan Afridi, on condition of a grant of the half of any terri- 
tory recovered, brought out all the ready money he possessed to the extent 
of some thousands of rupees. This money was divided according to their 
need among his brothel's and the several commanders (Tumandar) . Ten 
thousand rupees were sent to Nawab Ahmad Khan for his more pressing 
expenses. In return the Nawab conferred on Eustam Khan the dignity of 
Bakhshi, or Commander-in-Chief, and sent him a robe of investiture of 
seven pieces. A well-to-do Kurmi, named Ghassa, of Chaloli, close to 



60 W. Irvine — The Bmgash Nawabs of Ilarruklidhad. [No. 2, 

Kiiimganj, was induced on receipt of a revenue-free grant of that village to 
make an advance of several thousand rupees. Some money is also said* to 
have heen obtained by the plunder of a trader's house in a town sixteen kos 
from Mau, where seventy bags of rupees and one bag of gold had just 
been received from Lakhnau. 

After some money had been collected in these various ways, theNawab 
set up his standard in the Moti Bagh in Chaloli. His force soon amounted 
to six thousand men, which rumour magnified into fifty thousand. Here 
the Bibi Sahiba invested Ahmad Khan with a Ichilat as reigning Nawab, 
and the Pathans presented their offerings. Ghassa Kurmi was sent to 
attack the Thana of Shamsabad, some five or six miles east of Mau. On 
the same day men, who were told off for the purpose, fell upon all Naval 
Rae's thanas and overpowered his men. 

Nine days after the first rising Ahmad Khan brought out all his cash 
and placed it in a tent.f He then proclaimed by beat of drum that he 
who could not support himself would be permitted, after his third fast, to 
take from this money, if a footman, one and a quarter anna, if a horseman, 
three annas. To take more was prohibited ; and those who were well off took 
nothing. The army, now swollen to some twelve thousand horsemen and 
twelve thousand foot, marched from the Moti Bagh, and in five days reached 
the Jasmai gate at Farrukhabad, where they halted near the house of Miyan 
'Ali Shah. The rains of Bhadwan (July — August) were falling, and as 
protection against the continuous wet weather, some put urj mats, some reed 
screens, some blankets, and some sheets. There were some even who had 
nothing and camped in the open. Proposals to attack the Bamtelas of 
Rashidpur, who had taken possession of some of the vacant forts in the 
city, were brought forward but rejected by the Nawab. In his opinion 
there was no need of entangling themselves in such brambles before they 
had overcome Naval Rae. The march was resumed and the next halt was 
at Amanabad, parganah Bhojpur, about six miles south of Farrukhabad 
on the Cawnpur road. 

Battle of Khudaganj and death of Naval Rae. 
A short time after the first rising, word had been brought to Naval 
Rae at Kannauj that the Pathans of Mau had risen and had surprised all his 
//. mas. Naval Rae began by using strong language about stripping naked 
all those Pathan bakers (ndwpaz) and vegetable sellers (kunjra) including 
their women ; and he swore they should all be trodden to death under the 

* 'Amad-ns-Ra'dat, p. 4G. 

f Of the kind called Dul< 1-Khani, so mado that, however strong the wind Liow.s 
or however heavy the rain is, it will neither fall nor leak. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdls of Furrukhdldd. 61 

feet of elephants. Then he ordered out his artillery and camp equipage, 
and marched westwards from Shahabad — Kannauj, at the head of an immense 
force, with one thousand cannon of all sorts, large and small. He pushed 
on to the Kali river as quickly as possible, and crossing it pitched his camp 
on the left bank near Khudaganj, seventeen miles south-east of Farrukha- 
bad and twenty miles north-west of Kannauj.* Soon after this, letters 
from the Wazir arrived, announcing his own approach and giving orders 
that till the two forces had joined, the attack was to be postponed. The 
Wazir's words were, that if any of the wild beasts, i. e., the Pathans, survived 
the battle, he would tie stones round their necks and drown them in the 
river, not one of their seed should be left alive in Hindustan. Naval Rae 
proceeded to carry out these orders. He caused a ditch to be dug round 
his camp, and posting his guns all round his entrenchment, he secured them 
to each other by chains. Heralds (iiaJcib) were sent to proclaim aloud 
from tent to tent the Wazir's instructions, and the army was warned that 
any one engaging the enemy would come under the displeasure of the 
Wazir and the Rajah. 

Meanwhile, on the Bangash side, at Rustam Khan's suggestion, Nawab 
Ahmad Khan ordered a march eastwards. His personal troops were under 
the command of his son, Mahmiid Khan, then about fifteen years of age, 
and there were other contingents under Zu'lfikar Khan, Khan Siiman Khan, 
Jamal Khan, Muhammad Mah Khan, Bahadur Khan, Roshan Khan, Mak- 
han Khan, 'Abd-ur-rahim Khan, Birahim Khan Kashmiri, Yar Khan of 
Daipur and Mirza, Anwar Beg. There were also the following chelas of 
Nawab Muhammad Khan, Ghazanfar Jang, viz., Haji Sarfaraz Khan, 
Ranmast Khan, Sarmast Khan, Namdar Khan the elder, Namdar Khan the 
younger, Sherdil Khan, Nahardil Khan, Jowahir Khan, Sahibat Khan, 
Hafizullah Khan, Bara Khan, Pahar Khan, the five sons of Shamsher 
Khan, two sons of Mukim Khan, 'Usman Khan, son of Islam Khan, also 
Mahtab Khan and Dilawar Khan Janubi. The Pathans encamped about 
two miles from the army of Naval Rae. The site of the encampment was, 
tradition says, at Rajeptir on the metalled road, three miles north-west of 
Khudaganj. 

To reinforce Naval Rae, the Wazir had on the 27th and 28th Sha'ban 
(21st and 22nd July, 1750), detached a force of twenty thousand men under 
Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Isma'il Beg, Muhammad Ali Khan Risaldar, Rajah 

* The author of the " 'Amad-us-Sa'dat" tells us (p. 47,) that to the Kali river are 
ascribed miraculous properties. When only knee-deep, if you beat the kettle-drums, it 
rises over an elephant's head. He offers the rationalistic explanation that the bottom 
is yielding, and soon gets trodden into a quagmire, so that any one afterwards crossing 
by the same passage would sink in. 



62 W. Irvine — The JBangash Ndwabs of J&arrufchalad. [No. 2 r 

Debi Datt, Faujdar of Koil, and others. When Rajah Jaswant Singh of 
Mainpuri* heard that this force had reached Sakitf he sent word of its 
approach to Nawab Ahmad Khan, telling him that in one day it would 
reach Mainpuri, and unless he finished with Naval Rae at once, he would be 
attacked both in front and rear. On receiving this intelligence the Nawab 
sent for Rustam Khan and Sardar Khan Pathans and told them the news. 
They said they were ready. The Nawab replied " To-morrow, putting our 
trust in the mercy of God, we must attack the enemy, and let events take 
their course." 

Ghul Miyan, a clever spy, was sent disguised as a faqir to reconnoitre 
the enemy's camp. He found no place unprotected with cannon, except one 
entrenchment held by Sayyads of .Barah, which lay quite at the back of 
the camp, to the south, on the banks of the Kalinadi. Ghul Miyan return- 
ed to the Nawab and reported that this place was guarded by five hundred 
matchlockmen only, but to reach it would entail a detour of three kos. He 
promised to conduct the Nawab to the spot. 

Accordingly, at three hours after sunset on Thursday the 9th Ramzan 
1163 H. (1st August 1750), Ahmad Khan having ejaculated a " B 'ism-Mali '» 
got into his jpalki and set out, followed by twelve thousand Pathans on foot 
and twelve hundred horsemen. Rustam Khan was posted on his left. 
Heavy rain was falling at the time. Ghul Miyan took them up to the right 
hand a distance of three kos, in order that the tramp of the horses' hoofs 
might not reach the ears of the enemy. In this way the front of Naval 
Rae's camp was avoided, and they got round in his rear near to the Kali where 
was the position held by the five hundred Sayyads. This spot is said to 
have been on the boundary of the two villages of Kaitha and Gangni, about 
a mile west of the town of Khudaganj. 

At an hour and a half before sunrise, Ghul Miyan pointed out to the 
Nawab the Sayyads' battery in front. The Sayyads heard the talking and 
said to each other, that it seemed as if the Pathans were coming to the 
attack, and they redoubled their vigilance. Then the Pathans made a 
rush, and from both sides matchlocks were discharged and swords used. 
The rain increased the confusion, for it was difficult to hear what one man 
said to another. An alarm passed through the camp that the Pathans had 
effected an entry into one of the entrenchments. At the time it was so 
dark that you could not tell friend from foe. Then the artillerymen began 
to fire their guns altogether at random, those on the west fired to the west, 
those on the north to the north, and those on the south to the south. 

* Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 550. Rajah from S. 1783 to S. 1814 (1726-1757 A. D.) 
f In Parganah Eta-Sakit of the Eta district about twenty miles north-west of 
Mainpuri. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash JSfawdbs of Farruhhdbdd. G3 

The Sayyads succeeded in repulsing the Pathans, who fled some distance. 
Ahmad Khan cursed them and cried out — " Have you brought me here 
" only to see you run away, to-morrow your wives will be dishonoured and 
" yourselves stripped naked." Then he drew his knife, intending to sacri- 
fice his life, as he disdained to leave the place alive. Rustam Khan Afrfd£ 
and other leading Pathans dissuaded him. The Nawab replied that, since 
they had come to fight to the death, they must all dismount and precede him 
on foot, he should then know that they meant to slay or be slain. The 
Pathans consented, and they all dismounted. It is well known that when a 
horseman dismounts to fight on foot, the case is desperate and he will then 
neither give nor receive quarter. The Pathans. made themselves ready by 
tying the skirts of their heavy plaited coats (jamah) round their waists, 
and taking shield and sword in hand, they advanced to renew the attack. 
Some of the Sayyads were killed, the rest fled and the battery was cleared. 
The whole of the Pathans thus made their way into the enemy's camp, and 
penetrated to Naval Rae's enclosed tents (surdcha) where the troops were 
few, the main body being distributed from point to point to guard the 
batteries. A messenger rej)orted to Naval Rae that the Pathans having 
driven back the Sayyads had entered the camj). Their weapons were now 
clashing at his own entrance door. As Naval Rae never went out without 
saying his prayers, after hearing the report he sat down to worship, saying, 
" It is no matter, I will soon seize the whole of these vegetable sellers in 
" the corner of my bow." The messenger came and made a second report, 
shouting out disrespectfully, " O you idiot ! Here you sit while the Pathans 
" cut down the enclosure to your tent." Thus urged to action Naval Rae 
armed himself. Then he sent for and mounted one of the two elephants, 
which stood at his door day aud night caparisoned with cloth of gold how- 
dahs. He had two quivers full of arrows attached to his howdah and two 
bows. Putting two arrows at a time into his bow, he sent them at the 
Pathans, calling out " Mar more scire kunjron ko" (kill me all these vege- 
table sellers.) Fighting was still going on when the day broke on Friday 
morning, the 10th Ramzan. On this side Ahmad Khan was seated up in 
his palki, protected by the Pathans with their shields, lest some bullet or 
arrow should hit him. There were fifty or sixty Kahars to carry the paUci 
and one of them was wounded by a spent ball. 

Rustam Khan and Muhammad Khan Afridi,* with one thousand horse 
and four thousand foot, had meanwhile come up to the spot where Naval 
Rae was standing in a group of three or four hundred men, with six or 
seven elephants. They paid little attention to this small group, and advan- 
ced in search of Naval Rae. They had gone only a few paces when a 
* Amad-us-Sa'dat. p. 47, halfway down. 



Gl W. Irvine — The Bangaslt X<i teals of Farruhhibdd. [No. 2, 

Patluin of Naval Rae's escort threw a " hasftpclai,"* calling out in Pushtu, 
" O infidels ! where are you going, are you blind, let no one approach, for 
" these are chiefs and leaders." They heard the " hashpclai," but did not 
understand the words. Muhammad Khan's brother, who had lately come 
from Afghanistan, translated them. Muhammad Khan ordered his men to 
ride at the group, while the footmen discharged their firelocks. Many of 
the enemy were disabled but the rest advanced. Then Naval Rae made use 
of abusive language, and said, " O you vegetable sellers ! I will thrash you, 
" you scamps, step by step out of this country." As he spoke he let fly an 
arrow which grazed Muhammad Khan's chest. Taking the arrow in his 
hand, Muhammad Khan said, " O arrow of an impotent man ! is this all 
" you can do ?" When the other heard this, he fired a second arrow which 
would have been fatal to Muhammad Khan, had it not struck a youth near 
him in the neck, so that he fell off his horse. Then a Sayyad of Barha, 
Muhammad Salah, advanced and said, " Maharaj ! I do not say the Pathans 
" will deceive, it is not necessary to show mercy, let us do all we can against 
" them." He had spoken thus far, when a slave of Muhammad Khan's 
father fired off his piece, and hit the Sayyad on the forehead so that he 
expired in his Jtowdah. Then one of the Afridis killed Naval Rae with a 
musket shot. After this the Pathans advanced and put many to the sword. 
The elephant driver, on seeing that Naval Rae was dead, drove the elephant 
into the Kali ; it swam across and bolted with its driver to Kannauj. When' 
the Rajah's army saw that their leader was killed or wounded and had re- 
treated, they too began to give way. Thousands of horsemen and foot 
soldiers fled. Those who could swim or were well mounted escaped across 
the Kali ; those who were poorly mounted were drowned. The victory was 
most unexpected both by the Pathans and on Naval Rae's side. 

After the fight but before the kettle-drums had beaten the triumphal 
march, Muhammad Khan went to the quarters of the money dealers. 
In a small tent he found several fat bunyas playing at " ehaupar." On 
seeing him, they said, " Come in, tell us, are the Pathans yet retreating, 
" or are they still where they were ?" The poor wretches thought he was 
one of their side, for they never dreamt of Ahmad Khan having conquered. 
Muhammad Khan told them that Naval Rae was dead, far and near Ahmad 
Khan now ruled, and they had apparently been dreaming to remain in such 
ignorance. They turned pale when they heard the news. Soon after forty 
or fifty Pathans coming up wished to slay the owners of the tent. The 
bunyas in their fright said they had boxes of gold coins and rupees, which they 
would give up to be let go, they had been subjects of Safdar Jang and would 

* Called in Hindi " alghoza ;" two races use them, Mewatis and Afghans ; they 
are made out of a piece of cane or bamboo. — 'Amdd-us-Sti'dat, 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bnngash Nmo/ibs of Farrul-lidbdd. 65 

be loyal subjects of Ahmad Khan. The Pathans proposed to get these 
boxes first, and then kill the men. This Muhammad Khan forbade. Then 
plunderers arriving from all sides, Muhammad Khan put the slave who shot 
Muhammad Salah with several Afridisin charge, and took the Hindus to his 
camp. There he reported to Rustam Khan, who sent off three hundred 
footmen to guard the tent and bring away the boxes, in which there was a 
large amount of money. 

Meanwhile an elephant of Naval Rae's, with a gilt howdah and gold 
brocade trappings, had been found in the camp. The Pathans were about 
to slay its keeper, when with great presence of mind he drove his elephant 
up to Ahmad Khan's pdlhi, and making it kneel he congratulated the Nawab 
on his victory and requested him to mount. The Pathans approved of this 
idea, and pushed the driver off with the ends of their sticks, thus sparing 
his life. At the time Ramzani was holding the side of the Nawab's^a£/c« 
in order to steady it. The Nawab ordered him to mount the elephant. He 
obeyed, and though not used to elephants, he managed to drive it off. 
Plunder of the camp then began, the Nawab's orders being that elephants, 
cannons, tents and kettle-drums were his, the rest belonged to the seizer. 
The amount of plunder was so great, that several men acquired property 
worth as much as one lakh of rupees (£10,000). 

In this battle, besides Naval Rae and Mir Muhammad Salah already 
named, 'Ata-ullah Khan* and many principal men lost their lives. The 
author of the " Tabsirat-un-nazirin" gives the names of as many as thirty- 
seven Sayyads and Shekhs of Bilgram in Audh, who lost their lives on this 
fatal day. 

Nawab Bakaullah Khan, who had been summoned in great haste, 
had left Makhanpur, about fourteen miles south of Kannauj, on Thurs- 
day the 9th Ramzan (1st August, 1750). That night he was at Kannauj, 
and next day, the 10th ('2nd August, 1750), starting before daybreak, 
they had arrived within four kos of Naval Rao's camp, when suddenly 
fugitives began to pour in. Rae Partap Singh, who had been wounded, 
was the first to report fully the disaster. Bakaullah Khan halted for two 
or three hours, and thinking his force too small for an advance, he retreated 
on Kannauj in order to remove Rajah Naval Rae's women and children. 
With these, accompanied by the Rajah's corpse, and such elephants and 
horses and other property as they could collect, they set out on their retreat. 
The fugitives from the battle-field followed them, among others Rae Partap 

* Son-in-law of Haji Ahmad, the brother of Allah Wardi Khan Mahabat Jang' 
ruler of Bengal. He had been Faujdar of Bhagulpur and had held other appointments 
till having quarrelled with his uncle, he came to Audh. — /. Scott, Ferishta II. 343-351. 
Seir Mutuqherin, I. 458. 

I 



GO W. Irvine — The Bangctsh Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2, 

Singh and Husain 'Ali Khan, who had both been wounded. On the way 
all that could be removed was carried away from Bithur. On Saturday the 
11th (3rd August 1750), they came to Muhsinpur, some five miles west of 
Cawnpur. Next day they arrived at Jajmau, six or seven miles east of 
Cawnpur on the Ganges, and on the 14th (6th August, 1750), they were at 
Kanpur, a place five Jcos from Kora. Thence the late Rajah's family was 
sent across the Ganges towards Lakhnau ; while Bakaullah Khan took up 
a defensive position at Kora. 

The morning after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan's army had swollen 
to sixty thousand men, including the Sahibzadas, thechelas, the men of the 
Bangash clan, the traders and villagers of all sorts. "When the Bamtelas, 
who had occupied the fort at Farrukhabad heard the news, they were alarmed 
and fled to their villages. 

After the battle Ahmad Khan sent one of his father's chelas whom he 
trusted, his name was Bhure Khan, with five hundred matchlockmen, to 
take possession of Kannauj. His orders were to occupy the fort of Naval 
Rae called the Rang Mahal, and to take care of all the property. These 
instructions were thoroughly carried out. There were hundreds of thousands 
of rupees in cash, and a very large quantity of grain stored. Rahm Khan, 
chela, used to say that his father, Dilawar Khan, then very young, visited 
Kannauj a few days after the battle, and at the commander's invitation he 
went into the Bang Mahal. There were no people in it, but bags of rupees 
and gold coins were scattered about. There were gold brocade curtains, 
the doors and lintels were plated with silver and gold, there was a jewelled 
bedstead with pillows of velvet, and the basons and covers were of gold 
studded with jewels. Dilawar Khan lived all his life on the proceeds of 
the things he carried away with the kila'dar's permission, and at his death 
he left a house and a pot full of gold coins. 

Nawab Ahmad Khan returned to Farrukhabad with great splendour. 
Sending for the Bibi Sabiba, his step mother, from Mau, he presented her 
with offerings. He sent out his parties to occupy posts (thanas) in all 
the thirty-three mahals, and removed from Kannauj the whole of the pro- 
perty he had confiscated. 

A local poet, Bhabuti Bhat of 'Ataipur, parganah Kaimganj, produced 
the following ode on the occasion, for which the Nawab gave him a village 
in ndnJcdr. 

'Ajab wuh Sahib-i-kudrat hai, jin-ne jag samhara hai, 

Khudi hai, pak-maula hai, wuhi parwardigara hai ; 

Khuya bandah, kamr kas-kar, ghanim upar liye lashkar 

Lagi uski 'ajab chakkar, gharuri ka khamara hai, 

Naval se mard ghiisri ko na puchhi bat paji ko, 

Naval so maid gbazi ko pahunch, goli se mara hai, 



1879] W. Irvine— The Ban //ash Nawdbs of FarruJchdbdd. 67 

Naval haudah se mukh mora, kahin hathi, kahin ghora ; 
Kabail bhi kahin chhora na sar chera samhara hai, 
Chalen topan dharadhar se, rahkli bhi parapar se, 
Shutr-ndlen taratar se, tahawar ka pahara hai, 
Chalen tiren sans-sans, chali goli manan man man, 
Katen bakr jhanan jhan jhan, pari talwar dhara hai, 
Bhabuti nam hai mera, 'Ataipur men dera hai 
Yihi hai mo-Uakhera, tale Ganga kinara hai. 



Advance of the Wazir. 
Shortly after the first rising of the Pathans, word had been brought of 
it to the Wazir at Delhi. On the 12th Sha'ban 1163 H (6th July, 1750), 
he marched out of Delhi and crossing the Jumna began his preparations. 
On the 27th and 28th Sha'ban (21st and 22nd July, 1750), he despatched 
troops under Nasir-ud-din Haidar to reinforce Naval Rae. On the last day 
of the month, a Tuesday (23rd July, 1750), he returned to Delhi and a 
second time took leave of the Emperor. He then marched with a large 
force of his own troops, some thirty thousand men under Suraj Mall Jat 
of Bhartpur, whom he had taken into his pay, and contingents under Nawab 
Najm-ud-daula Muhammad Ishak Khan, Darogha of the Nazul,* Sher 
Jang,f Mir Nasir-ud-din Haidar, J Mirza Muhammad Ali Khan Kochak, 
and Mirza Najaf Beg.§ Isma'il Beg Khan, chela, 'Ise Beg Khan 

* His sister, in her old age so well known as the Bhao Begam of Faizabad, was" 
married to Shuja-ud-daula, Safdar Jang's son. Najm-ud-daula, whose name was Mirza 
Muhammad, was the eldest son^of Muhammad Ishak Khan Mutaman-ud-daula (died 
2nd Safer 1154 H. — 3th April, 1741). 

f Sayyad Nasir Muhammad Khan, son of Sayudat Khan, the brother of Sa'dat 
Khan, Burhan-ul-Mulk. 

% He and Safdar Jang had married two sisters, the daughters of Sa'dat Khan 
Burhan-ul-Mulk. He was the son of Safdar Jang's maternal aunt. 

§ This is the man who afterwards played such a prominent part at the Court of 
Delhi from 1771 till his death on the 22nd April, 1782. He left Shuja -ud-daula's 
service after the assassination of Muhammad Kuli Khan, Naib of Allahabad. 

His descent and family connections are shown in the subjoined table 

Najaf Khan 

m. daughter of Shah Sulaiman. 

I 

Mir Said Muhammad. 

i 

I 

Mir Said Ali. 



Mirza Isma'il Mirza Najaf Daughter 

m. Fatima Begam, full sister Khan. b. at m. to Mirza Muhsin, 

to N. Muhammad Kuli Khan and Isfahan. brother of Safdar Jan° , > 



daughter of 'Izzut-ud-daula Mir- 
za Muhsin, elder brother of Saf- 
dar Jang. 



68 W. Irvine— TJte Bangash Nawdhs of ' FarruMdbdd. [No. 2, 

chela,* Aga Muhammad Bakir Yarmani,t Mirza Mashadi Beg and Mir 
Na'im Khan. 

After they had, in three or four days' time, reached two stages from 
Delhi, the defeat of Naval Rae was reported. The Wazir Hew into a great 
rage and cursed that vain-glorious drunkard for not having awaited the 
reinforcements, when it would not have been possible for those peasants, the 
Pathans, to have wrested a victory. Saj'ing this he struck his hands in 
despair on the cushion on which he was seated, and then exhausted, dropping 
his head upon the pillow, he fell into extreme perplexity. Meanwhile Isma'il 
Beg Khan who had been sent to reinforce Naval Rae, having reached Main- 
puri, heard from his spies of the death of Naval liae, and retreating at once 
rejoined the Wazir's main army, which was encamped near the town of 
Marahra.J 

Execution of the Five Princes. 

When the Wazir raised his head from his pillow, he called for a secre- 
tary, and directed him to write to the Shekh in command at the Allahabad 
fort, directing him on receipt of the order to put to death with every indig- 
nity the five sons of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang who were 
in his custody. Another order was sent to the Wazir's son, Jalal-ud-din 
Haidar (afterwards known as Shuja'-ud-daula), then at Delhi, telling him to 
decapitate the five chelas, sending their heads to the Wazir. 

According to the Wazir's orders, the stony-hearted Shekh, forgetting 
God and God's prophet, took with him several misbegotten wretches and 
went to the prisoners. When these beheld their murderers, Nawab Imam 
Khan said to the Shekh — " O Shekh ! after the death of Kaim Khan I 
" was raised to the masnad, to kill me is your duty, but these four brothers 
" of mine are quite innocent, you should postpone their death till the 
"Wazir's order can be repeated." The Shekh turned a deaf ear to this 

* There is a Shuja' Kuli Khan alias Miyan 'Ise, a chela, mentioned in the " Tab- 
sirdt-un-nazirin" (year 1177), and in the 'Amad-us-Sa'dat (p. 88,) who may be the 
same as this man. 

t The Tabsirat-un-nazirm (year 1177), names a Mir Bakir Yamani as one of 
Shnja'-ud-daula's leaders in the Bengal campaign of 1764. 

X Gaz. N. W. P. loo. It lies 12 miles north of the head-quarters of tho Eta dis- 
tn'ct. The lithographed editions of both the " Siyar-ul-Mutdkhaiin, p. 875, and the 
Khizdna 'Amira" p. 80, give distinctly the name Mdrahra as the town plundered by 
the Wazir's troops on the 18th Bamzan (10th August, 1750). But Elphinstonc, p. 650 
(fourth edition) says it was the town of Barha, which might be 1 reated as a misreading, 
had not Elliot, in his Supplemental Glossary (Boorkcc reprint, 18G0, p. 110), also stated 
that it was the town of Barha which was sacked by Safdar Jang's men. 1 behove 
Mdrahra, however, to be correct. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash >, Nawdhs of Farrukhdbdd. 69 

request. The executioners advanced towards the prisoners, and the Nawabs 
competed with each other as to who should first offer up his life. When 
all five had been slaughtered, the bodies were buried within the fort, and it 
was believed that the vows were granted of any one who offered a prayer 
at their tomb.* 

'Execution of the Five Chelas. 

The Wazir's order to put the five chelas to death reached Jalal-ud-dm 
Haiclar, the Wazir's son (afterwards known as Shuja'-ud-daula) ; and on 
the 20th Kamzan (12th August, 1750), he directed their jailor, Zain-ul- 
'Abidain, to bring them forth. He went to their prison with a palki and 
called out — " Shamsher Khan ! to-night the Wazir has ordered your 
" quarters to be changed, and I have brought & palki to carry you." The 
Khan replied that he knew the place to which he would be taken, and re- 
quested that the other four might go first, leaving him the time for wash- 
ing the corpse and for the funeral prayers. Zain-ul 'Abidain had a great 
affection for him, but was unable to show it. As requested he took away 
the other four chelas in the palki. When they reached the place of execu- 
tion, an order to despatch them having heen given, the executioner forth- 
with separated their heads from their bodies. 

Meanwhile Shamsher Khan bathed, put on new clothes, rubbed them 
with scent, and having said the burial prayers for his own death, commen- 
ced a recitation of the Kuran. Then Zain-ul- 'Abidain returned with the 
palki and said " Shamsher Khan ! arise and enter the palki." Placing 
his Kuran in its cover, he presented it to Zain-ul-'Abidain, and gave him 
fifty gold coins to be presented for the table of Murtazza Ali through the 
hands of some Sayyad. He put aside his shoes as a gift to any one going 
barefooted. He made over his signet ring to his attendant, telling him to 
deliver it to Hasan Ali Khan, his son ; and his own rosary, with a firdn 
to hang round a child's neck, were for Sher 'Ali Khan. Then barefooted he 
set out towards the place of execution. Zain-ul 'Abidain urged him to get 
into the palki, but he refused, saying, that though many of his slaves had 
risen to ride in pdlkis or on elephants, all earthly ambition for him was 
now over. 

As he reached the place of execution, seeing the dead bodies of his 
fellow chelas, he exclaimed, " Brothers ! I will soon follow you." Jalal-ud- 

* The author of the " Amad-us-Sa'dat" (p. 45) pretends to throw doubt on the 
ahove story, but Hisam-ud-diu says he had it from Sayyad Piyari of Gwaliyar, who was 
living in Allahabad at the time. The more popular version is that the five Sahibzadas 
were built up alive into one of the walls of the fort. 



70 W. Irvine— The B<mtjash JVnicals of Farrukhdbdd. [No.. 2, 

din Haidar on seeing him, said, " Shamsher Khan, where is now your 
e word" ? Iu reply he recited these verses — 

Hanian shcr o shamsher-i-burran man-am ; 
Cha sazam, kih kabza na darad sar-am, 
"Wagarna tura Khan o inanat haria 
Ba-yak-dam tah-i-khak kardam 'adam. 

Having heard this answer, the prince said to the executioner " Behead 
him." The executioner made a stroke hut missed ; and again a second time 
he missed. Turning to a Mughul standing hy, Jalal-ud-din Haidar told 
him to finish the affair. The Mughul hesitated, but at length drawing, he 
made a cut at the neck and severed the head from the body at one blow. 
Still reciting the words of martyrdom, the corpse moved ten paces towards 
the Ka'ba and then stood still, the fingers of both hands continuing to count 
as before the beads of his rosary. The Mughul was amazed, and approach- 
ing the corpse, placed his two hands on its back, saying, " Khan Sahib ! 
"you are a martyr." On these words being pronounced, the corpse turned 
to him and knelt. Then the Mughul began to weep and wail, saying, 
" O Jalal-ud-din, the accursed ! I knew not that this man was the greatest 
" saint of the age, unjustly have you murdered by my hand this man with- 
" out guile." Then striking his sword on a stone with such force that he 
broke it, and rending his clothes, he fled into desert places. 

The prince then caused the five bodies to be thrown into a well, and 
filled it up with stones. Next morning by the power of the Almighty there 
were found strewn on that well five fresh Chamleli flowers. Every day 
they were rejdaced by other fresh flowers. At the time that Ahmad Khan 
Durrani came to Delhi (17G1), Nawab Ahmad Khan went there accompa- 
nied by 'Umr 'Ali Khan, son of the martyred Shamsher Khan. One day 
his father appeared to him, and said — " It is now twelve years since I fell 
" into a well here, take out my corpse and send it to Farrukhabad, there 
" inter it in the mosque beneath the Jdman tree." 'Umr 'Ali Khan got 
up crying bitterly, for at that time he was much hampered for money. He 
could hit upon no plan to procure funds. A few minutes afterwards, 
through the wisdom of the Causer of Causes, a money-lender, a friend of 
his, came up and asked why he wept. He repeated the dream, and that 
good man lent him five hundred rupees. Stone masons were set to work at 
the well, and when the corpse was taken up, the clothes looked quite whole, 
but were in reality all worn and fell to pieces. The body was put into a 
collin and sent to Farrukhabad, where it was buried in the mosque beneath 
the jdman tree. The following verse gives the year of Shamsher Khan's 
death — 

Tarikh ba-guft hatif-i-gbaibc kih " niadah Ramzdn." 11C3 H. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrulcluibad. 71 

Defeat of the Wazir. 

After having remained a month encamped at Marahra, the Wazir ad- 
vanced eastwards and entrenched himself near a place called Earn Chatauni, 
seven miles east of Sahawar and five miles west of Patiali.* Suraj Mall 
with his troops was on the Wazir's right wing nearest the van, and Isma'il 
Beg Khan commanded on Suraj Mall's left. 

On his side Ahmad Khan had sent urgent requests for assistance to 
the Pathans of Shahjahanpur, T'ilhar,f Bareli, AnwalahJ and Jaunpur, in 
which last place some friends of his were settled. Ahmad Khan then march- 
ed westwards with Rustam Khan Afridi, who at that time had the chief 
direction of his affairs. The Nawab proposed to Rustam Khan that, as 
both the Wazir and Suraj Mall were coming against them, they should 
divide their forces ; and he offered to Rustam Khan the choice of attack. 
Rustam Khan replied that Nawab should fight with Nawab and simple 
soldier with simple soldier, he therefore chose Suraj Mall as his antagonist. 

Early in the morning of the 22nd Shawal 1163 H. (13th September, 
1750), the attack began by the advance of the detachment of Isma'il Khan, 
chela, and of Suraj Mall Jat with fifty thousand men against Rustam Khan 
Afridi. On his left was an eminence, the site of a deserted village. § Isma'il 
Khan and Suraj Mall occupied the foot of this height, and planted several 
guns on the top of it, the fire of which commanded the camp of Rustam Khan. 
He went off to the Nawab and asked for orders to attack. Ahmad Khan 
wished the battle postponed, but Rustam Khan pointed out that delay was 
impossible, and the enemy being in force he must meet them. He got into 
his pMJci and returned to his men, whom he drew out at once in order of 
battle. 

When the order to advance was given, the Pathans by one rush carried 
the height, sword in hand, and captured the guns. Rustam Khan then dis- 
covered at a little distance a large force drawn out in battle array. He 
directed the attack to be continued. It was Suraj Mall's contingent under 
his immediate command. Suraj Mall called to his men, " You must not 

* Earn Chatauni is not marked on any map to -which I have access, hut I helieve 
it lies within Taluka Mohanpur. There is a well there which is believed to have exist- 
ed from the time of the Vedas, and once a year thousands of Hindus assemble there 
to bathe. 

f About 12 miles N. W. of Shahjahanpur. 

% Fifteen miles S. W. of Bareli and in the Bareli district. 

§ The authors of the " Lauh" say that the final struggle with Eustam Khan took 
place at Atranji Khera (see Gaz. N. W. P. IV, III.) But as it is 14 miles off as the 
crow flies from Earn Chatauni, and on the opposite or right bank of the Kali Nadi, I 
think they must be wrong. 



72 "W . Irvine — The Ban gash Nawahs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 2, 

" fight these Pathans with the sword, at which they are expert, let fly your 
" arrows and discharge your firelocks." Saying this he withdrew to consult 
Isnni'il Beg Khan and Raj ah Himmat Singh Bhadauriya,* who were sta- 
tioned to the rear hy way of reserve. They also were of opinion that the 
Pathans should not be allowed to come to close quarters, but that they 
should all three join to enclose them on left and right. They then advanc- 
ed against Rustam Khan in a semicircular form, something like the shape 
of a bow. 

They began their attack by artillery fire, discharge of matchlocks, and 
flights of arrows. Rustam Khan, who was brave as his name, got out of 
his palki and joined his Pathans, with his bow in his hand. His arrows 
shot down several of the enemy. Then grasping his sword he advanced 
followed by his men, who had all dismounted. They despatched a number 
of the enemy, nor did they fail in any effort to win the day. They were, 
however, outnumbered, and Rustam Khan was slain with six or seven thou- 
sand Pathans. Sura] Mall and his companions pursued the remainder a 
long way in the direction of 'Aliganj, which is twenty-four miles south-east 
of the battle field. 

Meanwhile, some Jcos to the right of Rustam Khan, Nawab Ahmad 
Khan was engaged in contest with the Wazir. A messenger came and 
whispered to him that Rustam Khan had been defeated and slain. Allow- 
ing no sign of fear to betray itself, he turned with calmness to his leaders 
and cried with a loud voice : — " Rustam Khan has gained the day and has 
" made prisoners of Suraj Mall Jat, Isma'il Beg and Rajah Himmat Singh, 

* Himmat Singh Bhadauriya, son of Gopal Singh, succeeded his father on Jeth S. 
2nd Samhat 1800, (1743 A. D.) He died on Jeth B. 5th Sambat 1812, (1755 A. D.) 
His principal forts were Bah and Pinahat in the Agra district, Atcr on the right bank 
of the Chamhal, and Bhind some sixteen miles beyond it to the south-east. The two 
latter places arc now in the Gwaliyar State. The family residences are now at Kacho- 
ra and Nauganw, both on the Jamna in the Bah Pinahat parganah of the Agra district 
The Rajah's diwdn gives the following genealogy : 

Himmat Singh (son of Gopal Singh) . 

Bakht Singh. 

Partap Singh (adopted son) 

I 
Sarnet Singh. 

.1 
Mahindar Singh (adopted son) 

(present Kajah). 

The Bhadauryas are said to be a branch of the Chauhans (Elliot, Supp. Glossary 

art. Bhudoukia, p. 75.) 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdbdd. 73 

" he will win the j^alm for bravery from us, let us advance and make a like 
" brave fight ; we have the Wazir to meet, and if we prevail our name will 
" be great, if we fail, not one of us will be able to look a stranger in the 
" face." The leaders replied that, by the favour of God Most High and the 
Nawab' s good fortune, they would soon show what they could do. Hearing 
these words repeated by the whole army, the Nawab directed them to offer 
up a prayer. Raising up the right hand, they all called upon God for his 
blessing and made over their lives to his care. Then rank by rank they 
turned upon the foe. 

When the two armies met in line, Nasir-ud-din Haidar, who was post- 
ed in advance on the enemy's side with several thousand men, attempted to 
open an artillery fire. The advance of the Pathans was, however, so rapid 
that little or no execution was done. When they came close, Mustaffa 
Khan Mataniya, who was famous among all the Pathans for his prowess in 
single combat, challenged the leaders on the other side. Nasir-ud-din 
Haidar came forth to meet him. Drawing their swords, they began to 
fight ; both fell from their horses, owing to the number of their wounds, 
and both expired upon the spot. The enemy, seeing that Nasir-ud-din 
Haidar was dead, gave up hope, turned, and fled. At this moment Nawab 
Ahmad Khan came up to where Nasir-ud-din Haidar and Mustaffa Khan's 
dead bodies were lying. 

The want of success in the Wazir's vanguard is attributed to the de- 
fection of Kamgar Khan Biloch, faujdar of the environs of Delhi. Actiug, 
as it is asserted, in collusion with Ahmad Khan, he made no resistance but 
turned and fled. When the Wazir perceived that his men were giving way, 
he hurried off Muhammad 'Ali Khan Risaldar and Nur-ul-Hasan Khan 
Jama'dar, Bilgrami,* with his brothers, and 'Abd-un-nabi Khan, chela of 
Muhammad Ali Khan, with orders to re-inforce the front. Since, however, 
the panic of the Mughuls had become general, the efforts of the newly arrived 
troops were fruitless. Muhammad 'Ali Khan then turned away to their 
left wing, where three thousand foot were drawn up, with some horsemen 
behind them. When the Pathans came to close quarters, Niir-ul-Hasan 
and his brothers began using their bows, and the matchlockmen under 
'Abd-un-nabi Khan fired off their pieces. They picked off many of the 
Pathans, who were thrown into slight confusion, but soon recovered them- 
selves. Their advance continued, Muhammad 'Ali Khan was wounded by 
a bullet on the right hand, and Niir-ul-Hasan Khan's elephant received five 

* Nur-ul-Hasan Khan was still alive in 1181 H. (May, 1767-1768), and serving 
near Arrah in Bengal, see Tabsirat-uii-Ndzinn under that year. 
K 



74 W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Nawabs of FarrnhMbdd . [No. 2, 

sword cuts. In this encounter were slain Mir Ghuhim Nabi and Mir 'Azim- 
ud-din, Sayyads of Eilgram.* 

As soon as Nawab Ahmad Khan reached the field of battle, the Mu- 
ghuls discharged their artillery, great and small, loaded with spikes (gohhru) 
and broken iron instead of balls. From the noise the earth trembled but 
the execution done was small. No one was wounded except Parrmil Khan, 
who lost the skin of one finger. From the spreading of the smoke the sky 
was obscured and for a time it was quite dark.f 

Nawab Ahmad Khan waited a few moments till the smoke had sub- 
sided, when he made a rapid advance through some dhdk jungle upon the 
Wazir's entrenchment. The horsemen having dismounted drew their swords 
and preceded the Nawab. By voice and by signs with his bow, he urged on 
the kahars to carry his p6lki speedily into the midst of the enemy. When 
the Pathans got near the guns, they fired their matchlocks and drove off 
the artillery-men, and the chains protecting the camp they cut with their 
swords or with axes. They now had got near to where the Wazir stood 
with a large force, and the Pathans began the attack on him with a discharge 
of musketry and arrows. The Nawab at the head of the reserve came up 
and joined them. With his own hand he discharged his arrows, aiming at 
the Wazir, and the Pathans so exerted themselves with their swords that 
there was a general slaughter, and corpse fell upon corpse. At this moment 
a Pathan from Tilhar| in Kohilkhand came up towards the rear of the 
Wazir's position, and finding an action going on, sent a camel rider for 
orders. He was told to make his way towards the canopied howdah in 
which sat the Wazir ; and the troops being few in that direction, where no 
attack was expected, the Tilhar Pathan, with his three hundred men, forced 
their way close to the Wazir and dischai'ged their matchlocks. 

The Wazir's elephant-driver was shot and fell to the ground ; his com- 
panion in the hind seat, Mirza 'AH Naki, tutor of Shuja'-ud-daula, the 
Wazir's son, was wounded ; and the Wazir himself received a grazing wound 

* The Miftdh-ut-tmvdriJch, pp. 497, 498, gives poetical tarikha by Mir Ghulam 'Ali 
Azad, who also mentions them in the " Sarv-i-Azdd." The father of the author of the 
Siyar-ul-MiUakharin wo.uld seem to have been present in this battle. S-ul-M. p. 877, 
seventh line from bottom. 

t The Khiz&na 'Amira, p. 81, says nearly all the artillery had been sent away 
with the van, but this does not socm quite borne out. At any rate this smoke from the 
artillery seems to be tho explanation of the dust storm usually pleaded as a screen for 
the Wazir's defeat, see Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 38, Hamilton's Eohilla Afghans, 
p. 103. First, a dust storm does not come in September, secondly, it would come from 
the West and would blow into the Pat.han's faces, and so far be favourable to tho 
Wazir, who faced to the east not to the west. 

% In the Shahjahanpur district. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FarruJcMMd. 75 

on the neck, under the right jaw, from which he swooned and sank down 
in the howdah. His howdah was made of strong metal plates, and it was 
so high that when seated the head only appeared above the side, he was 
thus protected from further wounds. The Pathans, thinking the howdah 
empty and the elephant ownerless, passed on in pursuit of the Mughuls, who 
had by this time taken to flight ; only Muhammad 'Ali Khan and Nur-ul- 
Hasan retained their formation, and rejoining the Wazir they asked for orders. 
He directed a triumphal march to be beaten by the drums, but except some 
two hundred men, not a soul rallied to his support. Night now approaching, 
Jagat Narayan, brother of Lachmi Narayan, took the place on the elephant 
of the dead mahaut ; and the Wazir reluctantly withdrew from the field 
towards Marahra. 

Soon after his withdrawal, Suraj Mall Jat, Isma'il Beg and Rajah 
Himmat Singh, having completed the defeat and dispersion of Rustam 
Khan Afridi's troops, were returning with exultation to rejoin the Wazir. 
Nawab Ahmad Khan with only a few men was in occupation of the Wazir's 
camp. When he saw this large force advancing, he became very anxious 
and turned his face to the Great Helper and prayed, saying, " O God ! pre- 
" serve this sinful slave from calamity." It was not long before the three 
leaders received reports of the repulse of the Wazir. Their joy being chang- 
ed into fear and trembling, they turned and marched off towards Delhi, and 
Nawab Ahmad Khan offered up thanks to heaven. Meanwhile those who 
had pursued the Wazir's retreating troops, had come up on the road with 
Nawab Ishak Khan, who cried out boldly, " I am 'Abd-ul-Mansur Khan." 
Believing his words, the Pathans surrounded the elephant, and seizing the 
Nawab, cut off his head. They brought it and threw it at the feet of Nawab 
Ahmad Khan, saying, " Here is the head of the Wazir " Looking at it 
the Nawab saw it was the head of Ishak Khan, not that of the Wazir. 

The night after the battle was spent by the Wazir at Marahra, twenty- 
one miles west of the field, and there his wound was dressed. On the 29th 
Shawal (20th September, 1750), he re-entered Delhi and repaired secretly to 
his house. Through the intrigues of the Emperor's favourite, Jawed Khan, 
it had been already proposed to confiscate Safdar Jang's estate and to ap- 
point in his place Intizam-ud-daula, Khan Khanan, a son of the late Wazir, 
Kamr-ud-din Khan 'Itimad-ud-daula. On hearing of the defeat and dis- 
grace of Safdar Jang, the Emperor consulted Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Firiiz 
Jang, son of Nizam-ul-mulk, as to what should be done if Ahmad Khan 
advanced to Delhi. After obtaining permission to speak his mind freely, 
Firiiz Jang stated the case at great length, dwelling on the good services 
of the Bangash family and the treachery they had met with from the 



7G W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawtlbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2, 

Wazir. He concluded by desiring the Emperor to decide who, in justice, 
was in fault. The Emperor admitted that what Firiiz Jang said was true, 
that Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang and his family had done the 
throne no wrong, that Safdar Jang's conduct could not be defended. But 
if Ahmad Khan followed up his advantage and pursued Safdar Jang to 
Delhi, what should be done ? Firiiz Jang proposed sending a farmdn, with 
a robe of honour, elephant, horse and sword to Ahmad Khan, at the same 
time stating that what had been done had not been done with the Emperor's 
consent. Safdar Jang had no more than reaped the fruit of his own ill-deeds, 
but Ahmad Khan, if he were a loyal subject should, instead of advancing 
further towards Delhi, return to Farrukhabad. This advice approved itself 
to the Emperor, & far-man and robe of honour were sent, and on receiving 
them, Ahmad Khan turned and went back to Farrukhabad. 

Shadil Khan, brother's son of Shuj'at Khan Ghilzai,* was left with 
some ten thousand men under subordinate leaders, in charge of that part of 
the country, it having been formerly under his uncle, Shuja't Khan.f Nawab 
Ahmad Khan himself then returned to his home at Farrukhabad. For the 
due administration of the recovered territory, he appointed his brothers and 
relations to be governors of various places. Nawab Murtazza Khan, fourth 
son of Muhammad Khan, was sent to I-tawah ; Mansur 'Ali Khan, thir- 
teenth son, to Phaphond, including the jagir mahals of Saurikh, Sakatpur, 
Sakrawah, and Sauj ; 'Azim Khan, twenty-first son, to Shikohabad, including 
Sakit, Kuraoli and 'Alipur Khera ; Nawaz Khan Kkatak to Akbarpur- 
Shahpur ; Zu'1-fikar Khan, chela, alias the Majhle Nawab, to Shamshabad 
and Chibramau, including Sikandarpur, Bhonganw and Binvar (or Bewar) ; 
Manavar Khan, eighteenth son, to Bali and Sandi ; and Khuda Bandab 
Khan, twelfth son, was made Faujdar of Bilgram. Nawab Mahmiid Khan, 
eldest son of Nawab Ahmad Khan, with Jahan Khan, an old chela of the 
family, at the head of ten thousand horse and a large force of infantry, was 
deputed to take possession of Lakhnau and the Subah of Audh.J At the 
same time Shadi Khan, the sixteenth son, with the assistance of Kali Khan 
son of Shamsher Khan, chela, was ordered to advance to Korah — Jahanabad, 
in the Subah of Allahabad ; and Muhammad Amir Khan, nineteenth son, was 
sent to occupy Ghazipur. The Rohelas on their side§ sent Shckh Kabir, Par- 

• See p. 383, Vol. XLV1I, 1878. 

f Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 158, Shuja't Khan built at Marahra the tomb of Shah Bar- 
kat-ullah in 1142 H. (July 1720— July 1730). 

X The Khizdna '.I mini, p. 83, must either bo wrong in the date (Jamadi I, 1164 
II.) given for Mahmiid Khan's passing through Bilgram, or else it must refer to some- 
thing which happened on tho retreat from Allahabad to Farrukhabad, which did take 
place about Jamadi I, 11G4. It is absurd to suppose that Aiidh was not occupied till 
six or seven months after tho victory of BamChatauni, 

$ Life II. E. K., p. 3'J. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Ndw&bs of Farrukhdbdd. 77 

mid Khan, and other leaders with their respective contingents to Shahabad 
and Khairabad, of which parganahs they took quiet possession. The death 
and defeat of Naval Rae had thrown the greater part of the Allahabad 
Subah into confusion ; Rup Singh Khichar, who held parganah Karali (now 
in the Allahabad district), Sumer Singh, son of Hindu Singh Chandela, and 
Gansham Singh Raghbansi, all old friends of the Pathans, entered into a 
league with the Mahrattas, and as they had done the year before, wished to 
call them across the river. 

By the month of Zil-ka'd (Sept. — Oct. 1750), the Pathans had put a 
thana in Malihabad, 15 miles west of Lakhnau, had raised a disturbance in 
Sandi, (in the Hardoi district) had invested Amethi (in the Sultanpur dis- 
trict), and with a large force were threatening Dalmau, on the Ganges, and 
Rae Bareli itself. 

It is reported that after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan used often 
to say to the Bibi Sahiba — " God the Almighty has granted me a double 
" triumph, for I have not only defeated 'Abd-ul-Mansiir Khan, but I am rid 
"of Rustam Khan Afridi, who had a claim to half my territory." The 
Nawab referred to the compact made before the attack on Naval Rae, by 
which Rustam Khan had stipulated for half the nawab i in return for the 
money then advanced. 

Siege of Allahabad Fort. 

(September, 1750— April, 1751.) 

Nawab Ahmad Khan after having made all his arrangements went in 

person to Kannauj. Hearing of his approach Nawab Baka-ullah Khan, 

Khan 'Alam, Amir Khani* and Rae Partap Narayan,f officers in the Wazir's 

* Ho was the son of Marahmat Khan, son of Amir Khan ' Alamgiri, his uncle be- 
ing the well known Amir Khan 'Umdat-ul-Mulk, whom we mentioned at p. 338, Vol. 
XLVII, 1878. 

f The family tree of this family is given^ thus in the Amdcl us-Sa'dat, p. 56. 
copying from the Hadikat-nl-Akdlim. 

Atma Ram (born near Lahor, Diwan to Sa'dat 
Khatri. Khan when Faujdar of Hindaun 

! and Bayand). 

i T, i i 

Har Narayan Rajah Ram Narayan Partap Narayan 

(Wakil of Safdar Diwan. alias Partap Singh 

Jang at Delhi). (mostly employed 

in the Subahs). 



I I I I I 

Maharajah Shi'u Jagat Ea^ah Rae Shiu Saran 

Lachmi Narayan Narayan. Narayan. Maha Narayan Harde (adopted son). 

(Wakil at Delhi). (Diwan to Na- Narayan. 

wab Shuja'ud- 
daula). 



78 W. Irvine — The Bangash JVawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2, 

service, who at the head of nine hundred or a thousand men had arrived as 
far as Kannauj on their way to join their master, retreated by way of Lakh- 
nau to Jhusi. Then 'Ali Kuli Khan Karkhi, the deputy in the Allahabad 
Subah, came out to meet them.* There they heard that Shadi Khan was 
marching down country at the head of twenty thousand men. 'Ali Kuli 
Khan with his own troops and part of those of Rae Partap Narayan advan- 
ced to oppose Shadi Khan. The two armies met each other at Kora- Jaha- 
nabadf where a battle ensued, and Shadi Khan having been defeated began 
to retreat. 

"When this news was brought to Nawab Ahmad Khan, he proposed to 
send large reinforcements, but his chief counsellors overruled him, and 
advised his proceeding in person, hoping that the fort of Allahabad would 
be evacuated at his approach. Nawab Baka-ullah Khan and 'Ali Kuli 
Khan, hearing of Ahmad Khan's advance, beat a rapid retreat, and took 
refuge in the fort of Allahabad. Ahmad Khan when he had reached Kora 
halted several days, and intended to return home himself, leaving the fight- 
ing to Mansiir 'Ali Khan,J Rustam Khan Bangash, and Sa'dat Khan 
Afridi, brother of Mahmud Khan, Bakhshi to Nawab Kaim Khan, these 
three leaders having a large force in their pay. But he was persuaded to 
go on by the arrival of wakils from the eastern Rajahs, Pirthipat, son of 
Chattardhari, son of Ji Sukh, Sombansi, ruler of Partabgarh,§ and Rajah 
Balwant Singh of Banaras. The agents were introduced through Mustajab 
Khan Warakzai and Haji Safaraz Khan, who were then in attendance. 
The letters were to the effect that if the Nawab would continue his advance 
to Allahabad, they undertook to obtain the fort for him in a very short 
time, after that the whole of the eastern country would fall into his power. 
After receiving these letters the Nawab went on towards Allahabad, and 

* The Khizana Amira, p. 83, distinguishes this 'Ali Kuli Khan from 'Ali Kuli 
Khan Daghistani, poetically Walih, But the local historians, Wali-ullah and the " Lauh" 
make them one and the same. Mir Ghulam 'Ali is the most likely to be right, as he 
was acquainted personally with the poet Walih, Hisam-ud-din calls this man simply the 
" Allahabadi," and tho " Siyar-ul-Mutakharin," p. 879, says he had been intho service 
of Sayyad Muhammad Khan, naib of tho Allahabad Subah on the part of 'Umdat-ul-Mulk 
Amir Khan. Kali Rae in the Fatehgarh-ndma (p. 54,) refers to the author of a book 
called the Baft Aklim, who states that he was present in this retreat from Lakhnau. 
Tho reference is, I now find, to tho Badikat-ul-Akdlim. 

t On tho Grand Trunk Road, some thirty-four miles north-west of the town of 
Fathpur. 

% Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan. 

§ Or as Hisam-ud-din says, Azimgarh. Partabgarh lies thirty-two miles north 
of Allahabad. There is a capital account of the family in the Kadikat-ul-Akalim un- 
der the head, Fartabgarh in the Second (Jliuuu. 



1879.] W.Irvine — The Bang ash JVawdbs of ' FarrnlcMbdd. 79 

Rajah Pirthipat, marching from Partabgarh, brought his army to the edge 
of the Ganges, where be encamped. On the Nawab's arrival he crossed the 
river and paid him a visit, when he was presented with a khila't and at his 
own request he was posted to the vanguard. 

Reaching Allahabad the Nawab appears to have crossed over to Jhusi 
on the other or left bank of the Ganges, where he planted his guns on the 
high ground known as the fort of Rajah Harbong.* The whole of Allaha- 
bad from Khuldabad up to the fort was burnt down and plundered, and 
four thousand women and children were made prisoners. Nothing was 
spared but the abode of Shekh Muhammad Afzal Allahabad! and the quar- 
ter of Daryabiid which was entirely occupied by Pathans.f 

The defence of the fort on the part of the Wazir was conducted by 
Baka-ullah Khan and 'Ali Kuli Khan, Zarji. By chance one Indargir 
SunyasiJ had come there on a pilgrimage with five thousand naked fight- 
ing fakirs, who lay between the old city and the fort. These took the side 
of the Wazir's people. Baka-ullah Khan, who was an able man and 
experienced in war, threw a bridge over the river between the Beni (pro- 
perly Tribeni) gate of the fort and the town of Arail, which is on the right 
bank of the Ganges just below its junction with the Jumna. He left his 
camp standing in that town, while morning and evening he marched his 
troops to and from the fort. All day an artillery fire was kept up from the 
walls upon the troops of Nawab Ahmad Khan. On his side the leaders, 
Rajah Pirthipat and others, made every effort to carry the fort but with- 
out success. 

At this time Rajah Balwant Singh, who had been directed to appear 
in person, arrived at Jhusi. § He was introduced through the Nawab's son 

* Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, p. 466, "Harbong ka raj." 

f Khizdna 'Amira, p. 83. 

% Eajah Indar Gir was a Sunyasi from Jhansi in Bundelkhand. He had seized 
parganah Moth (in the Jhansi district) in 1745, and building a fort there soon acquired 
possession of 114 villages. About 1749-50 he was ejected from Moth by a force under 
Nam Shankar, the Mahratta Subah, and he then found his way to Allahabad. 
(Jenkinson's Jhansi Report, pp. 172 and 173). After the raising of this siege, he 
was introduced to the Wazir by Baka-ullah Khan, and accepted service on two 
conditions (1) that he might beat his kettle-drums when in the Wazir's retinue, 
(2) that in audience he should not be obliged to put his hand to his head. He took 
part in the Robilkhand campaign and was killed in Rajab 1165 H. (4th May 1752 — 2nd 
June 1752), in the fighting between Safdar Jang and 'Amad-ul-Mulk. The " Life of 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan," p. 49, says Najib Khan killed him with his own hand. In the 
year 1762 we shall come across his chelas and successors, Anup Gir Himmat Bahadur 
and his brother Umrao Gir. 

§ At Jhusi is the tomb of Shah Muhammad Taki, a descendant of Hazrat Ghaus- 
ul-islam, Miran Hamid-ud-din, Muhammad Ghaus, Gwaliyari. 



80 W. Irvine — The Bangash JSfaiodbs of FarruJchdbdd. [No. 2, 

Mahmiid Khan, who not long before had arrived from Lakhnau. The 
Rajah made a present of one lakh of rupees and received a kliilcCt with a 
confirmation of half his territory, the other half being put under Sahib 
Zaman Khan, Dilazak of Jaunpur, cousin to one of the Nawab's wives.* 
Nawab Ahmad Khan told the Rajah to cross over to Arail with Mahmiid 
Khan, and encamp there after driving away Baka-ullah Khan's men, in 
order to put an end to the passage to and fro of troops to the fort, and to 
interrupt the arrival of supplies. The Rajah agreed to the proposal and 
returning to his camp at Jhusi he sent in all directions for boats. 

When their spies reported this to Baka-ullah Khan and the other 
leaders of the enemy, they began to consult how they could prevent the 
danger of an attack from two sides. They decided that the next day they 
would fight the army in front of them. Accordingly Baka-ullah Khan 
came across the bridge with a large force and the troops coming out of the 
fort joined him. Indargir Sunyasi also receiving orders to join, advanced 
beyond the sbelter of the fort and drew up in battle array from the Ganges 
bank to a point between the old city and the fort. 

As soon as he heard this, Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted and advanced 
to the edge of his camp. Thence he deputed Nawab Mansiir Ali Khauf 
and Nawab Shadi Khan J to take the command, and they at once com- 
menced an advance. Besides their own men they had with them 10,000 
men commanded by Rustam Khan Bangash, 4000 under Sa'dat Khan Af ridi, 
2000 under Mangal Khan, 3000 Yalclca (men riding their own horses) 
under Muhammad 'Ali Khan Afridi and 2000 under 'Abd-ur-rasul Khan, 
chela. There were besides other leaders such as Namdar Khan, the brother 
of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nur Khan, son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Namdar 
Khan, brother of Himmat Khan Mataniya, and 'Abdullah Khan Warakzai 
The Nawab ordered all these leaders to advance with their men and drive 
back the enemy. To Rajah Pirthipat he said — " The van is yours, repair to 
your post." 

The Rajah then headed the attack and the battle began. For three 
hours cannon, rockets and muskets never ceased their uproar. At length 
Rajah Pirthipat, who was in front, got the advantage and made his way 
up to the enemy's ranks. Seeing this, Mansur 'Ali Khan and the other 
leaders advanced rapidly to his support. The Rajah dismounted from his 
elephant and got upon his horse. His companions then left their horses 
and drawing their swords rushed at the enemy. On reaching the spot, 

* The Balwant Nama of Khair-uddin Muhammad, translated by F. Curwen, 
Allahabad, 1875, pp. 25-29. 

f Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan. 
t Sixteenth son of N. Muhammad Khiin. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Naivdbs of Farruhhdbdd. 81 

Mansur 'Ali Khan got down from his elephant, and went forward in front 
of the Rajah. The best of Baka-ullah Khan's men were slain or wounded ; 
and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan, seeing that the day was lost, withdrew his men 
across the bridge. The artillery- men left their guns, came out of the fort, 
and retreated across the bridge. The bridge was then broken up at the 
other end by the retreating enemy. Nawab Ahmad Khan's army thus 
gained the victory and occupied the field of battle. 

From the spot where they had halted, the bridge was in full view. At 
the time the fight began, Sa'dat Khan Afridi had led his men against the 
enemy in advance of Mansur 'Ali Khan's position. When Mansur 'Ali 
Khan's men saw this, in a spirit of emulation, they also ran forward and 
took the lead. Among these Hisam-ud-din says he himself was present, 
being then attached to Mansur 'Ali Khan's force. After the victory Sa'dat 
Khan and Hisam-ud-din were standing near the breastwork (safil) of the 
fort, where the bridge could be seen in detail. They wished to advance to 
the head of the bridge. Rajah Pirthipat was of the same advice. But 
when Nawab Ahmad Khan heard of the victory, he at once sent a camel- 
rider to recall Nawab Mansur 'Ali Khan ; for to advance further would only 
be to strike one's head against stone walls. On receiving these orders, 
Mansur 'Ali Khan turned to retreat. Pirthipat said to him that apparent- 
ly the fort had been evacuated ; if they marched to the bridge head, any one 
left in the fort would certainly fire on them ; if they were not fired on, they 
would know that the fort was empty and could then occupy it. Mansur 
'Ali Khan said he could not go forward against orders, and ordering his 
drums to beat in honour of the victory, he returned to the Nawab's presence, 
where with the other leaders he presented his " nazar." 

"While the siege was going on, Ahmad Khan had appointed Sahib 
Zaman Khan, Dilazak of Jaunpur, to be his viceroy in Jaunpur, 'Azimgarh, 
Mahaul, Akbarpur, and other places.* Balwant Singh refused to give up 
the territory, and urgent orders were sent to Sahib Zaman Khan to expel 

* The Dilazak Pathans had been settled in Jaunpur from the time of Muhammad 
Shah (1719 — 1749). Their connection with Ahmad Khan is shown thus : — 

(Father not named). 



Sher Zaman Khan. Muhammad Zaman Khan. 



Daughter m. to Nawab Sahib Zaman Karm Zaman 

Ahmad Khan. Khan. Khan. 



I. 



82 W. Irvine — The Bangash Natcabs of FarrukhabdJ . [No. 2, 

him. Some reinforcements were sent to him and he was joined by Akbar 
Shah, Rajah of 'Azimgarh, and Shamsher Jahan, zamindar of Mahaul, 

twenty-three miles north-west of 'Azimgarh. The army was assembled at 
Akbarpur,* and the small fort of Sarhanpur near the camp was taken after 
a siege of fifteen days. An advance was then made against Jaunpur, and 
■ six hours' lighting the assailants effecting an entrance made themselves 
masters of the place. Sahib Zaman Khan still delayed his advance, and turned 
off towards Nizamabad, thirty-two miles north-east of Jaunpur. After the 
compromise with Balwant Singh already related, Sahib Zaman Khan with 
Haji Sarfaraz Khan advanced to take possession of the country north of the 
Ganges. Not long after this Ahmad Khan, on the approach of Safdar Jang 
and the Mahrattas, beat a retreat to Farrukhabad. Balwant Singh then 
marched from Gangapur, some miles west of Banaras, to Mariahii, twelve miles 
south of Jaunpur, and made a demand on Sahib Zaman Khan for a return 
of the territory. The contending parties met in battle array, when Balwant 
Singh's Afghan leaders refused to fight against their fellow-countryman, 
Sahib Zaman Khan, now that his power was gone. Balwant Singh thus 
found it advisable to negociate. Sahib Zaman Khan then pitched his tent at 
Chandipur, and next day, a riot about arrears of pay having broken out, 
he started alone for Azimgarh. Balwant Singh then plundered his house. 
Not feeling safe in Azimgarh, Sahib Zaman Khan went on to Bettiah,f 
where the Eajah gave him shelter. After sometime he returned to Jaunpur 
and was reinstated by Balwant Singh. On his death he was succeeded 
by his sons, but they were not men of any mark. J 

The story goes that, when the approach of the Pathans was heard of 
in Banaras, the leading money-lenders went out as far as Phulpur, some 
eight kos or more from Banaras, and offered a tribute of two hrors of 
rupees on condition that the Pathans did not enter their city. Even in a 
dream, they said, if they saw a Pathan a long way off, they began to trem- 
ble. The two krors were accepted and the Pathans retraced their steps. § 

Siege of Fdchgarh and flight of the Nawab. 

The Wazir after his defeat at Bam Chatauni returned to Delhi on the 

20th Shawal (20th September, 1750). He found the Emperor had been 

put strongly against him. He was much cast down and for many days 

>r left his private apartments, passing most of the day reclining with 

his hand over his face. At length his wife roused him to exertion and 

* Perhaps the Akbarpur in the Faizabad district about 48 miles north of Jaunpur, 
f Across the Gandak river in the Champaran district. 
J Curwon's translation of the Balwantnamah, pp. 2 
$ 'Am&d-us-Sa'dat, p. 50 ' Hue 1. 



1879.1 W. Irvine — The Banr/ash Nawdbs of Farrulchdhi'al. 83 

promised him all the money she possessed. Thus encouraged he sent for Rajah 
Nagar Mall, Lachmi Narayan, and Isma'il Beg Khan. The latter advised 
waiting for an army from Afghanistan. Nagar Mall proposed calling in the 
Eohelas, who, owing to the attack on them by Kaim Khan, bore ill-will to 
the Farrukhabad Pathans. The Wazir rejected this advice, saying that 
though Pathans might fight amongst themselves, they would always unite 
against any third person. He then asked Lachmi Narayan for his 
opinion. In reply he called attention to the large force of 70,000 or 80,000 
Mahrattas, under Jai A'pa and Mulhar Rao, then in the neighbourhood of- 
Kotah,* and reminded the Wazir that the Pathans started at the sound of 
the Mahratta name, and that one thousand Mahrattas could dispose of 
ten thousand Pathans. The Wazir determined to invoke the aid of the 
Mahrattas. 

The next important point was to effect a reconciliation with the Em- 
peror. For this purpose Jugal Kishor was sent to ask help from Nawab 
Nazir Jawed Khan, the Emperor's favourite eunuch. After he had heard 
the full details of the Wazir's case, the Nawab Nazir said the matter could 
only be discussed in- a personal interview. On Wednesday he would ride 
out to pray at the shrine of the saint, Sultan-ul-Mushaikh Nizam-ud-din. 
On his way back he would come to the Wazir's house, when he would state 
the obstacles to a settlement. Jugal Kishor returned and reported these 
words to his master. On the Wednesday, after paying a visit to the shrine 
of Nizam-ud-din, Jawed Khan came privately to the Wazir's house. After 
other conversation, the Nazir said to the Wazir that the Emperor's mind 
had, in an extreme degree, been turned against him, nor could any remark 
favourable to him be ventured on in the Emperor's presence ; and Nawab 
Firiiz Jang was so strenuous in support of Nawab Ahmad Khan, that no 
one dare open his mouth to say a word to the contrary. The Wazir said 
some words easy to understand (karib-ul-fahm, i. e., offered a bribe, I sup- 
pose) to the Nazir, asking his intercession with the Emperor and using at the 
same time powerful arguments. The Nawab Nazir professed himself con- 
vinced, and promised that when he saw a chance he would speak in Safdar 
Jang's favour and, please God, he would turn the Emperor's heart towards 
him. He then rose, mounted, and went home. 

Three days afterwards a news-letter came from the writer attached to 
Ahmad Khan's camp. He wrote that the eastern zamindars, Rajah Pirthi- 
pat, Rajah Balwant Singh and others, had brought treasure and had sub- 
mitted themselves to Nawab Ahmad Khan ; they had joined him in laying 
siege to Allahabad, which would shortly fall ; a large army had collected and 
was gathering strength every day, a hundred thousand horsemen and number- 
* On the Ghambal, 195 miles S. W. of Agra, and 260 miles from Delhi. 



84 W. Irvine — The Banc/ash Nawabs of Famikhdbad, [No. 2, 

less footmen had gathered under the Nawab's standard ; and it remained to be 
seen what would be disclosed from behind the curtain of the unknown after 
the fort of Allahabad had fallen. The Nawab Nazir seized the moment 
and began to repeat, as bad been agreed upon, the speeches made to him by 
the far-sighted Wazir. The Nazir desci'ibed in touching language his great 
perplexity at the aspect of affairs, which had quite deprived him of sleep. 
Before Safdar Jang came back to Delhi after his defeat, Firuz Jang had 
caused a congratulatory far man to be addressed to Ahmad Khan confirming 
to him his ancestral dominions. Not content with- this gracious act, he 
had without orders occupied estates directly under the crown (klialsa), he 
had sent his son to take the Siibah of Audh, and now himself was besieging 
Allahabad. The next attempt would be upon Bengal. The letter writers 
had already informed his Majesty in detail of the immense army which 
had been collected. Now the learned declare that the Akhun Danoeza, 
written by the spiritual head and high priest of the Afghan race, prescribes 
that any Afghan at the head of more than twelve thousand men is required 
and bound to claim complete sovereignty. In that case, Ahmad Khan, who 
bad one hundred thousand men and a territory equal to nearly four or five 
Subahs, could not possibly refrain from proclaiming himself king. 

When Nazir Jawed Khan had got this length in his artful representa- 
tion, his Majesty became perplexed and asked him the best way out of 
the difficulty. The Nazir at once proposed a pardon of Safdar Jang's mis- 
deeds, the task of reducing Ahmad Khan to subjection being then committed 
to him. The Emperor objected that nothing could be hoped from 
Safdar Jang, for, although he bad gone with a large army provided with 
cannon and rockets, he had been overthrown by Ahmad Khan with a very 
small force. Now that Ahmad Khan's strength had much increased, how 
could Safdar Jang with the same dispirited troops attempt to oppose Ahmad 
Khan. There is a proverb Zadah rd hdyad zad, i. e., Beaten once will 
be beaten again.* The Emperor continued that to his mind the Nazir's device 
was the poorest of the poor (Jclutm dar khdm), and he declined to accept it, for 
a good scheme should have no such obvious drawback. In reply to his 
Majesty, Nazir Jawed Khan said that he had a plan within his plan, for 
Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia, who were at that time encamped in the Rajput 
country, though they were his enemies, would, if sent for, enter his Majes- 
ty's service ; and hoping for benefit to themselves, they would be certain to 
carry out faithfully any orders given them. Suraj Mall Jat's forces also, 
though they were present with Safdar Jang, had not been scattered or defeat- 
ed. There was also Hafiz llahmat Khan, head of the Rohelas, who was a 
great friend of Safdar Jang. At length the Emperor gave way to Jawed 

* Roebuck, 1214. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdhs of FamiM.'tbdd. 85 

Khan's persuasions, and ordered him to tell Safdar Jang that his faults were 
forgiven, anet that the next day he should present himself for an audience. 
Jawed Khan repaired joyfully to his house, and at night he went to the 
Wazir. After they had embraced, the whole of the conversation with the 
Emperor was repeated. Then the Nazir taking with him Jugal Kishor 
returned to his home, where he told Jugal Kifihor to inform the Wazir that 
the next day he must present himself to obtain audience, and a list of the 
nazardna must be prepared at once, the amount not being less than twenty- 
five lakhs of rupees. Jugal Kishor returned and reported to the Wazir, 
who said that this amount of nazardna had been fixed in his interview with 
Jawed Khan. 

Early the next day the Emperor left his private apartments, and enter- 
ing the public hall of audience seated himself on his marble throne. The 
great nobles and high officials, with the Mir Tuzak, having presented them- 
selves and made obeisance, took up position according to their rank. Then 
Nazir Jawed Khan was ordered to go out to meet the Wazir, Safdar Jang, 
and bring him to his Majesty's presence. When Jawed Khan reached the 
Wazir's house, thirty trays of jewels and rich clothes were placed before 
him. After making the customary protestations of refusal, he accepted 
them. They then proceeded to the presence, and Safdar Jang touched the 
Emperor's foot with his forehead. The Emperor lifted his head and clasp- 
ed it to his breast. The Wazir said, " I have committed great faults, but 
" I hope for forgiveness, as Sa'di says 

" Bandah haman bih kih 'z taksfr-i-khwesh 
' Uzr ba dargah-i-khuda award ; 
Warna sazawar-i-khudawandesh 
Kas na tawanad kih baja award." 

The Emperor replied " I have after reflection forgiven you, and accept 
"your excuses." A dress of honour of ten pieces, jewels, a horse out of 
the Emperor's stable, a sword, and an elephant were granted to the Wazir. 
Safdar Jang then presented his list of nazardna, amounting to twenty-five 
lakhs of rupees. He then took his leave and with great joy set out on his 
way home, distributing fifty thousand rupees in alms as he went. 

In accordance with Nazar Jawed Khan's proposal, an imperial farwidn 
was issued to Mulhar Bio* and A'pa Sendhia.f The bearer of it, Ram 
Narayan,J found the Mahrattas two marches this side of Kotah, which is 

* Eose to notice in 1724, died 1767-8. Grant Duff, 212 and 338. 
f. Succeeded his father Banoji about 1750, was assassinated in 1759. Grant Duff, 
270 and 310. 

% Hisam-ud-din says Jugal Kishor went, The Siyar-ul-M, p. 88, names Jugal 



8G W. Irvine — The Bangask Nawabs of 'Farrukhabad. [No. 2, 

two hundred and sixty miles south of Delhi. At first, A'pa Sendhia de- 
manded two krors of rupees, while Ram Narayan offered fiftj* lakhs. At 
length Mulhar Rao consented to take one Tcror and persuaded A'pa Scn- 
dia, who at length agreed ; or some say the agreement was for twenty-five 
thousand rupees a day while the campaign lasted.* At any rate the Mah- 
rattas commenced their march towards Delhi, where they soon arrived. A 
man of rank was sent out some distance to meet them, and the next day 
Mulhar Rao and A'pa Sendhia had an audience of the Emperor, at which 
they were invested with khila'ts. The Wazir had sent for Suraj Mall Jat, 
who also received a robe of honour. The Wazir then requested orders to 
march, and the Emperor bestowing a Fath-pec7i (a kind of turban ?) on 
Safdar Jang, directed him to march with his army against Ahmad Khan. 
Safdar Jang crossed the Jamna with his own troops, and those attached to 
him, that is, the royal army (JBdisz), the Mahrattas, and the Jats. 

Safdar Jang's first order to the Mahrattas was to expel Shadil Klian, 
the Farrukhabad 'Amil, from the neighbourhood of Koil, and then to follow 
up his retreat to Farrukhabad. Mulhar Rao and A'pa Sendhia sent off 
Pindara horsemen to spoil and burn throughout Ahmad Khan's territory. 
Hastening off as ordered, they began their usual plundering and surround- 
ed Shadil Khan. Soon after this, Mulhar Rao and A'pa Sendhia arrived in 
person and began an attack. Although his force was small compared with 
that of the enemy, Shadil Khan maintained his position for a time and did 
all that was in his power. After holding his own for one day and killing 
a good many of the enemy, he withdrew across the Ganges to Kadir Chauk, 
in parganah Aujhani of the Budaon district, whence after writing an. ac- 
count of affairs to Ahmad Khan at Allahabad, he marched eastwards along 
the left bank of the Ganges towards Farrukhabad. Shadil Khan's retreat 
took place in the early part of Jmnadi I. 1164 H. (17th March, 15th April, 
1751). 

About six months had elapsed from the defeat of the "Wazir in Septem- 
ber 1750, when Nawab Ahmad Khan heard at Allahabad of the retreat of 
Shadil Khan before the Mahrattas. He sent for Rajah Pirthipat and told 
him that, in order to repel the Wazir, he must return home at once ; and bj 
God's favour, having again defeated his enemy, he would rejoin the Rajah 
and occupy the eastern districts. The Rajah said he had one piece of advice 
to give, which was that he thought it inexpedient to return to Farrukhabad 

Kishor and Lachmi Narayan. The author of the Siyar-ul-M. says, it was his uncle 
Sayyad 'Abd-ul-Ali Khan who first suggested calling in the Mahrattas. 

* The Siyar-ul-M. adds that the Jats wore to get 15,000 Us. and the Mahrattas 
Rs. 25,000 a day. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Naw&bs of Farrufchabdd. 87 

when the Wazir was already so near, for, however fast the Nawab might 
march, it would be nearly impossible to arrive in time ; and supposing that 
Farrukhabad were reached in time, the troops being scattered would still 
have to be collected ; it would therefore be better to cross the Ganges into 
the Subah of Oudh and then proceed westwards, by which several advan- 
tages would be gained. A harried march need not be made, the army would 
not be scattered, the zamindars of Subah Audh, who had been turned out 
of their homes in the time of Naval " bad-ami," would unsought bring aid, 
in money and in men. Another reason was that the immense number of 
mercenaries, who had collected under the Nawab's standard, would disperse 
in the course of a rapid retreat on Farrukhabad. The Nawab determined 
to consult his chief men, and the Rajah took his leave. Then Nawab 
Ahmad Khan sent for Rustam Khan Bangash, Mangal Khan Ghilzai, 
Muhammad Khan Afridi, Sa'dat Khan Afridi, Mustajab Khan Warakzai, 
Haji Sarfaraz Khan and others. When they had been informed of the 
Rajah's proposals, they asked for time to consult with each other. They 
then went apart and discussed the question. The majority of votes was 
against crossing the Ganges, Haji Sarfaraz Khan alone dissented. They 
returned to the Nawab's presence, and stated that, in their opinion, by cross- 
ing the Ganges, the enemy would be deceived into believing that they had 
crossed from fear. " Let us fear nothing," they added, " this is the same 
" Wazir whom we have already defeated, and, by God's help, we will so 
" wield our good swords, that our enemy shall not escape alive again ; the 
" enemy and his army are to us like the well-known proverb ' You may beat 
" the beaten.' " The Nawab turning to Haji Sarfaraz Khan said, " You 
say nothing." The Haji replied, that his opinion would not please any of 
the others, but he thought that Rajah Pirthipat's advice was the best. 

According to the decision of the commanders, a march direct for Far- 
rukhabad was ordered. The Rajah being sent for and informed of the 
decision, he asked what orders there were for him. The Nawab said, he left 
the Rajah in that country for the present as his representative ; he should, 
therefore, return to his own zamindari and recall the Audh zamindars to 
their homes. The Rajah then received a khila't and, having been dismissed, 
he crossed the Ganges and hastened to his own country.* 

* Under the year 1165 H. the Balwant-ndmah relates how the Nawab "Wazir 
started for Banaras intending to take his revenge on Rajah Pirthipat. At Sultanpur, 
about 36 miles S. of Faizabad and 85 miles N. of Allahabad, Rajah Pirthipat 
presented himself. When thrown off his guard by friendly words, he was stabbed 
by 'Ali Beg Khan, on a sign from the "Wazir. Pirthipat, who was unarmed, sprang 
ii his murderer, and biting a piece out of his check fell dead with it in his 
mouth. The date of 1163 H. given in the Miflcih, p. 498, must be wrong, and the 



88 W. Irvine— The Bangash Nawdbs of FarruhMbdd. [No. 2, 

By order of the Nawab, his son, Mahmiid Khan, then about fifteen 
years of age, moved from Jhiisi westwards through Audh. On the road the 
zamindars of Dundyakkera, fifty miles south of Lakhnau, plundered 
the carts carrying the Nawab's personal effects (tosJia-klidna). When it 
was reported to Mahmiid Khan that the baggage had been plundered and 
several soldiers killed, he halted, and in six hours sacked the village and 
massacred the inhabitants. After the fight some thousands of boxes were 
recovered in the village. As he advanced further west, he learnt that the 
Shekhs of Lakhnau and Kakauri* had risen and ejected the Pathans 
from those two places. At that time no reprisals were possible, and the 
young Nawab marched on, near Bilgramf where he met with some resis- 
tance, past Sandi and Pali, J to the bank of the Ganges opposite his father's 
entrenchment at Fatehgarh. 

Commencing his march westwards from Allahabad, Nawab Ahmad 
Khan in six days reached his own capital. But the adventurers, who had 
before joined him from all sides, being pure mercenaries, melted away on 
the road and retired to places of safety. Only those of good name and 
position remained true to his standard. His first care was to send off the 
Bibi Sahiba and his female relations, who with considerable reluctance cross- 
ed the Ganges and set out for Shahjahanpur or Anwalah. Many of the 
inhabitants of the city, seeing her departure, began to desert their homes. 
The Nawab now summoned all the commanders and leaders, name by name, 
to devise means of opposing the enemy. All the commanders and leaders, 
the bankers and chief traders of the bazar, all who were noted for their 
intelligence and ability, appeared before the Nawab. They represented to 
him that the enemy was very numerous, while the Nawab's force in compa- 
rison was like salt in flour. Admitting that though few they were brave, 
yet the wise men of old had said " one fights with one, not one with a thou- 
sand." It was true the Nawab was capable of meeting the kings of 
Europe in battle array, yet on this occasion the Wazfr, to remove the stain 
to his name caused by his previous disgrace, had brought all the fighting 
men of Hindustan, the Jats and the Mahrattas, like a tribe of ants or a 
flight of locusts. They therefore thought it advisable to move to the 
Ganges bank, near the ferry of Hussainpur, three miles east of the city 



Siyar-ul-M., p. 883, indirectly confirms the date of 1165 H. The Oudh Gazetteer 
(II. 477 and III. 147) states the scene of the assassination to have hecn Gutiii, on 
the Ganges, five miles south of Manikpur. 

* About 12 miles "W. of Lakhnau. 

t In the ITardoi district, about 34 miles from Farrukhabad. 

t Both in the Hardoi district. 



1879.] W. Irvine— The Bangash JSTaivdls of FarruHdldd. 89 

where there was a position favourable for defence with a small fort.* 
Around it was then a wide, open, plain about a square mile in extent. At 
the edges of the plain were deep ravines. They thought it best for the 
army to encamp in that spot. It is nowhere stated why the fort in the 
city was considered untenable ; perhaps because it could be cut off on the 
outer side from the surrounding country and its supplies ; while at Fateh- 
garh the army had the river flowing under its camp, by which boats could 
have easy access to it, and this danger was averted, so long as the enemy 
failed to cross the river and occupy the other bank. 

At once, on hearing the suggestions of his chief men, relations and 
advisers, the Nawab heartily agreed, and mounting his horse proceeded in 
state, with all his forces, to the place appointed on the bank of the Ganges, 
and there formed his camp. Next day the division of the army attached 
to the artillery arrived and brought the guns into camp. Then the Nawab 
in person went out and taking up his position at the head of the ravines 
already referred to, directed the posting of the guns, large and small, and 
caused them to be connected by chains. Making over charge of the guns 
to his brothers and the Risaldars, he returned to his head quarters on the 
Ganges bank, and ordered a bridge of boats to be got ready. The day the 
bridge was finished, the Nawab's son, Mahmud Khan, reached the river on 
the opposite or left bank, and Shadil Khan Ghilzai also came up from 
Kadir Chauk in the opposite direction. The day after their arrival, both of 
them were honoured with interviews. 

We now return to what had happened meanwhile to the Wazir. When 
his spies brought him word that Nawab Ahmad Khan had returned from 
Allahabad, and was preparing for defence, he sent for Mulhar Rao and 
A'pa, and asked them what was their £>lan of operations. They replied 
that they were at his orders. The Wazir told them to despatch one of 
their principal men with a strong force to surround Ahmad Khan, and cut 
off his supplies of food, water, and forage. Accordingly they detached 
Tantia with ten thousand active horsemen towards Farrukhabad. 

On reaching the environs of that city forsaken by its ruler, they set 
many villages and towns in flames. When the Mahratta horse entered the 
city, and found within it nothing but perplexity, poverty, hunger and thirst, 
giving up all hope of plunder, they marched on to the place where the 
Nawab stood prepared for resistance. As their eyes fell on his army 
they said to one another, " friends ! Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sent 
" us to engage and surround this force ; but this Nawab is so brave and 
" of such peerless race, that with only a few men he overthrew the Wazir 
" and his countless host." With such men they considered it was necessary 
* Now known as Fatchgarh fort. 
M 



00 W.Irvine — The Bnngasli Naivdbs of Famil'lu'ibad. [No. 2, 

to act with circumspection. Hearing that some guns had been left at 
Yakutganj, about five miles south of the city and four miles from Fateh- 
garb, Tantia sent off some of bis horse in that direction. They collected a 
number of villagers and began to drag the guns towai'ds their own camp. 
As they approached Kasim Bagh*, about half a mile south-west of Fateh- 
garh fort and Hussainpur, the Pathans, who had concealed themselves in 
the ravines, made a sudden rush and fell upon the guns, turned them on 
the Mahrattas, and fired shot and rockets, so as to kill many and put the 
rest to flight. When Tantia saw this disaster, he mounted and ordered 
out his troops. The whole of bis force advanced against the Pathans and 
commenced a musketry fire, accompanying it with the discharge of rockets. 
On bearing this firing, Nawab Khan mounted and coming to the batteries 
stood there. He ordered his risdlahddrs to advance to support the Pathans 
already under fire. Shadil Khan Ghilzai, Sa'dat Khan Afridi, Muhammad AH 
Khan Afridi, Muhammad Khan Afridi, Khan Miyan Khan Khatak, 'Umr 
Khan Gwdliyari, Namdar Khan, brother of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nur Khan, 
son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Mangal Khan of Tilhar and others, left their 
batteries and advanced to support the Pathans. Tantia on his side came on 
to meet and repel them. When the two forces came closer, the musketry fire 
ceased and swords were drawn. The Afghan attack was so fierce that they 
even began to wrestle with their enemies, and to lay hold of them by the neck. 
Unable to bear up against the assault, the Mahrattas took to flight. When 
this success was reported to him, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a camel-rider 
with orders forbidding a further advance, and recalled the troops. The 
commanders on receiving this order, sent on the recovered guns in front, and 
followed them into camp with drums beating a triumphal march. The 
Nawab gave praise to each private soldier and dresses of honour to the 
leaders. He then went back to bis tents. 

On hearing of Tantia's defeat, the Wazir with the Jats, Mahrattas, and 
the remainder of his army continued his march till he arrived near the 
Nawab's entrenchment. He left Mulhar Rao, A'pa Sendhia and Tan- 
tia, at the Kasim Bagh. He proceeded on himself till he arrived at Singhi- 
rampur, a ferry on the right bank of the Ganges in Parganah Bhojpur, some 
eleven or twelve miles further down the river than Fatehgarh, and there be 
fixed his own encampment. Then he issued orders to Nur-ul Hasan Khan 
Bilgrami to throw a bridge of boats across the river. 

When Nawab Ahmad Khan heard of the Wazir's intentions, be gave 

orders to his son, Mahmud Khan, who was posted upon the farther or left 

bank of the river, to detach two or three thousand men to prevent the 

* The native infantry hospital is now in the Bagh, where is the tomb of Kasim 

Khan. 



1879.] "W.Irvine — The Banc/ash Nawabs of Farruhhabdd. 91 

bridge being thrown across by the Wazir. The young Nawab deputed Lala 
Syam Singh, brother of the deceased Shamsher Jang, chela. This chief 
at the head of his own regiment repaired to the threatened point, and on 
reaching it found the bridge half made. He began such a heavy musketry 
and rocket fire, that the enemy left their bridge and ran away. The at- 
tempt to cross was thus defeated, to be renewed afterwards with more 
success. 

On the receipt of the first news of the Wazir's return with the Mah- 
rattas, Nawab Ahmad Khan had written in all directions for aid. Amongst 
others, he wrote to Nawab Sa'dullah Khan and Hark Rahmat Khan, the 
heads of the Rohela confederacy, saying that though they had differences, 
they could settle those among themselves, but need not allow injury to 
come from the hand of strangers. He hoped they would send troops to 
help him, so that they might jointly attack their common foe. Hafiz Rah- 
mat Khan first excused himself on the ground of the blood-feud between 
them, caused by the death of Kaim Khan ; till the blood of Kaim Khan was 
forgiven, he would be afraid to trust his men in Ahmad Khan's power. 
The Nawab replied, that he made them a gift of Kaim Khan's blood-feud, 
and thenceforth till the day of judgment he would take no revenge on 
them. 

On the receipt of this letter, Sa'dullah Khan, son of Ali Muhammad 
Khan, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, 
Fath Khan, and Bahadur Khan, chela, informed them of its contents, and 
asked their advice. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, by reason of his affection for the 
Wazir, sat silent, and owing to his silence the other leaders would say no- 
thing. Sa'dullah Khan asked Hafiz Rahmat Khan, why he said nothing ? 
Rahmat Khan asked the Nawab, what his own intentions were ? The Nawab 
replied, that his intentions depended upon those of others. Hafiz Rahmat 
Khan's answer was, that in that case the Nawab would have to give up 
taking any part in the war. Bahadur Khan, who owing to his bravery took 
the lead among all the Rohela commanders, exclaimed, " Have our leaders 
" exchanged their turbans for women's veils, for such coward words should 
" be unknown to any Pathan lip." Then turning to the Nawab, he said, 
that if orders for the march were not given, he should the next day start 
himself without orders, taking his regiment with him, and any Afghan, 
who cherished his name and reputation, might follow. Then rising he took 
his leave, and began his preparations. Nawab Sa'dullah Khan repaired to 
the female apartments, where he repeated to his mother word for word the 
altercation which had occurred between Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Bahadur 
Khan. He then asked her what he ought to do, to follow Hafiz Rahmat 
Khan or Bahadur Khan. His mother said " Light of my eyes ! to ask 



92 "W.Irvine — The Bangash Naivabs of FarruJclutbaJ. [No. 2, 

" advice in such matters from our sex is not seemly, do as your heart dic- 
" tates, but to me it appears that Hafiz refrains from action out of partiali- 
" ty for the Wazir, while Bahadur Khan's readiness to join the war, shows 
" his respect for his own good name and reputation." On hearing these 
words from his mother's mouth, Nawab Sa'dullah Khan came out of the 
private apartments, and sent again for all the principal men. He declared 
that it would he dishonourable in him to refuse Nawab Ahmad Khan's re- 
quest for aid, and accepting all the consequences, he meant to march the 
next day, those might follow who liked, and the rest might please them- 
selves. Then sending for Bahadur Khan, he said to him, " Inform my 
" regimental commanders that if they hold themselves my servants they 
" will attend me, otherwise, I dismiss them." Bahadur Khan carried out 
these orders, and except the contingents of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde 
Khan, and Mulla Sardar Khan, all the others presented themselves, accom- 
panied by Fath Khan Khansaman. Next day the march began. 

Let us now retvmi to the events which occurred meanwhile between 
the two contending armies at Fatehgarh. Every day, on the side of Mulhar 
Rao and A'pa, Sendhia, from daybreak up to an hour and a half before sun- 
set, an artillery fire was kept up, directed against the camp of Nawab 
Ahmad Khan. At nightfall the Pathans would come out of their shelter 
in the ravines, go at the batteries and capture perhaps two or three small 
guns, which, after driving off those in charge, they would bring into 
their own camp. A little before sunset the rest of those concealed in 
the ravines came out of hiding, and began to cook or otherwise employ 
themselves. The leaders went to pay their respects to the Nawab. One 
day they were all seated close to the Nawab's private tent, when the enemy, 
noticing them collected in one spot, fired one of their heavy guns in that 
direction. By chance the ball struck the side of Kazim 'Ali Khan, son of 
Shamsher Khan the martyr, then engaged in the evening prayer. It next 
cut off the arm of Nawab Shadi Khan, sixteenth son of Muhammad Khan, 
and hit two or three others. All were killed. On this sudden misfortune 
being reported to him, Nawab Ahmad Khan got into his palki and came to 
the place where the two bodies lay, and standing there he gave orders for 
their burial, saying that the next day ho hoped by God's grace to put 
several to the sword in exchange for those lost. After burying the bodies, 
the Pathans made a sortie and fell upon the carnp of the Mahrattas. They 
fought most bravely and boldly all night, so that the Mahrattas were forced 
to give way. "When the sun rose, the Pathans, with drums beating and 
swords drawn, returned to their camp with a number of severed Mahratta 
heads held aloft upon spears. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawabs of Farruhhdbdd. 93 

Upon the Wazir's receiving a detailed report of these nocturnal con- 
tests, he sent for the leaders of the Mughals and Kizilbash, and told them 
how, although invested, Ahmad Khan's troops each night left their ravines 
to attack the Mahrattas, and every morning carried back heads upon spears. 
He wanted to know what they were about not to prevent this, and he told 
them that he spat upon their beards. That very day they must proceed to 
the threatened position, and so fight that they should either defeat the 
enemy and bring their heads to lay at his, the Wazir's feet, or else give up 
their own lives to the enemy. Those tiger-cubs (slier-baclia) joined the 
Mahratta army, and after a short rest hastened on to Kasim Bagh, opposite 
to which was the battery commanded by Mansur 'Ali Khan, the thirteenth 
son of Nawab Muhammad Khan. Between the bdgli and the battery there 
was no cover, but the ground was uneven and rugged. The sher-bacha 
advanced out of the bagh, and taking shelter in a hollow, began a fire from 
large muskets. Again advancing in the same manner, they at length came 
quite close to the battery. When the Kizilbash horsemen saw that the 
slier-bacha were close to the battery, they dismounted and advanced as a 
reinforcement. They all then attacked together. The Pathans, who were 
ready waiting for the enemy, gave them one round from their cannon and 
let off a number of rockets, then drawing their swords rushed upon them. 
When they had put many of their assailants to death, the rest giving way 
took refiige again in the Kasim Bagh. The Pathans followed them up 
and, forcing them to continue the retreat, themselves occupied the bagh. 
To the right of it, on the east side, there is an open space at a much lower 
level. Here there stood drawn up in ambush a very large force of Mahrat- 
tas. Seeing that the Wazir's soldiers were retreating, unable to withstand 
the Afghan attack, and that the Afghans quitting their batteries had come 
as far as Kasim Bagh, a number of these horsemen dashed into the space 
between the battery and the bagh. The regiment was under the command 
of Tantia. When the valiant Afghans perceived that the Mahrattas had 
barred their retreat, they said to each other, " friends, fire your arrows 
" and aim your swords first at the horses' legs, so that the rider having fallen, 
" you may slay him." All the Afghans adopted this mode of dealing with 
the Mahratta horse, and they killed many of tljem. At length the Mah- 
rattas dismounted and continued the fight. This engagement was watched 
by Mansur 'Ali Khan Sahihzadah from the battery. Bising and grasping 
his sword, he went out on foot towards the enemy. His personal followers 
with bared swords preceded him, among them was Hisam-ud-din Gwaliyari, 
from whose book we quote. Counting his followers and others accidental- 
ly present, he found there were about one thousand men or thereabouts. 
These came up in the midst of the affray between the Mahrattas and the first 



91 W. Irvine — The Bangash Xuwdls of FarruMdbdd. [No. 2, 

party of Pathans. They made an onset in the other direction, and at this 
point the men from the next battery on the left or east came up to rein- 
force them. Abdullah Khan Warakzai, Zabita Khan Khatak, Anwar Khan 
Kochar, and others used their swords with such effect that the Mahrattas 
gave way. When Tantia saw that his men were on the point of taking to 
flight, and being angry at the disgrace of his former defeat, he dismounted 
and exclaimed that he would give up his life sooner than retreat. But his 
attendants forced him to remount and led him off to his camp. As the 
defeated Mahrattas began to flee, Nawab Mansur 'Ali Khan Sahibzadah 
and the other leaders sent for their horses, and mounting hastened after 
them as far as the eastern corner of the bdgh, whence they saw that the 
Mahrattas in great confusion had reached their own camp. Mansur 'Al[ 
Khan and the others, leaving the bdgh on their right hand, came round to 
the west of it and halted. Nawab Ahmad Khan now rode up to the bat- 
teries, and directed the commanders not to leave their batteries nor to draw 
up their troops beyond the ravines, for the Mahrattas would give no fur- 
ther trouble. Mansur 'Ali Khan then returned to his old position, and Nawab 
Ahmad Khan accorded him great praise. All the commanders were ordered 
to remain in their batteries on the alert. After this Nawab Ahmad Khan 
returned to his own quarters. 

After the investment of Fatehgarh had lasted a month and some days, 
there came the report of the near approach of Nawab Sa'dullah Khan. 
This news caused great anxiety to the Wazir, Mulhar Rao, and Apa, Sendhia. 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan had written to the Wazir, that although he had done 
his best to dissuade Sa'dullah Khan, his advice had been rejected and the 
Nawab had marched to the aid of Ahmad Khan. He therefore advised the 
Wazir to make a peace with Ahmad Khan, in the best Avay he could, before 
Sa'dullah Khan arrived, for, according to the tradition, " Peace is prefer- 
able to enmity." 

Next day the Wazir went to Mulhar Rao and Apa, Sendhia' s quarters, 
and informing them of Sa'dullah Khan's march, he asked what they 
thought. Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sending for their principal men 
reported the matter to them and asked their opinion. All the leaders, 
except Apa Sendhia, who avas privately favourable to Ahmad Khan, said 
they were entirely at the disposal of the Wazir, their opinion need not be 
asked, they would carry out whatever orders the}' received. The Wazir 
turning to Apa. Sendhia asked the reason of his silence. He replied that 
there could be no dispute about the self-evident, what all men could see 
could not be doubted. They had in no way been slack in carrying on the 
war, Rao Tantia had kept up constant hostilities, yet they had not succeed- 
ed. As for the Wazir's army, which was made up of picked troops, its 






1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchahdd. 95 

state the Wazir himself had seen. Ahmad Khan had got the better of 
both their army and of the Wazir's, and when Sa'dullah Khan joined him 
it would be quite impossible for any one to beat the united force. The 
Wazir then admitted to the Mahratta leaders that Hafiz Rahmat Khan, 
in stating that Sa'dullah Khan had been led astray by Bahadur Khan, 
added that it would be best for the Wazir to make a peace before Sa'dullah 
Khan arrived. The Wazir requested their opinion. They answered that 
there could be nothing better than to do as suggested, for then further 
losses on both sides would be prevented. The Wazir asked the best way 
to open negociations ; for if on their side the first advances were made, it 
would lower their dignity. Apa Sendhia said, that in his opinion, the objec- 
tion could be obviated by calling in Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat 
Khan, who were themselves Pathans. 

Mulhar Rao and Apa got up, followed by their chief men, and assem- 
bled in another place. They sent for Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat 
Khan. The Mahrattas told them that they did not wish that Nawab Ah- 
mad Khan should be reduced to extremities, that he should be expelled 
from his territories or lose his life in battle. As they wished for peace 
between Ahmad Khan and the Wazir, they asked them to negociate. The 
two Pathans recounted all the wrongs received by Ahmad Khan's family 
at the hand of the Wazir, and upbraided the Mahrattas for forgetting the 
former friendship between them and the house of Ghazanfar Jang. The 
Mahrattas admitted the former friendship, but pleaded the farmdn of the 
Emperor of all Hindustan, which had directed them to serve under the 
Wazir. Still they had not exerted themselves much, in fact had acted 
purposely with carelessness and negligence. Ghairat Khan and Himmat 
Khan then commented unfavourably on the Emperor's treatment of the 
Bangash family, and made other objections. At length they were talked 
over and withdrawing their objections, they asked what the proposals were. 
Mulhar Rao asked them to go home, and he would assemble the leaders ; 
when a decision had been arrived at, they should be informed. 

The two Pathans left and went to their tents, while the Mahrattas 
remained to discuss the matter among themselves. At last it was decided 
that ten lakhs of rupees should be given by the Wazir as the price of blood 
for the sons of Ghazanfar Jang, and that, besides the ancient territory, the 
Wazir should make over two of his own Mahals, Pali and Sandi,* which 
adjoined the other lands of Ahmad Khan. When they went to the Wazir 
and informed him, he accepted their decision. The leaders then proceeded 
to the quarters of Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan, where they 
made them acquainted with the proposed terms, which they considered very 
* Both now in the Hardoi district of Audh. 



96 W.Irvine — The Bangash Nawdls of FarruMdhdd. [No. 2, 

favourable to Nawab Abmad Khan. They requested that a trusty messen- 
ger might be sent to the Nawab to lay the matter before him on their part. 
Nawab Ghairat Khan selected his brother Alaf Khan. Alaf Khan went 
and represented to Nawab Ahmad Khan, that ten lakhs would be paid, and 
that Pali and Saudi would be added to his former territory. As soon as he 
heard the words, Ahmad Khan said that, if the Wazir paid ten Tcrors of 
rupees as the price of his brother's blood, never would he accept it, nor if 
twenty sons of the Wazir were slain, would he be satisfied. lie declined to 
treat, and left it to the decision of the sword — 

" Har kih shamsher zanad sikka ba-nam-ash khwand." 

Nor let them think that he was invested in that fort, for he was ready at 
anjr moment to meet them in the open field. His defeat of the Wazir had 
passed into a proverb ; as for Suraj Mall J at, he was the same who had been 
unable to stand up against him before, and in company with the Wazir had 
taken to flight. By God's favour, after victory they would see him act as an 
honorable and brave man should act. Till their fate had been tried in battle, 
what peace could there be. If he gained the day, he would attain his desires, 
if the fates were against him, he bowed to the will of the Most High ; but 
the blood of Ghazanfar Jang's sons should never be sold for gold. He 
then gave Alaf Khan his dismissal, and presented him with a dress of hon- 
our, a horse, and a sword. 

Soon after Alaf Khan had departed, messengers brought word that 
next day Nawab Sa'dullah Khan would march up and encamp on the bank 
of the Ganges. Orders were accordingly given to Nawab Mahmiid Khan 
and Manavar Khan Sahibzadah to go out to welcome him. At one watch 
before sunrise those two chiefs started, as directed, to meet and escort 
Nawab Sa'dullah Khan. 

Next day the army of Sa'dullah Khan, with swords drawn and drums 
beating, came into sight. It is said they were twelve thousand in number.* 
All the Pathans and Rohelas, and the soldiers in all directions, out of joy 
and delight at sight of this reinforcement, began firing off their guns. 
They were so puffed up with pride and became so haughty that they remem- 
bered not God. Sayyad Asad 'Ali Shah with several men, among others 
Hisam-ud-din Gwaliyari, was seated on the river's bank watching the arrival 
of the army of Nawab Sa'dullah Khan. As the holy man's glance fell 
upon the troops on the further side of the river, he became suddenly agitat- 
ed, and falling into a deep reverie, he exclaimed, " Slain and defeated." 
When he returned to his ordinary state, he said that the joy and rejoicing 
of these men had not found acceptance, they would see what the morrow 
should bring forth. 

* Life of Hi'ifiz Rahmat Khan, p. 40. 



1879.] W.Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchdbdd. 97 

Sa'dullah Khan pitched his tents on the opposite or left bank of the 
river, and Nawab Ahmad Khan sent off for his use food of every description 
by the hand of Mustajab Khan Warakzai. Nawab Ahmad Khan also sent 
a request that next day Sa'dullah Khan would cross the Ganges, for it was 
highly important to combine their forces into one. This message was deli- 
vered, but Sa'dullah Khan said that, after consulting with his chief men, he 
would send word of his intentions. Then he sent for Bahadur Khan and 
Fath Khan, and told them of Nawab Ahmad Khan's request. Bahadur Khan, 
who was very reckless, replied that it was not meet to present themselves 
before the head of the Afghan clan without an offering (nazardna), and word 
should be sent to Ahmad Khan, that if God willed, they, his well-wishers, 
would the next morning lay before him as an offering the heads of the 
Wazir, of the Mahratta chiefs, and of the Jat leader. Sa'dullah Khan, 
being youthful and inexperienced, sent off a message to that effect. Ahmad 
Khan replied that whatever he thought best he should do, but to one thing 
he should pay the strictest attention, namely, not on any account to quit 
his hold of the river bank. When the fighting began, if the Mahrattas 
turned, he should not let his men pursue, because it was the Mahratta prac- 
tice to pretend they had been put to flight, and lead their enemy away 
from his supports. Next day Sa'dullah Khan and Mahmud Khan and 
Manavar Khan Sahibzadah prepared for battle and, ranging their troops in. 
order, led them against the enemy. 

On the other hand, the Wazir had been greatly frightened by the arrival 
of Sa'dullah Khan He sent for Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia and Suraj Mall 
Jat in order to consult. The plan was adopted of sending troops across 
the river to meet and fight Sa'dullah Khan, before he could unite with Ah- 
mad Khan. The bridge at Singhi-rampur, which was in bad condition, was put 
in order. Then Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Rao, and Tantia Gangadhar with 
fifty thousand men crossed the bridge. Jowahir Singh, son of Suraj Mall Jat, 
and Rana Bbim Singh, zamindar of Gwaliyar, followed with forty thousand 
horse and foot. The attack upon the Rohelas then commenced. At first the 
Rohelas under Bahadur Khan let fly rockets, which fell from the sky like rain ; 
then they discharged their muskets. By degrees they gave over firing and 
drawing their swords, rushed upon the Hindus, who soon beat a retreat. 
Bahadur Khan, forgetting Nawab Ahmad Khan's counsel, quitted the river 
bank to pursue the flying enemy. With Bahadur Khan may have been some 
two or three thousand men. He went in pursuit far ahead of the main body 
of his troops. The enemy, seeing that there was only a single elephant 
followed by a few men, without any reserves at hand to reinforce them, 
turned upon Bahadur Khan and surrounded him. Bahadur Khan got off his 
elephant, mounted his horse, and followed by his men with their swords 

N 



9S W.Irvine — The Bangash Nanubs of Farrulcltabad. [No. 2, 

drawn, tried to repel the enemy. But the Hindus encircled them, as if 
they were shooting game, and kept up at them a galling discharge of mus- 
ketry and arrows. They also wounded many and killed many with sword 
and dhop (a kind of sword) and lance and spear. Bahadur Khan, so long 
as he was alive, kept hold of his sword, nor did he belie his name of Baha- 
dur (the brave). Not a soul coming up to aid him, at last he fell off his 
horse, and gave up the ghost. The enemy then cut off his head ; and those 
of his men who remained sought safety in flight. This disastrous defeat, 
Avhich suddenly changed the whole complexion of the campaign, occurred 
early in Jamadi II. 1164 H. (16th April— 15th May, 1751). 

When Sa'dullah Khan heard that Bahadur Khan was killed, he asked 
Fath Khan Khansaman what should be done. Now, all the other leaders 
bad entertained a deep-felt enmity to Bahadur Khan, At the time of de- 
parture from Anwalah, Hafiz Babmat Khan had said privately to Path 
Khan that in battle Bahadur Khan was sure to be the foremost, it would 
be well to arrange judiciously that no one went to his support, so that he 
might be overcome and slain, thus getting rid of a great thorn in their side, 
for it was he who had incited Nawab Sa'dullah Khan into taking the part 
of Nawtib Ahmad Khan. And if Ahmad Khan should overcome the Wazir, 
he would aim at the throne itself, none being left to contend with him ; 
then, taking satisfaction for the blood of Kaim Khan, he would expel all 
the Bohelas from their country. 

On Sa'dullah Khan's putting the question to him, Fath Khan found 
his opportunity, and he at once said that the best thing was to turn their 
faces towards Anwalah. The Nawab replied that honour would not permit 
him to depart, leaving Ahmad Khan in the mouth of the enemy. Fath 
Khan answered that Ahmad Khan had now no chance of success, he too 
would soon follow to Anwalah, where they could consult together on the 
best course to be pursued. Sa'dullah Khan gave in to these arguments as 
conclusive and turned his face towards Anwalah * 

Nawab Mahmud Khan and Manavvar Khan, finding that Sa'dullah 
Khan was moving off towards Anwalah, returned to Nawab Ahmad Khan's 
head quarters, liana, Bhim Singh and Jowahir Singh, son of Suraj Mall 
Jut, who were in command of the enemy on that side of the river, were 
now in a position to oppose the return of the two Sahibzadahs. Jowahir 
Singh wished to cut off their retreat, but the liana objected. He was a 
well-wisher to the family of Ghazanfar Jang, Daler Khan, the well known 



* The life of Hafi/ Rahmat Khan, p. 40, says Sa'dullah Khan reached Anwalah 
without an attendant on the third day after his departure. On both points this state- 
ment must be somewhat exaggerated. 



1879.] W. Irvine — TJie JBangasli Naiodls of FarrulcMldd. 99 

chela of that Nawab, having been his uncle.* The Eana's objection pre- 
vailed, and an hour or so before sunset, the Sahibzadahs presented themselves 
before the Nawab. 

When the report spread that Bahadur Khan had been killed, and that 
Sa'dullah Khan had retreated to Anwalab, the whole of the men in camp 
began to tremble like willows. Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted his elephant, 
and proceeding to the embrasures of the batteries, told every body that his 
ability to wage war was not dependent on Sa'dullah Khan, that God willing, 
he would next day order an advance from the batteries, and going as far as 
Singhi-rampiir, would give battle to the Wazir. Then privately sending for 
each leader, he told him to be on the alert, for at three hours before sunrise 
he would march to make a night-surprise on the enemy. After such-like 
reassuring speeches he returned to his tent. He gave orders to the men 
in charge of the bridge to break it up. The investment had now lasted 
one month and eleven days. 

Three hours after night-fall the Mahrattas and Jats set fire to Sa'dul- 
lah Khan's tents, and the flames burned so brightly, that it was light as day 
in Nawab Ahmad Khan's camp. Those in the army who were frightened, 
and in all their lives had never seen such a confusion and conflagration, began 
to make their escape. The leaders and men of reputation alone remained at 
their posts. These, seeing the state of fright into which their troops had 
been thrown, went in a body to the Nawab and represented to him the 
state of affairs. He asked what they thought. They advised him to cross 
the Ganges and take safety in flight. At first he refused, but at length be- 
coming convinced that there was no other course open to him, he consented. 
Then taking his brothers Murtazza Khan, Khudabandah Khan, 'Azim 
Khan, Manavvar Khan, Salabat Khan, Shaistah Khan, and his chief men, 
such as Rustam Khan Bangash, 'Inayat 'Ali Khan, Bahyab Khan, Shadil 
Khan, Mangal Kh;in, Sa'dat Khan, Mustajab Khan, he left the fort while 
it was still night, and proceeded up stream along the river bank. The 
Mahrattas came up with the rear guard of the retreating Pathans near 
Shikarpur ghat, which is five miles above Fatehgarh. The Nawab continued 
his flight to Kamrol ferry, about fifteen or sixteen miles above that place, 
and there his elephant Kala-pahar swam across, guided by Bamzdni 
Mahaut, after they had thrown in a bag of gold to propitiate the genius of 
the stream. Many of his followers lost their lives in attempting to swim 
their horses across after him. The Nawab proceeded through Amritpur to 
Shahjahanpur, and thence to Anwalah. 

* See p. 286, Vol. XLVII, 1878, where I state reasons for doubting the correctness 
of this relationship. 



100 W. Irvine — The Bangaslt Nawahs of Famikhaldd. [No. 2, 

Meanwhile Nawab Mansiir 'AH Khan Sahibzadah, 'Abdullah Khan 
Warakzai and others had received no notification of the Nawab's departure, 
their batteries being to the left of the Nawab's position. When a rumour 
of the flight of the Nawab was brought, Mansiir 'Ali Khan got up and 
mounted his horse, followed by Hisam-ud-din, Rasul Khan and others. He 
sent for his jama'dars and said to them that the Nawab had sent for him, 
that he was going to see what orders there were. He then went away. As 
a long time passed without his returning, Rasul Khan said to Hisam-ud- 
din " I expect the Nawab has gone," and he sent a man to make enquiries. 
This messenger did not return. While still waiting for his coming, the 
night was spent and day began to break. When the rumour of the Nawab's 
flight spread, a panic arose, and each man began to look out for his own 
safety ; some hid in the brushwood (jhdo) in the river bed ; others rode 
their horses into the stream, thinking to escape by swimming, but they 
were all drowned. The events of that day, Hisam-ud-din says, cannot be 
described, he can only recount what befell himself. 

When day arose Hisam-ud-din, Rasul Khan, Ghairat Khan and 'Ab- 
dullah Khan resolved to sell their lives dearly, and all by themselves issued 
from their battery. They saw the Mahrattas stripping of their clothes, 
one by one, all those fugitives, who had neither got clear off nor had been 
drowned in the river. A group of these Mahrattas came towards Hisam- 
ud-din and his companions and surrounded them. In the party were three 
horsemen, Hisam-ud-din, Rasul Khan, and 'Abdullah Khan Warakzai, all 
the rest were on foot. These latter on seeing the enemy began to divest 
themselves of their clothes and threw them down. Ghairat Khan Bangash, 
however, drew his sword and ran at the enemy, and after some passes with 
his sword, was wounded and fell. Some of the enemy recognizing him, 
made him a prisoner. The same happened to Rasul Khan and 'Abdullah 
Khan. Hisam-ud-din with a few men remained standing on one side. 
Sarfaraz Khan Dilazak, a native of Dholpiir-Shikarband, was holding 
Hisam-ud-din's horse. He was a great friend and protector of Sayyads. 
Hisam-ud-din said to him, " You see what has happened to the others, what 
shall we do ?" He replied that, when he had taken service, he held it to be 
part of his duty to give his head for him he served ; now that the time had 
come, to shirk the blow would be a coward's deed. Then calling to his three 
brothers who stood near, they all four, sword in hand, rushed upon the foe. 
After a fierce hand-to-hand struggle, they were overcome and slain. Then 
the enemy's horsemen rode up and surrounded Hisam-ud-din. Standing at 
a little distance they cried out to him. " Take your hand from your bridle, 
" if you want to save your life." He answered that with his horse went 
his Ufe and his head, should he fall, the horse was theirs. On this they said 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Naw&ls of FarruMaldd. 101 

to each other something in Mabratti, which he did not understand. Theu 
one of them lifted his right hand and hurled his spear at Hisam-ud-din. 
It struck him between the side and the left arm. Another spear was 
thrown by the same man from his left hand. This second spear entered at 
the right side, and the two spears crossing each other stuck out like the 
handles of a pair of scissors. The wounds caused Hisam-ud-din to feel giddy 
and left him no strength to wield his sword. Just then the shaft of one of 
those spears fell down, and struck the horse on the crupper. From the 
blow the horse gave a bound, and Hisam-ud-din, losing control of him, was 
thrown, with the two spears still sticking into him like a pair of shears. 
At once several of the scoundrels got off their horses and making him a 
prisoner, wrenched the bare sword out of his right hand. Hisam-ud- din 
now thought it was all over, and turning his thoughts to Heaven, he hum- 
bly prayed to God that, whether his life were taken or not, he might be 
sprared further dishonour. As he lay, he turned his face towards the Gan- 
ges, and being on the high bank at the edge of the river, he could see below 
him a number of Afghans, who for fear of their lives had stripped them- 
selves naked and were crouching in the water. At this moment a fresh 
party of Mahrattas came up. On seeing them, many of these seated at the 
water's edge threw themselves into the river ; the rest, seeking quarter by 
putting their fingers between their teeth, were captured and driven off 
towards the camp. 

In a short time some other horsemen rode up and asked Hisam-ud-din 
why he was seated there alone. He replied " What else can I do ?" They 
said " Come with us." He said " I am not able to walk." They had with 
them a wounded horse, which they ordered him to mount. He obeyed and 
mounting rode with them. The sowars took him straight to Mulhar Kao, 
who was standing with his retinue near the Kasim Bagh. Mulhar Kao 
said to him, " Did Ahmad Khan cross the Ganges early or late in the 
night ?" 

Hisam-ud-din. — " I do not know." 

M. R. — " How can I believe that you could have been in Ahmad 
Khan's camp without knowing ?" 

Hisam-ud-din. — " If I had known I should have gone with the Nawab." 

M. K— " That is true." 

He then ordered one of the horsemen to take Hisam-ud-din to the 
tents of Khande Kao,* where he was to receive every indulgence consis- 
tent with his detention as a prisoner. When brought before Khande Kao, 
he assigned comfortable quarters to Hisam-ud-din. 

* Khande Eao was killed at the siege of the Jat fort of Komber in 1755-6. Grant 
Duff, 284. 



102 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of FarriiMdbdd. [No. 2, 

Next day Mulhar Rao, with his chief men, paid a visit to his son 
Khande Rao. Among his retinue was one Shekh Muhi-ud-din, resident of 
Narmalpur, in the service of Anthal Rao, Mukasadah-dar* of Gwaliyar. 
This Shekh came up to Hisam-ud-din, and asked, " What is your name ?" 

H-ud-D.— " Hisam-ud-din" 

M-ud-D. — " Where is your native country ?" 

H-ud-D.— "Gwaliyar." 

M-ud-D. — " In what mahalla (quarter of the town) do you live?" 

H-ud-D. — " My home is outside the city, they call the place Ghaus- 
" pur." 

M-ud-D. — " Are you any relation to Ghaus-i-Ishim, the saint ?" 

H-ud-D. — " My grandfather Makhdum Abu'l Hasan (on whom be 
"peace) was sister's son, and also son-in-law of Ghaus-i-Islam." 

On hearing this, the Shekh took Hisam-ud-din to Nawab Manavar 
Khan, son of Nawab Anwar Khan, a descendant of Shah 'Isa Burhanpuri. 
This latter was a disciple of Shah Lashkar 'Arif, who himself was a disciple 
of the saint Miran Hamid-ud-din, known as Ghaus Gwaliyari. To the Nawab 
he reported minutely all their conversation. At once, the Nawab came for- 
ward out of the group in which he was standing, and with the greatest 
courtesy approached to Hisam-ud-din, stated his wish to be his firm friend, 
and putting him on his own horse, led him away to his house. There he 
was treated with every kindness. After a time the Nawab urged Hisam- 
ud-din to enter his service, but he refused, saying, " I shall be equally 
" grateful to you, if you will put me across the river Ganges, so that I 
" may rejoin Nawab Ahmad Khan wherever he may be." At length the 
Nawab gave up his efforts to detain Hisam-ud-din and agreed to his depar- 
ture. The day after, he rode in person to the river bank and saw that 
Hisam-ud-din got safely across. 'Abdullah Khan Jama'dar had at that 
time just crossed with a party of Afghans and Rohelas. Joining them 
Hisam-ud din set out for the camp of Nawab Ahmad Khan. 

The Campaign in Bohilkhand. 
When Nawab Ahmad Khan saw that all had left him except his lea- 
ders and jamadars, he came to the conclusion that the rulers of Anwalah 
had only sent Sa'dullah Khan to join him in order to get rid of Bahadur 
Khan. Besides, they may have thought that Ahmad Khan's soldiers would 
in despair desert and join them. Although fully aware of all these plans, 
Ahmad Khan found that the deplorable state of his army made resistance 
hopeless. Therefore, as already related, he crossed the Ganges and made 
his way to Anwalah where the Rohela leaders came out to meet him. 
* See Grant Duff, pp. 36, und 98 for meaning of this torin. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli Wawdbs of Furrulchabdd. 103 

Hamilton* comments unfavourably on the imprudence of the Rohela 
policy in allowing a part of their forces to join Ahmad Khan. The answer 
seems to he ready in the facts of the case, which in Hamilton are substantially 
as we have given them. Action was taken by the hot-headed youth, Sa'dullah 
Khan, against the wishes of the more experienced leaders. But having once 
gained the advantage, it was not likely that the Wazir, still less the Mahrattas, 
would make any fine distinctions between Sa'dullah Khan's enmity and the 
friendly feelings of the rest. The whole Rohela confederacy was to be 
attacked and swept away. 

Consultations were noAv held between Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas ; 
and the plan at length decided on, was to take shelter at the foot of the 
Kumaon hills. Next day Nawab Ahmad Khan with the Rohela leaders, 
setting out towards the hills, reached Muradabad. It so chanced that there 
was a halt there of several days' duratiou. In this interval messengers 
brought word that the Wazir, leaving Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia at 
Singhi-rampur, had proceeded to Lakhnau. On hearing this, the Rohelas 
told Nawab Ahmad Khan that they considered it advisable to return to 
Anwalah, the rainy season being close at hand, during which they could 
rest undisturbed at home, employing the time on summoning their clans- 
men from all sides, and making ready to renew hostilities with the Mah- 
rattas. This place was accepted by all, and they returned to Anwalah. 
The Rohelas went to their houses, and Ahmad Khan encamped outside the 
town. 

When the rains of 1751 were over, preparations were made for a cam- 
paign, boats were collected, and a bridge was thrown across the river called 
the Ram Ganga. This river flows through Rohillshand and falls into the 
Ganges on the left side nearly opposite Kannauj, more than forty miles 
below Farrukhabad. On a report being brought to the enemy of the 
advance of Ahmad Khan with the Rohelas and other Pathans, they des- 
patched Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Kao, with other leaders and a numer- 
ous army, across the Ganges, to meet and repel them. Then Ahmad Khan 
and the Anwalah Sarddrs crossed their bridge, and gave strict orders to 
their men to keep close to the river bank, following its course. The river 
at one place described a semicircle. Here the Mahrattas had taken up 
their position, intending to bar the Afghan advance. Donde Khan, who 
commanded the vanguard, seeing the position occupied by the enemy, came 
to the conclusion that he could not effect a passage along the river bank. 
He therefore refrained from continuing his march, and posted his artillery 
between the two points to east and west formed by the bend in the river. 
By this manoeuvre he cut off the enemy's line of retreat. When Khande 
» History of the Rohela Afghans, pp. 106 and 108. 



101 W. Irvine — The Bantjash Nawdbs of FarruMdbud. [No. 2 

lido saw that they had fallen into the trap laid by the Pathans and that 
their retreat was cut off, he sent a man to Nawab Ahmad Khan to make 
terms. The messenger said, that though by the Emperor's order they had 
served the Wazir in this campaign, they were not in heart fighting for him, 
they only fought to save appearances ; what should be now agreed on pri- 
vately with them, they swore solemnly to carry out in writing, when the 
campaign under the Kumaon hills had once commenced. Ahmad Khan, on 
this message being received, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, told him what 
was proposed, and referred to the old friendship between his father, Muham- 
mad Khan, and the Mahrattas. He then requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan 
to send orders to Donde Khan to withdraw from his position closing up 
the Mahrattaline of retreat. Hafiz Rahmat Khan in reply said that in time 
of war, Donde Khan took orders from no one, perhaps if Nawab Ahmad 
Khan went in person he' might agree, and he, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was 
willing to accompany him to the spot. 

The order of battle was as follows ; To the rear and in support of 
Donde Khan were Bahadur Khan and Mulla Sardir Khan ; after them came 
Fath Khan Khansaman ; and then Nawab Sa'dullah Khan with Hafiz 
Rahmat Khan, who, mounted on one elephant, formed as it were the advance- 
guard of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan 
proceeded to Donde Khan's head-quarters, where they informed him of 
what the Mahrattas had promised and had sworn an oath to do. He said 
in answer, that the Mahrattas must have sent overtures only because they 
were in extremity. For was not the river on three sides of them, and had 
he not cut off the fourth ? Without any labour or trouble a speedy victory 
would be obtained. Oaths taken at such a juncture were worthless. The 
Nawab admitted that what Donde Khan said was quite true, but it was 
against the creed of a good Musulman to refuse peace to those who asked 
it. If their oaths were false, God would mete out the punishment. Donde 
Khan was forced at length to accede, and he sent word to his regiments to 
withdraw and allow a free passage. The soldiers were then moved off, and 
the road cleared for the enemy. Then Nawab Ahmad Khan and Nawab 
Sa'dullah Khan pitched their tents on that spot. Next day they marched 
onwards, and reached the head of the boat-bridge, thrown across by the 
Wazir under Singhi-rampur. 

Before the arrival of the Mussulman forces, the Mahrattas had broken 
up the bridge, and when Nawab Ahmad Khan reached the place he found 
the river separating him from the enemy. Artillery fire began on both 
sides. The troops who had been allowed to withdraw from their critical 
position in the bend of the river, gathered round the Nawab's army but did 
not come to close quarters. After tilings had been in this situation for a 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawals of FurruJchabdd. 105 

week, and no means could be found of crossing the river, and the food 
which the troops had brought with them was nearly exhausted, the Rohela 
leaders represented the state of affairs to Nawab Ahmad Khan. He asked 
what they thought of doing. Hafiz Rahmat Khan then told him that 
during the night a letter to Sa'dullah Khan had been received from Najib 
Khan, to the effect that he would arrive shortly with reinforcements. He 
was advancing down the opposite or right bank of the Ganges. This being 
the case, they thought it best to march and encamp themselves near Suraj- 
pur, a ferry in Parganah Kampil, some thirty miles or more above Far- 
rukhabad, and forty-two miles from Singhirampur. There they could 
collect boats, and then crossing the river they could join with Najib Khan 
in making a forced march against M ulnar Rao, who had at the moment 
only a small force. Time must not, however, be given to repair the broken 
bridge. Therefore, on marching, they would give out that they were retreat- 
ing to their own bridge over the Ram Gangi, to replenish their stores of 
grain ; and that having obtained fresh supplies, they would at once re-occu- 
py their old position and renew hostilities. Nawab Ahmad Khan consent- 
ed and they marched. The Mahrattas kept up a distant fire as they march- 
ed off, but they made no attempt to follow. 

Meanwhile the Wazir, who had heard of the Afghans' attempt, hur- 
ried back and crossing at Mahndi ghat in parganah Kannauj, forty miles 
below Farrukkabad, rejoined Mulhar Rao at Singhirampur on the 9th 
Muharram 11G5 H. ( 1.7th November 1751). On his arrival the whole of 
the guns were fired off as a salute, and the sound excited great consterna- 
tion in the Pathan camp. On hearing that the Wazir had arrived, the 
Path an leaders assembled, and after a discussion it was finally decided to 
march straight to Bangarh in parganah Budaon, ten miles north of Budaor. 
Bazid Kh;in, commander of the artillery, was sent for and received orders 
to move off with his guns, first firing a salvo from all his pieces. Thesi 
orders were executed and the artillery set out. The change of plan had 
not been communicated to the troops. When they saw the artillery being 
removed, a panic took possession of all except the commanders and other 
principal men. Not a single man kept to his proper place. When the 
leaders saw this, they were much cast down, saying to each other, " With- 
" out a battle we have been defeated." Nawab Ahmad Khan and his men 
were half a kos distant from Nawab Sa'dullah Khan's troops, and quite 
ignorant of what had occurred in the Rohela camp.* 

* Here Hisam-ud-din appears to gloss over a defeat which, as is admitted by the 

Rohela account (Life of H. R. K., p. 42), occurred on the road to Anwalah. The 

Mahrattas, they say, had crossed by Kamrol, which is twenty-eight miles above 

Singhirampur. Hamilton (p. 109) places the scene of the defeat at Islamnagar, thirty- 

o 



10G W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawab s of Farruhhdbdd. [No. 2, 

The sun had not yet risen when Sa'dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, 
Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and others rode into Ahmad 
Khan's camp. The Nawab was asleep, but Mustajab Khan and Haji Sar- 
faraz Khan went in, woke him, related what had happened to the Rohelas, 
and informed him of the presence of Sa'dullah Khan and the others. Then 
Ahmad Khan sent for his chief men, liustam Khan Bangash, Sa'dat Khan 
Afridi, Mangal Khan, Jamal Khan, Zabta Khan, Muhammad Khan, 'Abdul- 
lah Khan, Anwar Khan, Sa'dat Khan Toyah, Shamsher Khan Mahmand 
Shadil Khan Ghilzai, and others. He gave orders to Shadil Khan and Sa'dat 
Khan to move off at once, break up their bridge and direct the boatmen to re- 
move the boats forthwith to Surajpur ferry. There they were to form a 
bridge of boats and maintain their £>osition, as he intended to cross the river 
at that point. To the other commanders he gave orders to arm and be ready. 
He then directed his march towards the Ganges in the direction of the Kohelas, 
and taking them with him on his right, they all encamped on a wide open 
plain. The Kohelas then sought an interview and explained the condition 
of their troops. They told him that on sending off their artillery to Ban- 
garh, their men had scattered, intending to take to flight. With such a 
state of things existing, it was impossible for them to continue hostilities 
in the field. The Nawab said he ought to have been informed of their 
intentions at once, when they could have concerted other operations. To 
retreat without giving battle was pitiful weakness and would be so held 
by all the world. The Rohela leaders held down their heads and spoke 
not a word. At length they ventured to say, " What is done cannot be 
" helped, the arrow shot from the bow cannot be recovered." In reply to 
the Nawab's further enquiries, they stated that, their army having once lost 
heart, they had better go to Anwalah, assemble all their families and go 
with them to the hills. They advised the Nawab to do the same. The 
Nawab, with great reluctance and under compulsion of necessity, agreed to 
their proposals. At an hour and a half before sunset they started for 
Anwalah. 

Next day, before the setting of the sun, they entered Anwalah, and 
Nawab Ahmad Khan took up his quarters in a bctgh inside the town. 
There he rested for nine hours. When one watch remained to daybreak, 
he sent for Nawab Sa'dullah Khan and set out towards the hills. The 
other leaders had been employed the whole night in collecting their cash 
and buried treasure, their household effects, the artillery and the rocket 

two miles north-west of Budaon, but that seems too far to tho west. It might bo Is- 
lamganj, close to Allahganj in parganah Amritpur. Perhaps Ilisamud-din, being 
half a Jcos off, did not witness the battle, but that hardly cxeuscs_his suppressing it, as 
ho must have heard of it immediately afterwards. 



1879.] "W.Irvine — The Bangash Naivabs of FarruJcMbdd. 107 

train. Then leaving the town in company with their wives and children, 
they set their houses in flames and marched off. At three hours after night- 
fall they reached Rampur, where they pitched their tents. Next day they 
marched again and got to the neighbourhood of Muradabad. After a halt 
of some six hours, they resumed their route for Kashipur, thirty miles north 
of Muradabad. At that place a spy from Apa Jiu Sendhia arrived with a 
letter for Nawab Ahmad Khan. It stated that when the Wazir heard that 
his enemy was retreating towards the hills, he at once gave orders to his 
army to cross the river and pursue by forced marches, without halting any- 
where. Mulhar Rao and Tantia, with thirty thousand men and the Mughal 
" Kizilbash," had been detached on this duty. The letter said that they 
would soon come up, and Ahmad Khan had better enter the hills at once 
and prepare for defence. Ahmad Khan sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and 
the other Rohela leaders and informed them of the intelligence he had 
just received. To the messenger he gave seven gold coins and sent him 
back. 

Without further delay the Pathans started for the hills. The follow- 
ing day they entered the low jungle, and there they found a place sur- 
rounded on three sides with impenetrable growth of thorns and bushes. 
On the fourth side, which afforded a passage, they dug an extremely deep 
ditch, and along it built towers, which made it look like the fort of Daula- 
tabad in the Dakhin. In the centre of this plain they pitched their en- 
campment.* The Anwalah leaders also put up their tents and, ranging 
their cannon, connected them with iron chains. Notwithstanding all these 
preparations, they were much dejected, for they saw no prospect of sup- 
plies, and without food the place was untenable. For a time, in default of 
any thing else, they subsisted upon sugarcane. After two or three days 
had passed without any change, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for all the Rohe- 
la leaders and told them, that although the Omnipotent had favoured them 
with a refuge, whence they could defy the kings of all the seven climes, 
yet it was absolutely necessary to secure food. The Rohelas replied that 
the Rajah of Almorah had great affection for Sayyad Ahmad, the Nazim 
for his territory at the foot of the hills. This Sayyad was, they said, hos- 
pitable and kind-hearted and well-affected towards them. They advised 
that application should be made for assistance in grain, accompanying the 
letter, which should be in affectionate terms, with rare and costly presents 
of every kind. The Nawab having approved of this suggestion, Hafiz 
Rahmat Khan, leaving his presence, went straight to the Sayyad, who held 
a battery with Najib Khan, and reported to him what had been decided 

* The Life of H. R. K., p. 42, says the encampment was at Chilkya, which is 22 
miles N. E. of Kashipur, and some 48 miles N. E. of Muradabad. 



]08 W. Irvine — The JBangash Naw&ls of Farruhhdbdd. [No. 2, 

upon. He brought the Sayyad to the Nawab, who gave him a rich present 
and sent him off to Almorah with the letter. Before the Sayyad reached 
that place, a wakil from the Wazir had arrived by way of the Mahdi jangal. 
The Wazir's message was, that as his enemies had sought shelter at 
the foot of the hills, it would only be consistent with friendship to cut off 
all supplies of grain from the fugitives. In return for this favour, the 
Rajah would be allowed to take possession of all the Rohela territory. 
When the Sayyad got to Almorah and delivered the letter and the rare 
presents, the Rajah gave the Wazir's wakil his dismissal, saying it was in- 
human not to feed those who took refuge with you. He ordered his 
managers to direct the villagers near the Nawab's entrenchment to carry 
loads of grain on their heads to the camp. He gave the Sayyad an answer 
to the letter and sent him back. The Sayyad had not returned before 
several thousand hillmen appeared in the camp with head-loads of grain; 
which they at once offered for sale. The men in camp, who were suffer- 
ing all the pangs of starvation, looking on the arrival of this grain, which 
to them was " like sweetmeats without milk," as a special mark of the 
divine grace, bought each according to his need, and having made a prostra- 
tion of thanksgiving, proceeded to cook and eat. After this the Sayyad 
returned with a gracious answer, the contents of which were not communi- 
cated to any one but the chief personages. 

When the Wazir had crossed the river Ganges, he despatched Mulhar 
Rao and his troops, giving them strict injunctions to follow up the enemy. 
But the Mahratta leaders, true to their agreement, made excuses for delay, 
saying to the Wazir that, as Tantia-Gangadhar and the Mughals with a large 
force were already in pursuit of the Afghans, it would be better to wait 
and see first what direction the enemy took. When trusty reports were 
received, a forced march could be made. Soon after, it was reported that 
Nawab Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas had gone to the foot of the hills. 
The Mahrattas made forced marches, till they reached within three kos 
from the hills occupied by the fugitives. At that distance they encamped, 
and the Wazir pitched his tents near the village of Chaukya.* Every day 
the Wazir, keeping to the rear himself, sent the Mahrattas forward to 
fight. At sunset they all returned to their camp. After having been delayed 
some time on the road, the Wazir's artillery arrived, while these daily contests 
still continued. Next day at sunrise, he mounted his elephant and brought up 
his guns opposite Ahmad Khan's battery. The firing, however, was so high 
that all the shot passed quite over the battery attacked and fell beyond the 

* This name I have not traced. Hamilton (p. 110) says tho Afghans went to 
" a short distance above Lall Dong." — The lifo of II. R. K. (p. 42) says, the encamp- 
ment was at Chilkya, which is about 22 miles north-east of Kiishipiir. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli JSTaiouhs of FarruMdbdd. 109 

camp in the plain behind. In this plain, which was about a square Jcos in 
extent, the shot fell like a heavy shower of hailstones. The firing lasted 
from morning till night. Night had hardly fallen, when, as a precaution, 
the cannon were dragged away and placed near the Wazir's camp. These 
tactics were pursued for two months, without any effect having been pro- 
duced on the Pathans. A stream of water which flowed from the hills 
hindered the Wazir's operations. The Rohelas had dug a channel from 
this stream, and they led the water all round their entrenchments. Mul- 
har Rao and Suraj Mall Jat tried in vain every expedient to discover a 
way of entrance. 

During this time, the "Wazir's agent at the Emperor's Court had 
written, in one of his news-letters, that spies had reported to his Majesty the 
approach of Ahmad Shah Durrani, who was coming to the aid of his fellow- 
clansmen, the Afghans. The Durrani had issued orders to the Afghans of the 
hill-country to gather on the banks of the Indus and there await his arrival. 
The letter went on to say that, when his Majesty heard this report, he be- 
came very anxious and said to Nawab Finiz Jang, " What shall we do ? Safdar 
Jang, with my troops and the landholders from all parts, is gone on a foolish 
campaign, nor does it yet appear that he has either overcome Ahmad 
Khan and the Rohelas, or that he is likely to overcome them." Firuz 
Jang, making a low obeisance, said his presentiments were coming to pass, 
and he had already warned the Emperor. As Nazir Jawed Khan's advice 
had been followed, it would be best to ask him now what should be done. 
The Emperor admitted that this was true, yet since man was compounded 
of error, he thought that it was not fitting for Firuz Jang to refuse to 
give advice. Then Firuz Jang said he thought a note (shukka) should 
be sent to inform Safdar Jang that, owing to Ahmad Shah Durrani's 
approach, it was desirable to make peace with Ahmad Khan. He proposed 
to confide the message to 'Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered.* Accordingly 
'Ali Kuli Khan had, the Wakil reported, been sent to Safdar Jang with a 
shukka from the Emperor. 

Attach oy the Ati'ths of Rajah Indar Oir. 
The Wazir concealed this intelligence even from his greatest inti- 
mates. Next day, he sent for Mulhar Rao, A'pa Sendhia, Tantia-Gangadhar 
and Suraj Mall Jat. He said to them that, though two months had elapsed 
they were no further advanced than on the first day, in fact, they had given 
no assistance. Apa Sendhia, anticipating the others, said in reply, that 
they were used to fight in the open, not against entrenchments or for- 

* WaH-ullah, p. 175, shows that this was an epithet applied to 'Ali Kuli Khan, 
Walih, Daghistani, for whose biography, see the " Khizana 'Amira," p. 446. 



110 W. Irvine — The Banc/ash Naioabs of Farrukhdbdd. \T$o 2, 

tresses. Indar Gir Atitb then said, that their enemy was in the open, not 
in either entrenchment or fortress. The only obstacle was the water. 
Now, there were two corners, where there was no water, one to the east 
and one to the west ; that to the east was the battery of Najib Khan and 
Sayyad Ahmad, that to the west was defended by Nawab Ahmad Khan. 
If any one chose to take the slightest trouble, they would gain a victory. 
A'pa Sendhia said to him, " You, too, are in the service of the Nawab 
Wazir, wherefore do you not take this trouble you speak of?" Rajah 
Indar Gir said, that the next day he would make an assault on the battery 
of Nawab Ahmad Khan, and he would take it unassisted. By the Wazir's 
good fortune he would bring Ahmad Khan alive a prisoner, or else he 
would bring his head on the point of a spear. The Mabratta leaders 
said, that nothing could be better than this, and taking leave of the Wazir 
they rose and departed. When they reached their tents, Apa Sendhia sent 
word to Nawab Ahmad Khan that he might expect next day an attack by 
Rajah Indar Gir Atith, who would, they hoped, be killed or defeated. 

When night had passed and the sun arose above the eastern horizon, 
Rajah Indar Gir's fifteen thousand men, horse and foot, all Atiths and 
Nagas, each having a musket and rockets, were passed in review by the 
Wazir and despatched to the assault. Before he set out, Indar Gir re- 
quested the Wazir to make a feigned attack with the Mughals and " Sher- 
bacha" in the direction of Najib Khan's and Sayyad Ahmad's outwork, in 
order to draw all the Pathans to that quarter, leaving Ahmad Khan's 
battery unprotected. The Wazir did as requested, and the fighting began. 
Rajah Indar Gir posted himself in a hollow and awaited a favourable 
moment. The Mughals did their best. But Najib Khan maintained his 
position, and called to his friends to cease firing and await the near ap- 
proach of the enemy, and then meet them with the sword. Najib Khan 
sent a message to Mulla Sardar Khan and Donde Khan, asking them to 
leave their own posts, thinking the main attack was directed against him. 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan, on seeing that Najib Khan was attacked, rode off to 
Nawab Ahmad Khan. Before he arrived Ahmad Khan had mounted his 
elephant and had taken up position in his battery. Hafiz Rahmat Khan 
came up and represented that the chief attack that day was against Najib 
Khan. The Nawab replied, that the attack on Najib Khan was entirely a 
feint, the real attack by the Atiths would be made there, on Ahmad Khan's 
entrenchment. He therefore requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan to return to 
his own battery. Then the Nawab ordered all his own leaders to be on the 
alert. At an hour and a half before sunset the Atith's troops began to 
show in the open. The Pathan commanders asked for leave to draw up 
their mon in battle array. The Nawab told them to offer up a prayer 



1879.] W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Naioabs of FarruMdbdd. Ill 

(Fdtalia-i-lcliair) and then go at the enemy. All the leaders and Pathans, 
raising their hands to heaven, offered up a prayer and went at the Atith. 
Both sides began with musketry fire and discharged rockets. For nearly 
an hour, the fight was thus continued ; at length, the Pathans began to 
advance, and coming to close quarters, made play with their swords. Under 
the force of the attack the Atiths began to withdraw. The chela of 
Indar Gir, who commanded on the part of his Guru, seeing that the Atiths 
and Nagas were turning their faces, dismounted from his horse and at- 
tempted to rally them. He called on his personal followers to draw their 
swords and make a rush. They obeyed this order and fought most bravely. 
Many were killed, the rest were scattered. Then the Atith commander 
himself, sword in hand, came to the front. He was met by a Pathan with 
bared sword. After some thrusting and parrying, the Pathan cut the 
Atith down, and severed his head from his body. When the Atiths saw 
that their leader was dead, they took to flight. 

Rajah Indar Gir, perceiving the turn affairs had taken, quitted the field 
of battle. The Pathans followed in pursuit up to the entrenched camp of 
the Wazir, where they arrived about sunset. The sun having set, darkness 
succeeded, so that one man could not recognize another. Soon the Nawab's 
messenger came up with orders recalling them from the pursuit. They 
set fire to the Wazir's gun-carriages, and with the baggage they had plun- 
dered returned to their entrenchments. The principal men presented 
themselves before the Nawab and offered him gifts in honour of the 
victory. The Nawab gave them due praise and thanks in a kind and 
gracious manner. 

The Wazir, when he heard of Indar Gir's defeat and the death of many 
Atiths, became greatly perturbed, issued from his tent, got upon his 
elephant and set out towards Kashipur. At once, on hearing of the Wazir's 
flight, Mulhar Rao and Apa ordered out a large force and followed him. 
On reaching Kashipur, they drew up and cut off his retreat. Then going 
to him, they said that, although the Pathans had repulsed Indar Gir, there 
was no occasion for this excessive timidity. Indar Gir had but received 
the due punishment of his pride. In short, Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia 
prevented the Wazir from carrying out his foolish intentions, which were 
quite contrary to the dignity of his station. Then the Wazir marched 
back and re-occupied his former encampment. The daily attacks with 
artillery were at an end, owing to the gun-carriages and material having 
been burnt by the Pathans. 

Visit of tlie Almora Rajah. 

At the suggestion of Sayyad Ahmad, the Rajah of Kumaun agreed to 
pay a visit to the camp. Taking with him several thousand infantry, the 



112 W. Irvine — The Bangash JS~uwdbs of FarruJchdbdd. [No. 2, 

Rajah, seated on a gilt throne and clad in jewelled raiment, descended from 
the hills. Nawab Ahmad Khan went out to meet him, and when they came 
close, they both saluted at the same moment. The Nawab brought the 
Rajah to his own quarters and seated him on a separate masnad. Presents 
were then brought of all the choice products of Hindustan, including an 
elephant. Of all the things placed before him, the Rajah selected two 
rumal and refused the rest. Sayyad Ahmad knew the Rajah's dialect, 
and whatever the Rajah said was explained by him to Nawab Ahmad 
Khan. After a short interval, the Rajah rose and taking his leave of the 
Nawab went to his own camp. Next day the Nawab returned the Rajah's 
visit. The Rajah came out in state to greet him, and they proceeded in the 
most friendly manner, hand in hand, into the Rajah's tent, where the 
Nawab was conducted to his seat on a costly masnad. He was then 
presented with hill products, such as hawks and falcons, and other birds 
used in falconry, bags of musk, chaw (?) and gold ingots, called in Hindi 
suna-sungad* which have a perfume like essence of roses. There were 
also several hill ponies (Tdngari) of various colours, the like of which would 
not often be found. The Rajah also gave several kinds of jewels, rare and 
of great price. At first the Nawab refused those gifts. The Rajah, seeing 
that his present was not accepted, said to Sayyad Ahmad in his own tongue 
that he knew the things were not of sufficient value, but he hoped that to 
give him pleasure the Nawab would accept them. Then the Nawab, to 
please him, accepted all the things. The day after this, the Rajah took 
his leave and returned to his home in the hills. 

Negotiations through 'Ali Kuli Khan. 
Meanwhile the difficulties of his undertaking were troubling the 
Wazir day and night. About this time, 'Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered, 
the 'Abasi, a descendant of the kings of Wilayat, reached camp with the 
imperial letter, under the Emperor's own signature, directing that peace 
should be made with Ahmad Khan. The shukka was handed to the Wazir, 
and the messenger delivered the Emperor's verbal message, with reference 
to the approach of Ahmad Shah Durrani. The Wazir represented to 'Ali 
Kuli Khan that, if the first proposals for peace proceeded from him, his 
reputation would be gone for ever. He asked advice as to how negotiations 
should be begun. 'Ali Kuli Khan replied that he and Ahmad Khan 
Ghalib Jang, were old friends and acquaintances, that if the Wazir 

* Perhaps the same as referred to in the following passage, " In Garhwal there 
" is a vein of iron pyrites, which the people call ' sone-Ted-pathar,' or gold stone, and 
"sell them to the pilgrims to Badrinath at high rates." Economic Mineralogy of llill 
districts of N. W. P. by E. T. Atkinson, Allahabad, 1877, p. 30. 



1879.] W. Irvine— The Bangasl Nawdbs of Farruhhxbdd. 113 

apj>roved, lie would seek an interview and turn Ahmad Khan's mind 
towards peace. The Wazir was highly delighted at this suggestion. 

'Ali Kuli Khan sent off a formal letter stating how desirous he 
was of paying a visit to Ahmad Khan. On receiving it, Ahmad Khan sent 
for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the other Rohela leader, and informed them 
of its contents. They all agreed that it would be well for the Nawab to 
receive the proposed visit, as 'Ali Kuli Khan was his friend. Ahmad Khan 
sent a reply saying, that there had been no need to ask for leave, his house 
might be looked on by 'Ali Kuli Khan as his own. 'Ali Kuli Khan having 
informed the Wazir of this favourable reply, the Wazir made him swear 
by his head that in no way would he let Ahmad Khan know of the desire 
to make peace. 'Ali Kuli Khan said, he might feel quite at rest, for the 
degradation of the Wazir would, in his opinion, be a dishonour to the 
Emperor. 

On 'Ali Kuli Khan approaching the Nawab's battery, the Nawab's son, 
Mahmiid Khan, was sent out to escort him. On their meeting, they 
embraced affectionately, and then mounting the same elephant, they started 
for the Nawab's tent. The Nawab rising from his seat advanced to the 
edge of the carpet, and there they embraced. Thence hand in hand they 
walked to the viasnad. A friendly conversation began and lasted a long 
time. 'Ali Kuli Khan was then conducted to a tent, which had been 
prepared for his repose, where every kind of food was made ready and sent 
to him. In the evening Nawab Ahmad Khan walked to his guest's tent. 
At first they talked as friends and then they turned to business. The note, 
which the Emperor had written to Ahmad Khan with his own hand, was 
brought out. Taking it in his hand, Ahmad Khan placed it on his head., 
rose from his seat, turned his face towards Delhi and made a low obeisance. 
He then read the note. The contents were made known to no one but the 
principal leaders. It was only after a time that, through the commence- 
ment of negotiations, it was seen that the Emperor had recommended peace. 
Ahmad Khan, after he had read the letter, asked what he was expected to do. 
Ali Kuli Khan told him he should send his son, Mahmud Khan, and Hafiz 
Rahmat Khan back with him, in order that the world might see that, 
although the Wazir had failed, yet as " ul-amr faut til-adah" (an order super- 
sedes ceremony), he,Nawab Ahmad Khan, had obeyed the Emperor and had 
sent his son and the principal leader under Sa'dullah Khan to negotiate 
with the Wazir. In this way the Wazir's honour would be saved, and thereby 
the Emperor's dignity preserved. Ahmad Khan objected that in this mat- 
ter he could not act till he had consulted others, 
p 



114 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdhs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

Accordingly, Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted and went to Sa'dullah 
Khan's camp. Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the others were sent for, and the 
Nawab laid all the facts before them. Mulla Sardar Khan, the oldest present, 
took up the word and enquired what force Ali Kuli Khan had with him. 
Ahmad Khan asked what he meant by that question. Sardar Khan replied 
that a strong powerful leader was required, who could oppose the Wazir, 
if need arose — one who could enforce the terms granted. He preferred 
making overtures through Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. But, under no 
circumstances, could he approve of allowing the Nawab's son to go to the 
"Wazir. Hafiz Rahmat Khan might go or not as he pleased, for he was a 
private friend of the Wazir's. Ahmad Khan, turning to Sardar Khan, 
said he highly approved of his remarks, and he would act accordingly. 
He then rose and returned to his own quarters. Next day, he said to 
Nawab Ali Kuli Khan that, though he fully trusted him personally, the 
Rohela leaders objected to allowing his son to go to the enemy's camp. On 
hearing this, Ali Kuli Khan said, " By God, your advisers are sharp-witted 
" and far-seeing. My wish was as they have counselled, my heart's desire 
" has been fulfilled, for all I wanted was to turn your thoughts towards 
" peace." The Nawab replied, " My friendship to you is firm like an engrav- 
" ing on stone." 

After this interview, Ali Kuli Khan took his departure and returned to 
his own camp. He then sought an interview with the Wazir and related in 
detail all that had passed. He pointed out that, although he had brought 
Ahmad Khan to entertain thoughts of peace, the condition was that the nego- 
tiations be conducted through Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. Khande 
Rao must therefore be sent to bring in the Nawab's son and Hafiz Rahmat 
Khan. The Wazir sent for Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia and requested 
them to arrange for bringing in the Nawab's son. On his arrival they 
could come to a decision. The two Mahrattas professed their willingness, 
if nothing was intended which could force them to act afterwards in opposi- 
tion to the Wazir. The Wazir out of regard to his own honour was obliged 
to promise that no treachery was intended. Then Mulhar Rao sent his son, 
Khande Rao, with an escort, to conduct the Nawab's son to the Wazir's 
camp. Apa Sendhia had already sent word to Ahmad Khan, desiring him 
to make no objections to sending off his son. 

Meanwhile Khande Rao and the escort had come near the battery and 
drew up close to it. Word was brought of his arrival. Forthwith Mah- 
mud Khan was sent for and, after the Nawab had whispered in his son's 
ear a few words of advice, two hundred trusty horsemen were ordered out 
to accompany him, one of them being our author, Hisam-ud-din. On the 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Waw&bs of ' FttrruhMb&J. 115 

part of Sa'dullah Khan was deputed Hafiz Rahmat Khan. When Khande 
Rao saw the young Nawab approaching, he descended from his elephant, 
and embraced him with the greatest respect. They mounted their 
elephants again, Khande Eao taking up a position behind the young Nawab 
and in this order they went forward, till they came close to the Mahratta 
camp. Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia, Tantia and others rode out to 
greet him. When they came opposite the Sahibzada, they all dismounted 
and embraced him. After this, Mulhar Rao took him to a tent and 
seated him on a masnad, the Mahratta leaders taking place around him, 
Presents were then laid before him of choice products of the Dakhin. A 
few were accepted, the rest, including a horse and an elephant, he left with 
them. 

The Mahratta leaders next proceeded to the Wazir and desired that 
persons of suitable rank might be sent to conduct the young Nawab to the 
Wazir's presence. Orders were given to Nawab Salar Jang* and AH Kuli 
Khan. The Mahrattas returned with them, and on reaching the proper 
distance they drew up. On hearing of their arrival, the young Nawab and 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan marched out of camp. When he saw them in the 
distance, Nawab Salar Jang began to advance, and coming near he descended 
from his elephant, and they embraced. They then returned together towards 
the Wazir's camp. At a little distance the Sahibzada halted, whereupon 
Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia asked the reason. Mahmud Khan requested 
them to precede him and obtain the Wazir's consent to the admission of 
his escort, for he wished the whole of his companions to be present at the 
interview. They went on as desired and came back with the necessary 
permission. Isma'il Khan was at the same time told to go to the gate and 
see that no opjtosition was offered to the entry of the Nawab's followers. 

The Mahrattas then escorted the Sahibzada towards the Wazir's 
audience tent, where he was seated awaiting them. The enclosure (surd- 
clia) had three courts. The Sahibzada traversed two courts, and then dis- 
mounting from his elephant, he got into a pallci. The other chiefs got off 
their elephants at the gate of the first court, and there entered their pallcis. 
At the third gate the Sahibzada stopped and told his followers to enter 
first. When they had done so, he followed and halted. Then Mulhar Rao 
and Apa Sendhia advanced to the spot, helped him out of his palki and 
went forward with him. 

On reaching the edge of the carpet, he made a low obeisance. The 
Wazir exclaimed, " Welcome ! " and extending both hands clasped him to 

* I presume this must be the third and youngest son of Ishak Khan Mutaman- 
ud-daula, whose daughter was married to Shuja'-ud-daula. Najm-ud-din Ishak Khan, 
the eldest son, was killed at Kam Chatauni, see p. 74. 



11G W; Irvine — The Bangasli Naw&bs of FarrukMh&d. [No. 2, 

his breast and gave him a kiss on the forehead. This mode of salutation 
is, among the Mughals, a proof of the greatest affection and condescension. 
Then the Wazir invited him to take a seat at his right hand, on a masnad 
placed on a line with his own. The Sahibzada, taking some gold coins in 
his hand, presented them as an offering. The Wazir graciously remitted 
the " nazar," but the Sahibzada insisted, when the Wazir smiled and ac- 
cepted the gift. After this the young Nawab sat down, and the Wazir 
took his hand and, holding it to his breast, began a friendly conversation. 
In the course of it, the Wazir said " Path an s do not flee, how is it your 
" father has run away so far ?" Mahmud Khan replied, " My father is only 
" a half-breed." The Wazir asked what that meant. The Nawab explain- 
ed, thus, " My father's mother was a Mughal and his father a Pathan, when 
" he follows his father he fights boldly, and when he takes after his mother's 
" qualities, he runs away." By this answer the Wazir was silenced, for he 
was himself a Mughal. In a short time, the Wazir turning to Mulhar Rao 
and A'pa Sendhia, said he had not eaten any food, would they kindly take 
their leave of Baba Mahmud Khan. The two leaders rose, mounted and 
went away to their own camp. The Wazir took Mahmud Khan and Hafiz 
Bahmat Khan to his private tents and called for food. It was sent to the 
guests through Baka-ullah Khan. When the meal was finished, the Wazir 
directed Isma'il Khan to pitch tents for their reception on the right side 
of his own private enclosure. As soon as the tents were ready Mahmud Khan 
and Hafiz Bahmat Khan took their leave. 

When one watch of the night had passed, several thousand armed 
Mughals, by order of the Wazir, took up their position round the tents of 
the visitors. When the Nawab' s people became aware of this, each man 
went separately and told his own master. The Mahrattas' spies were of 
opinion that some treachery was on foot, and in great agitation they start- 
ed to report to their chiefs. Khande Bao, as soon as he heard the report, 
without referring to his father, mounted and rode in hot haste to the 
Wazir's camp. There he saw that one thousand Mughal troopers were 
drawn up round the young Nawab's tents. Immediately he gave orders to 
his troops to attack those despicable fellows and disperse them. Hear- 
ing these orders, the Mughals made off. Entering the enclosure, Khande 
Bao found Mahmud Khan and Hafiz Bahmat Khan with all their men 
drawn up, sword and shield in hand, ready for the fray. Seeing Khande 
Bao, the young Nawab laughed and said, " I prayed God that I might get 
" near the Wazir, and the Omnipotent has heard me. Now my wish is, if 
"you will join me with your brave followers, to give the Wazir a taste of 
" my quality." Khande Bao replied, that the Wazir should be left tohim- 
Belf to bear the disgrace of what he had done, and that Mahmud Khan 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawaks of Farmkhdbdd. 117 

ought to come away at once. They all mounted and rode off together ; 
and leaving the Mahratta camp on the left, they turned towards the foot 
of the hills. When they were not far from Ahmad Khan's camp, Khande 
Rao took his leave, and returning made a minute report to his father. 

Before Khande Rao got hack, Mulhar Rao and A'pa Sendhia had been 
to visit the Wazir, and they told him how wrong it was to ask their interven- 
tion when intending treachery. They used some very strong language. 
The Wazir expostulated mildly, asking them what they were thinking of 
to use such hard words without any enquiry. The truth was, he said, 
easily found out by asking 'AH Kuli Khan, a trusted friend of Ahmad 
Khan. When 'Ali Kuli Khan came, the Wazir requested him to relate the 
facts. He stated that, knowing the Wazir's men to bear a deadly grudge 
to the Afghans, he feared that they might attempt to use force, by which 
the Wazir's good name would be destroyed, he had therefore asked the 
Wazir to post a guard of a thousand Mughal horse round the tents of the 
Pathan guests. This explanation was received as quite satisfactory. 

Intrigues in the Pathan Camp by Mahlub 'Alam. 
After the failure of the first negotiation, another plan was hit upon. 
Mahbub 'Alam, a native of Shamsabad, was a man of learning and intelli- 
gence, who, through Mir Kudrat 'Ali Khan, had obtained employment in 
the Wazir's service. On account of his wisdom, the Wazir thought highly 
of his advice. One day the Wazir said to him " I have tried every device 
" to overcome these Pathans, but the words of the sacred writing have been 
" fulfilled ' the few shall overcome the many.' As you are a clever man, tell 
" me in what way I can best overcome my enemy." The Sayyad made a low 
bow and said, " This man of mean understanding has a plan, but hitherto 
" he was afraid to disclose it, for he is not one of the old servants, and, may 
" be, this slave's remarks would not meet with approval." The Wazir re- 
plied, that he thought more of him than he did even of his old servants, 
and he begged him to express his ideas without ceremony, for there was 
nothing to fear. Then the Sayyad went on, " Gracious master, peace be on 
" you ! the first question is this, does my lord seek the death or capture of 
" Ahmad Khan alone, or does he rather aim at extirpating the whole race ?" 
The Wazir answered, that his enemy was Ahmad Khan ; with the others 
he had nothing to do ; but as they had joined Ahmad Khan, he had been 
led to attempt the destruction and extirpation of the whole Pathan race. 
The Sayyad then asked, what would happen to the other Pathans if they 
quitted Ahmad Khan and presented themselves to the Wazir ? The Wazir 
declared that, according to their merits and station, he would treat them 
with consideration ; to those who were men of rank he would give dignities 



118 W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Naicdbs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

and grants of land revenue ; the rest he would entertain in his army. The- 
Sayyad then said, that if such were the Wazir's intentions, then in bis hum- 
ble opinion it would be well to write panodnahs to each man separately 
under the Wazir's own seal. These panodnahs should then be made over 
to him, Mahbub 'Alam, with a written order in such terms as to the Wazir 
might seem meet. 

The "Wazir directed Sayyad Manavvar to convey an order to his secre- 
tary to make out panodnahs, according to the instructions of Sayyad Mah- 
bub 'Alam, to whom those written orders, when ready, were to be made over. 
Kudrat 'Ali Khan and Mahbub 'Alam then took their leave and went to 
the secretary. After the orders were written out, they were taken to the 
Wazir for approval ; they were then delivered to Mahbub 'Alam at Mir 
Kudrat 'Ali Khan's tent. 

Now Mir Muazz-ud-din, son of Shah Khatir-ud-din Gwaliyari, was a 
brother's son of Hisam-ud-din' s father. He was in the direct employ of 
the Emperor, but he happened to be present at that time in the Wazir's 
camp. The Kudrat 'Ali Khan above referred to had a community of belief 
with him, and looked up to him with great respect. The reason was, that 
Kudrat 'Ali was a descendant of Sayyad Hasan Danishmand of Daipur. 
This Sayyad Hasan Danishmand was himself a successor (Khalifa) o£ 
Miran Hamid-ud-din Hazrat Muhammad Gbaus Gwaliyari. By chance. 
Mir Muazz-ud-din paid a visit to Kudrat 'Ali Khan's tent. Mir Mahbub 
'Alam, through the said Khan, had struck up a friendship with Sayyad 
Muazz-ud-din, and in conversation he had learnt that he was a cousin of 
Mir Hisam-ud-din, and was further his devoted friend. Accordingly, he 
asked Muazz-ud-din to write a letter to Hisam-ud-din, asking why he was 
throwing himself away in company with Ahmad Khan, who would soon be 
slain or captured ; that on reading the letter, he should at once desert alone 
to the other side, without caring for his property, which would be fully 
replaced. As soon as he joined he would, by God's grace, be presented to 
the Wazir, from w T hom he would receive a title and a grant of land revenue. 
Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan, as requested, wrote a letter to the above effect, and 
made it over to Mir Mahbub 'Alam. The latter also wrote letters from 
himself to all his acquaintances of Mau and Shamsabad, stating that he had 
interceded for them with the Wazir, who had promised to entertain them 
all in his own service, in token of which he had caused shulckas (notes) to 
be written to them, impressed with his own special seal. He prayed them 
to make no delay, but come over at once. Putting up together all the 
panodnahs and his own letters, he despatched them by a messenger in the 
Wazir's employ, under the charge of his own private servant, Bhai Khan, 
to Nawab Ahmad Khan's camp. 



1379.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Naiodbs of Farrukhdbdd. 119 

Sahib Dad Khan Khatak and Mir Mahbub 'Alam had both been 
together in the service of Shamsher Khan, chela, and from being together, 
a firm friendship had sprung up between them. They had two bodies but 
one heart. In fact it was in reliance on Sahib Dad Khan that Mahbub 
'Alam had undertaken this affair. Bhai Khan, Khidmatgar, found the 
tent of Sahib Dad Khan Khatak, and made over to him the whole of the 
parwanahs and letters. He then asked his way to the tent of Hisam-ud- 
din, to whom he delivered the note from Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan and 
demanded a reply. When Hisam-ud-din had opened and read the letter, 
he sent a reply to the following effect : " You think I have got into a 
" difficult position by espousing Nawab Ahmad's Khan's cause. This idle 
" thought you must put far from you, for one hundred thousand brave men, 
" more or less, with their leaders, all carrying on their bodies their own 
" grave clothes, are in the train of Ahmad Khan and prepared to conquer 
" or to die. Now, to slay those who already believe themselves dead, is a 
" task of extreme difficulty. 

Har kill dast-i-Jclnoeshtan azjdn ba-slmst 

Khud ba-mdnd, o dushman-i-khud rd ba-khusht 

Murdali miydbad nijdt az dast-i-maut 

Zinda-hd urd namdyand jumla puslit. 
" Even if it were true that the Wazir would shortly slay or cap- 
" ture the Nawab, I ask you one question : — Suppose that the Wazir 
" were in danger from Ahmad Khan, and I wrote to you, requesting 
" you to forsake the Wazir, and save your life by coming over to our 
" side, I ask if you would not hold it your duty as a leader and a 
" Sayyad to prefer death to disgrace ? You would not forsake the Wazir, 
" so what you would not do yourself, you should not advise others to do. 
" I beg to be excused from obeying such a foolish request." This answer 
was made over to Bhai Khan, and he returned to Sahib Dad Khan's tent. 
The latter's answer was as follows : — " I have distributed the parwanahs 
" and letters ; hereafter I will report the result. I object to keeping the 
" messenger here, as it will get me into trouble, I therefore send him 
" back." The messenger received these two letters and set out on his way 
back. 

Now the thieves and plunderers among the Eohelas, who infested the 
camps of Ahmad Khan and Sa'dullah Khan, were unequalled in the arts of 
thieving and highway robbery. They were in the habit of hiding on the 
right and left of the batteries. At night they used to repair to the Wazir's 
camp, where they seized horses, camels and equipage of all sorts, with which 
they returned to their own camp. After disposing of the property, they 



120 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchdbdd. [No. 2, 

would return to their hiding-places. By chance, the carrier of the two 
letters passed close by where these robbers were concealed. The thieves 
seized him, and carrying him off to Nawab Ahmad Khan's quarters, report- 
ed the matter. The Nawab called in the arrested messenger and asked on 
what business he had come to the camp. The man, in a great fright of 
losing his life, told the whole story, as already related in detail. He ended 
by delivering up the two letters he was carrying back. When the Nawab 
had looked at these two letters, he sent for Hisam-ud-din. Hisam-ud-din 
had already heard that the Afghans had arrested the messenger and had 
carried him before the Nawab. 

On his reaching the j>resence, the Nawab said to him, " O Hisam-ud- 
" din ! who is this Muazz-ud-din with whom you correspond ?" Hisam-ud- 
din replied, " Gracious Master ! he is my brother." The Nawab asked what 
he had wi'itten, and he answered that what he had written was lying before 
the Nawab, there was no need to repeat it. Rustam Khan Bangash, Haji 
Sarfaraz Khan and Mustajab Khan were present. Addressing them, the 
Nawab said — " This Hisam-ud-din is a man of noble race, who respects the 
" salt he has eaten, see what a good answer he has written to his own 
" brother." He then began to read the letter aloud to them. They were 
all loud in their expressions of praise. Then turning to Hisam-ud-din, he 
said, " You have fully acted up to what I expected from you ; please God, 
" I will in time repay you for being thus true to your salt." Sending for 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and 
Sayyad Ahmad, the Nawab told them everything that had occurred. Their 
opinion was demanded. Sayyad Ahmad stated that his subordinates were 
posted everywhere from the foot of the hills down to Pilibhit, he would 
write telling them, that if any one from the camp passed, in an attempt to 
desert, they should without fail slay him and appropriate his goods. Then 
the five Rohelas left. The Nawab directed Haji Sarfaraz Khan to turn the 
captured messenger out of the camp, which was done accordingly. 

Renewal of Negotiations, followed by peace. 

Affairs on the enemy's side were meanwhile as follows. Some Rajah 
of the west country had written to Mulhar Rao and A'pa Sendhia that 
Ahmad Shah Durrani was on his march to help the Afghans and had al- 
ready crossed the Indus. He was reported to be advancing by rapid 
marches. This information caused great anxiety to the Mahratta leaders, 
and they assembled for consultation. They came to an unanimous deter- 
mination and then proceeded to the Wazir. They reproached him for 
having concealed from them the report of Ahmad Shah Durrani's approach. 



1879.] W. Irvine— Tie Bangash Nawabs of FurruJcMMd. 121 

They said he was aware of the state of hoth his own troops and of the 
Mahratta army, that they had become dispirited and hopeless from the 
difficulty of the task before them. Further, that owing to the effects of 
the hill water, death came on them unawares. As life is dear to all, a com- 
plete panic had arisen, and should the men hear that Ahmad Shah was 
coming, they would begin to desert. It was for the Wazir to decide and 
for them to obey. The Wazir was thrown into great perplexity, and after 
a considerable pause he said he threw the responsibility of - deciding upon 
them. The Mahrattas advised him to sheathe the sword and send off 'Ali 
Kuli Khan to Ahmad Khan with a message. He should say that, by the 
Emperor's orders, the Wazir drew back his hand from war ; Ahmad Khan 
too should therefore respect the Emperor's word and make terms. Ahmad 
Khan should be allowed to retain the ancient territory, which had belonged 
to his father and brother, on condition of presenting a fine (nazrdna) of 
30,00,000 rupees. As security for the payment of this fine, he should be 
required to make over half the territory, till the whole of the money was 
paid. These proposals were agreed to by the Wazir, and he requested the 
Mahrattas to name one of their trusted agents to go with 'Ali Kuli Khan. 
Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia named Tantia Gangadhar, their Diwan.* 
The two messengers then departed. 

But, unknown to the Wazir, the two Mahratta leaders had instructed 
Tantia to inform Ahmad Khan, at a fitting opportunity, that they wished 
him to accept without quibble the terms to be named by 'Ali Kuli Khan. 
The aspect of affairs made this desirable, but they were still his well-wishers 
and they hoped he would depute his son to hold an interview with the 
Wazir. On reaching Ahmad Khan's camp, 'Ali Kuli Khan proposed that 
they should visit the Nawab together. Gangadhar excused himself and 
said he would pay his respects the following day. 'Ali Kuli Khan went on 
to Ahmad Khan. After some ordinary conversation, business was begun, 
and 'Ali Kuli Khan delivered his message, mentioning that Gangadhar, the 
representative of the Mahrattas, would pay the Nawab a visit the next day. 
Tantia visited the Nawab the following day, and the Rohela commanders 
were sent for. Mulla Sardar Khan was of opinion that the matter should 
be left in the hands of Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. To this the Nawab 
consented, 'Ali Kuli Khan and Tantia Gangadhar were sent for, and Ahmad 
Khan said to them that out of a desire to satisfy those two Mahratta chief s, 
he agreed to make over half his territory, till such time as the sum of thir- 
ty lakhs of rupees, the fine imposed by the Ernperor, should be realized. 

* Apparently the same as Grant Duff's Gangadhar Tcswent (Bombay ed., pp. 338, 
340). By the usage of the Dakhin, Yeswent would be his father's name. Grant Duff 
does not give him the epithet of Tantia, 
Q 



122 W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawabs of Far ruhh abaci. [No. 2, 

Ahmad Khan then proceeded to 'AH Kuli Khan's tent, and there he de- 
clared that it was only in obedience to the Emperor that he had consented 
to terms of peace. He sent for a secretary, and caused a letter to be writ- 
ten embodying the terms proposed by the Mahratta leaders. This letter 
he made over to Tantia, telling him verbally that it was on his responsibili- 
ty that the young Nawab was permitted to go to the Wazir. One account 
states that the terms were engraved on two copper plates, which were inter- 
changed between the Mahrattas and Ahmad Khan. 

When Mahmud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan approached the Mah- 
ratta camp, the leaders, Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia, Patel Rao, Antaman 
Gir and others came out to meet them. Next day Mulhar Rao and Apa 
Sendhia rode up to a short distance from the tents and sent on Tantia 
Gangadhar to ask the visitors to come with them to the Wazir. After the 
interview was over, the Wazir ordered his quarter-master-general (Mir 
Manzil) to send on his tents, as he intended to march. Next morning the 
march commenced, and after some days they reached the banks of the 
Ganges. Then the Wazir directed Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia to pro- 
ceed to Kanauj, while he went on to Lakhnau, taking with him Mah- 
mud Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan whom he proposed to dismiss, when the 
business had been settled. As directed, the Mahrattas crossed the Ganges and 
quartered themselves in Kanauj. But Gangadhar, their Diwan, was sent 
with the young Nawab, at the head of ten thousand horse. 

Soon after the departure of the opposing army, Nawab Ahmad Khan 
and Nawab Sa'dullah Khan, leaving their entrenchments in the hills, put 
up their tents where the Wazir had been encamped. Thence they marched 
by stages to Anwalah. In that town there was a halt of several days. 
Resuming his march, Ahmad Khan set out towards Farrukhabad — Ahmad- 
nagar, where he soon arrived and entered the fort. The date of his return 
must have been some time in the early part of the year 1752. 

During this time the Wazir had arrived at Lakhnau. Pour or five 
days afterwards, he sent for the young Nawab and Hafiz Rahmat Khan. 
First he bestowed on Mahmiid Khan a khila't of seven pieces and made 
over to him a grant confirming his father's territory to him. He also con- 
ferred on him the title of Kaim Jang. He then gave him leave to return 
to Farrukhabad. Hafiz Rahmat Khan also received a dress of honour. 
Then a grant was handed to Tantia, making over half of Ahmad Khan's 
territory to the Mahrattas, till the Emperor's nazardna was paid, they 
receiving the country in satisfaction of the arrears of pay due to them by 
the Wazir. 

Mahmud Khan and Tantia taking their leave marched westwards, and 
Hafiz Rahmat Khan started for Anwalah. When the young Nawab drew 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FmvuJchdbdd. 12S 

near to Kanauj, all the Mahrattas came out to meet him and prepared 
entertainments. After a stay of two days, he resumed his march to Far- 
rukhabad. On reaching his destination he visited his father, and from him 
he received the house of Ja'far Khan as his dwelling. After this the 
Wazir came from Lakhnau to Kanauj ; thence taking with him Mulhar 
Rao and Apa Sendhia, he moved by way of Itawah towards Delhi. 

Some time after this, Ahmad Khan sent Muhammad Jahan Khan to 
Delhi, to fetch his wife and family. Dulhin Begam accordingly returned to 
Farrukhabad. Then the Nawab's brothers, brother's sons, and chelas, with 
their families, great and small, and all the ryots, returned each to his own 
place of abode in the different quarters of the city. Sahib Begam, the 
widow of Kaim Khan, also returned and took up her abode in the fort of 
Amethi ; and Maliya Begam, the Bibi Sahiba, occupied the Buland Mahal, 
which had formerly been in the possession of her son, Kaim Khan. 

Ahmad Khan marries again* 
As the Nawab r s affairs were now prosperous, he gave himself up to 
amusement and pleasure and came to the determination to marry a new 
wife. His courtiers told him of a young girl who was, they considered, fitted 
to be his bride. A man of noble family by both parents, a descendant of 
Nawab Khan Jahan Khan, who held high rank in the reign of Shahjahan, 
had by unstable fortune been reduced to poverty. By accident he had 
taken up his abode in the town of Shamsabad. After a time, he had de- 
parted from this world, leaving a widow and a young daughter, named 
Khair-un-nissa. It so happened that Yakut Khan, Khan Bahadur, had 
obtained this girl from the widow and had adopted her as his own. She 
was still a virgin and living in the house of the deceased Khan. The 
Nawab hearing this story fell in love with her without seeing her. He 
sent for her and placed her in the Khas Mahal ; and, after the wedding 
preparations were made, he was married to her. From that time he never 
left her for a moment. These words were always on his lips — 

Sharab do-sdlah o ma'shuk sezdah sdlah, 
Hamin bas ast barde suhbat-i-saghir o Jcabir. 

" I like my wine two years old, and my mistress to be sixteen." 
After a time, in the year 1171 H. (Sept. 1757 to Sept. 1758), a son was 
born to her and gifts were distributed to the poor. The Nawab opened the 
Kuran to search for the child's name. The letter D was the result. He then 
sent for astrologers and ordered them to draw up the child's horoscope. The 
name fixed upon was Daler Himmat Khan. An announcement of the event 
was sent to the Emperor with fitting gifts. There were great rejoicings 



12 1 W. Irvine — Tlie Bangasli Ncnvdls of Farrulcluibdd. [No. 2, 

and for six days open entertainment continued. A wet-nurse named 'Akila 
was appointed. In reply to the Nawab's letter, the Emperor sent the fish 
dignity, with a title and a dress of honour, for the child. Ahmad Khan 
having erected a Guldlbdr at the 'Idgah, the child was placed in a pdlki 
and sent out to it in state to receive the Emperor's gifts. The dress was 
put on the child, and he was invested with the title of Muzaffar Jang. 
Salutes were fired, gold and silver were given away, the nanbat was beaten, 
and with joyful demonstrations they returned slowly to the fort. "When 
the child was four years, four months and four days old, he was taught the 
Bism-illah and sent to school. He was made over to a tutor (atdlik) , and 
learned men were appointed to teach him. In a few years he finished his 
education, and then he began to be instructed by his father in state affairs. 

First visit of OMzi-uddin KJidn ' Imdd-ul-mulJc. 

During Ahmad Shah Durani's fifth expedition, in 1170 H. (26th Sept. 
175G, 15th Sept. 1757), Ghazi-ud-din obtained his leave to raise a fine from 
the country between the Ganges and the Jamna. His object would appear 
to have been to force money from Shuja'-ud-daula, Nawab Wazir of Audh. 
Accompanied by two princes of the Delhi house, Hidayat Bakhsh, son of 
'Alamgir II, and Mirza Babar, son of that Emperor's brother, 'Azuddin, and 
the Durani troops under Jan Baz Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khan proceeded to 
Farrukhab&d. He had sent on his own troops under Mir Yahya Khan, 
son of Zakariya Khan. Ahmad Khan came out to meet his visitors and pre- 
sented appropriate presents. The army soon after crossed the Ganges and 
marched as far as the stream called the Garrah, on the boundary of the 
Audh territory. Shuja'-ud-daula, leaving Lakhnau, came out as far as Sandi 
and Pali, sixty-eight miles west of that city, in order to oppose the invaders. 
At length, by the good offices of Sa'dullah Khan Rohela, the matter was 
settled by a payment of five lakhs of rupees. On the 7th Shawal 1170 H. 
(25th June, 1757), Ghazi-ud-din Khan and the two princes re-entered Far- 
rukhabad. 

Meanwhile Ahmad Shah Durani had retreated rather suddenly from 
Mathura to Delhi ; and there, on the recommendation of the Emperor, who 
complained of 'Imad-ul-Mulk, the Durani king appointed Najib Khan to 
be Amir-ul-Umra, and left him in charge of the capital. 'Imad-ul-Mulk 
immediately retaliated by creating Ahmad Khan Amir-ul-Umra, and by 
appointing him to the post of imperial Bakhshi.* Ghazi-ud-din Khan then 

* It appears from the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari that this appointment was renewed by 
Shah 'Alain. AVhen, on the 5th Rajab 1175 H. (30th January, 1762), Shuja'-ud-daula 
was invested with tho office of Wazir, Ahmad Khan was made fourth Bakhshi. 



1879.] W.Irvine — Tlie Bangasli Nawabs of Farruhhabad. 125 

marched for Delhi, joined by some of Ahmad Khan's troops, and by the aid of 
the Mahrattas he speedily expelled Najib Khan. 

This visit must have laid the foundation for the friendship between 
Ghazi-ud-din Khan and Ahmad Khan, a friendship so strong that after his 
public life was over, the fallen Wazir found an asylum for at least nine years 
in Ahmad Khan's capital. "We shall come to the details of his second visit 
further on. 

Ahmad Khan at the battle of Fdnipat. 

When Ahmad Shah Durani entered India for the sixth time, in the 
year 1173 H. (25th Augt. 1759— 13th Augt. 1760), Ahmad Khan went 
with the Rohela leaders to pay his respects to the invader. They were intro- 
duced to him at Koil on the 4th Zi'l Haj 1173, (18th July, 1760).* The 
defeat of Dataji Sendhia took place shortly afterwards. 

Ahmad Khan must have made more than a nominal submission to 
Ahmad Shah, for we find him forwarding supplies to the camp under a 
large convoy. Holkar, who had escaped from the defeat, was near Agra 
and, hearing of this convoy, crossed the Jamna. He took or destroyed a 
great part of the supplies and then retired again across the Jamna. A body 
of Afghans were, however, detached from their main army and, overtaking 
him by a prodigious march, routed his troops with great slaughter. 

Ahmad Shah, after moving across the Jamna, took up his quarters at 
Amipshahr. After some time Shuja'-ud-daula was induced to give in his 
adherence. The local chroniclers assert that this was effected through Hafiz 
Eahmat Khan and Ahmad Khan. Soon Sadasheo Bhao arrived from the 
Dakhin with an immense army, under Jankoji, son of Apa Ji Sendhia, 
Ibrahim Khan Gardi, Mulhar Kao and others, in order to avenge the defeat 
of Dataji. On the 25th October, 1760, Ahmad Shah marched from Amip- 
shahr and crossed the Jamna about twenty miles above Delhi. Ahmad Khan 
Ghalib Jang was present with a contingent of five thousand men. The 
Mahrattas proceeded to entrench themselves at Panipat, and Ahmad Shah 
encamped opposite them. Daily skirmishing, varied by one or two partial 
engagements, went on for more than two months, till the Mahratta supplies 
failing entirely, they were forced to risk a general action. 

The story goes that Ahmad Shah Durani offered a reward of one rupee 
for every Mahratta head. Ten thousand horsemen were sent out daily to 
plunder villages and cut off supplies. These men used to capture any lag- 
ging groom, grass-cutter or petty dealer they came across and, producing 
the captive's head before the king, they received a rupee for each head. 
Hearing of this, Nawab Ahmad Khan said to his arz-begi (chamberlain), 

* Life of Hafiz Kahmat Khan, p. 59. 



12G W. Irvine— The Bangash Nawabs of Farruhhdbdi. [No. 2 r 

Musharrif Khan, that he would give two rupees for each Mahratta brought 
in alive. The Duranis then began to bring in their prisoners alive. The 
Nawab paid for each the sum of two rupees, and then at midnight he let 
them go free. On reaching the Bhao's camp, they were loud in their praises- 
of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Shuja'-ud-daula and Najib Khan reported this 
matter to the Durani king, and from that day he was displeased with the 
Nawab. 

In order to augment this displeasure those two nobles also remarked that 
Ahmad Khan, although Amir-ul-Umra and Bakhshi of the Empire, had 
brought a very insignificant force. The Shah made no reply. But Shah Wali 
Khan, his Wazir, and himself of the Bangash clan, who happened to be 
present, sent for Ahmad Khan. On his appearing, the Wazir rose to greet 
him and gave him a place by his side. Then turning to him, he said, " O 
" Ghalib Jang ! you are one of the great nobles of Hindustan, yet you have 
" brought with you a very small force. What is the reason ?" Now Ahmad 
Khan had already heard, through Jang Baz Khan Bangash, of the evil 
speeches of his enemies. In reply to Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir, he said 
that he had left his bakhshi at Farrukhabad with a large force to guard 
his house ; for Gobind Pandit had advanced from Bundelkhand with three 
thousand men and, having crossed the Jamna, was encamped on the banks 
of that river. If he had left no troops behind, his capital and his house 
would have been plundered. Further, with this same small army he had 
once defeated Safdar Jang and his immense force, including Suraj Mall, 
Bajah Himmat Singh and other Rajahs. If he had wished, he could have 
then marched on Delhi, but refrained out of respect for the presence 
of the Emperor. Shah Wali Khan said he had already heard in Kabul 
reports of what was referred to. The Nawab ended by saying that the 
cmality of his army, though it was small, would be seen hi the day of 
battle. 

Opposed to Ahmad Khan's battery was that of Ibrahim Khan Gardi* 
who commanded twelve thousand regular infantry. One dark night, this 
Ibrahim Khan gave orders that, as Ahmad Khan's battery was weaker than 
that of any other noble, he would at that point make a night attack. In the 
last watch of the night Ibrahim Khan's troops attempted to surprise the bat- 

* Gardi was the name given to the regular infantry disciplined after the Euro- 
pean manner. (Grant Duff, p. 315.) The translator of the " Seir-Mutaqharin" (Cal- 
cutta, 1789, Vol. Ill, p. 152), says that Ibrahim Khan was a very thin black man, much 
pitted with the small-pox, who had in his early years been Chobdar to a French officer 
at Fondichcrry. He rose in the French serviCB to be a Commandant of their disci- 
plined sepoys. lie then wont over with his men to the Mahrattas and took service with 
Sada Shco Bhao. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulehdldd. 127 

tery. Ahmad Khan's guns were, however, all in order, and many had iron 
shields (? = chadaren). As it was the cold season, there were watch-fires 
here and there, at which the camp-followers and labourers were warming 
themselves. These men, hearing the tramp of horses' hoofs, called out to 
each other that the Mahrattas were on them. They snatched up some 
lio-hted wood from the night fires in pieces of broken pottery and threw 
them on the port holes of the guns and " chddar," which all went off toge- 
ther. A number of the enemy were slain and the rest fled. On Ahmad Khan's 
side not a soul was hurt. All this was done without the Nawab being 
disturbed. At dawn the Durrani king visited the field of battle. Ahmad 
Khan went out to meet him, when he said that he had now seen, with his 
own eyes, proof of that bravery of which he had heard. He took off his 
jiglia* and made a present of it to the Nawab. After that his enemies 
were abashed and silenced. 

On the day of the great battle (7th January, 1761), Ahmad Khan was 
directed to guard the women, his force being so small. The Nawab refused 
indignantly, saying, that such work was fit for eunuchs, he would fight in the 
front. The Abdali king then sent him to the right wing. It was here that 
the first attack was made, and after a contest in which Ibrahim Khan Gar- 
di was wounded, the Mahratta gained the advantage. In this emergency 
Ahmad Khan sent his daroglia, Musharrif Khan, to Ahmad Shah asking for 
aid. When the messenger reached the king, Shuja'-ud-daula and Najib 
Khan stated that the enemy was not opposed in great force to Nawab 
Ahmad Khan, that the need for reinforcement was greater with 'Inayafc 
'Ali Khan, son of Hafiz Eahmat Khan. When Musharrif Khan reported 
that no reply had been given by the king, he was sent back with a still 
more pressing message. At length two divisions were ordered out, and 
these having strengthened the right wing, the Mahrattas were gradually 
driven back. Biswas Kao having been killed, Sadasheo Bhao fled, all be- 
came confusion, and by two o'clock in the day the field was won. 

Daim Khan, chela, used to relate that when Ahmad Khan was sent for 
after the battle to receive a hhilat, he sat down by the entrance of the tent. 
Shuja'-ud-daula took up the Nawab's sword and pulled it out of its scabbard. 
There was no edge on it, the Nawab using it in a particular way. Shuja'- 
ud-daula in a mocking manner said — " Are you a commander of Fifty-two 
" thousand and own such a sword as this ?" The Nawab replied, " The 
" edge of this sword was felt by your father well." He referred to the de- 
feat and flight of Safdar Jang. Nawab Najib Khan, Kohela, who was a 
great friend of Shuja'-ud-daula, then asked for the sword and, having look- 
ed at it, praised it ironically and begged it as a gift. Nawab Ahmad Khan 
* A gold ornament worn in the turban — " Qanoon-e- Islam" 2nd ed. App. Ill, p. x. 



128 W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Nawdbs of FarmJclidldd. [No. 2, 

told him to take it. Najib Khan said, " Steel should not be received for 
nothing ;" so he sent for a paisa (copper coin) and, j^utting it on both hands, 
offered it with mock respect to Nawab Ahmad Khan. The Nawab taking 
it up said, " It is right and proper that you should offer me a nazar, for 
"you were once in my father's service." This was true, for Najib Khan 
began life as a Jama'ddr on five rupees a month under Muhammad Khan 
Ghazanfar Jang and then entered the service of the elder Ghazi-ud-din 
Khan on seven rupees a month. The first interview was accorded to Nawab 
Ahmad Khan, and by special permission he was allowed to take in with 
him three persons to hold him up. They were Fakhr-ul-daula Bakkshi, 
Mihrban Khan Diwan and Daim Khan. Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir, 
being of the same clan, had recommended Ahmad Khan, and in this way 
he obtained the first entry. When all the other amirs were admitted, the 
king gave Ahmad Khan the order to sit down. 

Visitors to FarruJchdbdd. 

During the latter part of Ahmad Khan's life, from 1759 to 1771, there 
were a number of distinguished visitors to Farrukhabad. Many of the Delhi 
nobles sought shelter there, on the breaking up of the imperial court and the 
occupation of the capital by the Mahrattas. When 'Abdullah Khan, son of 
'Ali Muhamnad Khan, Rohela, attempted to assassinate Hafiz Eahmat Khan, 
it was to Farrukhabad that he fled, and it was through Ahmad Khan's inter- 
cession that he obtained pardon, and the parganah of Aujhani was granted for 
his subsistence.* And, owing to the grant of the parganahs of Shikokabad, 
Phaphond and Itawah, made to the Rohelas by Ahmad Shah on his departure 
from India, Hafiz Eahmat Khan in 1762 passed through Farrukhabad with 
his son, on his way to visit his new territory. t Again, after the battle of Bale- 
sar on Oct. 23rd, 1764, Shuja'-ud-daula came for a time to Farrukhabad. 
Ahmad Khan could at one time boast of having two ex-Wazirs of the 
Empire encamped at opposite gates of his city — 'Imad-ul-Mulk at one and 
Shuja'-ud-daula at the other gate. 

The most important group of visitors, however, was composed of Ghazi- 
ud-din Khan 'Imad-ul-Mulk, his relations and friends, who for many years 
found an asylum with, and lived upon the bounty of, Nawab Ahmad Khan. 
Of each of these we proceed to give such details as are known. 

1. Ohdzi-ud-din ' 'Imdd-ul-MuUc. 
Mir Skahab-ud-din was the son of Mir Muhammad Shah, entitled 
Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firiiz Jang, eldest son of the celebrated Niziim-ul- 
Mulk Asaf Jah. His mother was a daughter of the well known Wazir, 

* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 4G, 47- 
f Life of Hiifiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 67, 77, 79. 



1879.] "W. Irvine — TTie Banr/ash Nltwdls of Famikltdbad. 129 

Kamr-ud-din Khan 'Itimad-ud-daula. 'Imad-ul-Mulk's career from 1752 to 
1760* is sufficiently well known. From the date, however, when he ceased 
to play a prominent part, we are told nothing more of him than that he took 
refuge in one of Suraj Mall's fortresses. In one work we are told that he was 
found by Colonel Goddard at Surat in 1790 ;t and that, by order of the 
Supreme Government, he was sent off to Mecca, whence he never- returned. 
How far this statement is correct will presently be shewn. The Khizdna 
'Amira, which was written in 1762-1763, naturally concludes 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk's story by leaving him hiding in the Bhartpur country. But there 
can be no doubt that his family and friends were sent to Farrukhabad, and 
that from at least the year 1762 he himself lived there constantly. The 
quarter of the city where he lived, near the Kadiri gate, is still known as 
the Chaoni or encampment of Ghazi-ud-din Khan. The income of Parga- 
nah Bilhor, said to amount to B.s. 12,000 a month, was allotted to him by 
Ahmad Khan during his stay in Farrukhabad. 

In 1771, when Ahmad Khan died, and the Emperor Shah 'Alam was 
approaching Farrukhabad, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, fearing vengeance for the 
murder of Alamgir II, the Emperor's father, thought it advisable to quit 
that city. He left his relations and servants there and started with a few 
faithful retainers. We do not know how the interval was passed, but the 
Ma'asir-ul-Umrd says, that in 1187 H. (March 1773 — March 1771), he ap- 
peared in Malwa, where the Mahrattas gave him several mahals for his 
support. We learn from the Tdnkh-i-Muznffari that he was found by 
Colonel Goddard at Surat in February 1780. Thence he was despatched 
on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Returning by Basrah, he travelled to Kabul 
and Kandahar, where he visited the ruler, Taimur Shah, son of Ahmad 
Shah Durrani. At that time the prince Ahsan Bakht, son of the 
Emperor Shah 'Alam, who, after the blinding of his father by Ghulam 
Kadir Khan (June 1788), had escaped from Delhi, andhad wandered homeless 
through Bajputana, past Jainagar, Bikaner, and Multan, arrived at 
Taimur Shah's court. Out of regard for him as a descendant of the great 
Taimur, as a relation of Shah 'Alam, and as a guest, to whom the rights of 
hospitality were due, the king treated him with consideration. He sent some of 
his own troops to accompany the prince and 'Imad-ul-Mulk towards Multan, 
promising to march soon in person for the conquest of Hindustan. Shortly 
after this the king diedj and was succeeded by his son, Zaman Shah, who 

* Elphinstone, 651 — 659c 

t A mistake for 1780. See "Wilson's Mill, VI, 37 note, from which the statcmont 
is taken. 

X Taimur Shah died on the 7th Shuwwal 1207 H. 18th August 1793. (Tdrikh-i- 
Ahmad of 'Ahd-ul-Karim.) 
B 



130 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Nawdls of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

was detained at home by bis own rebellious subjects. When Absan Bakbt 
and 'Iuiad-ul-Mulk reached Siudh, the Kabul troops, hearing of the death 
of Taimur Shah, returned to their home. 'Imad-ul-Mulk and Nasir Khan 
Biliich went to Bahawalpur. In time a quarrel arose between the prince 
and 'Imad-ul-Mulk, owing to many of the prince's companions being mean 
and base fellows. The prince remained in Multan, where he became afflict- 
ed with melancholy madness and passed the rest of his days there out of 
his senses. Meanwhile 'Imad-ul-Mulk found his way to 'Ali Bahadur 
Mahratta, son of Shamsher Bahadur, who had an army and some territory 
in Bundelkhand. From him he obtained a grant of fifty-two villages, 
which form the petty state, now known as Baoni, measuring about fifteen 
miles across each way. It lies about 12 miles east of Kalpi, in a bend of 
the river Jarnna.* 'Imad-ul-Mulk died at Kalpi on the 10th Rabi II, 
1215 H. (1st September 1800), when his age must have been about sixty- 
eight. According to the orders contained in his will he was buried at the 
shrine of Shekh Farid Shakkarganj atPakpatan.f His son, Nasir-ud-daula, 
was in possession when the British occupied Bundelkhand in 1803, and to 
him the grant was confirmed by the Governor-General's letter of the 24th 
December 1806. The further history of the family will be found in the 
Gazetteer, under the article Baoni. 

By 'Umdah Begam, daughter of Mu'in-ul-Mulk, the son of Kamr-ud- 
din Khan, who was Wazirfrom 1721 to 1749, he had one son called 'Ali Jah ; 
and by Gunna Begam, daughter of 'Ali Kuli Khan, Daghistani, poetically styl- 
ed Walih, he had one son, Nasir-ud-daula. By another wife he had a son, 
Ghulam Jalani Khan, who died at Delhi from eating ice. The lla'asir-ul- 
Umra tells us that he had a large family, and one of his sons finding his 
way to Haidarabad was, on account of his relationship to the reigning 
house, made a Panj Hazari, with the title of Hamid-ud-daula and a money 
allowance. 

Gunna Begam, 'Imad-ul-Mulk's wife, came to Farrukhabad with him. 
Herself a poet, she was the daughter of the poet, 'Ali Kuli Khan, known 
as Walih. Her tomb is at Nurabad, sixty-three miles south of Agra and 
fifteen miles north of Gwaliyar. It bears the short inscription " Alas ! 
Gunna Begam" 1187 H. (25th March, 1773— 14th March, 1774.) J 

2. Nawdb Khddim Hussain Khan. 
He had a house near that of Nawab 'Azim Khan, and when he died 
he was buried in that house. He received ajdgir of Rs. 15,000. After 

* Gaz. N. "W. P. I, 384 and Aitchison's Treaties III. 250, under the word Baoni. 
f In the Panjab, ten miles west of tho Eavi — Thornton, 757. 
\ Archaeological Survey of India, Yol. II, 397. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash JVatudbs of FarruTchdbdd. 131 

the death of Sirdj-ud-daula, Nazim of Bengal, in June 1757, he had obtained 
a grant of the Purinaya Subah, on condition of recovering it at his own ex- 
pense. He had been in the service of a former governor there, Sayyad Ah- 
mad Khan. He was not really Mir Ja'far's nephew, as he claimed to be. 
He was the son of Sayyad Khadim 'Ali Khan by a Kashmiri wife, and his 
father afterwards married a sister of Mir Ja'far (Seir Mutaqherin, II. 9, 
10, 11.) 

3. Nawab Mir Jumla, ' 'Abidullah Khan, Sadr-us-Sadiir. 
He was the son of Mir Jumla Farrukhsiyari, and brother of Shariyat- 
ullah Khan. This latter, on the dismissal of 'Azim-ullah Khan, was promo- 
ted to be Sadr. He died on the 2nd Eajab, 1155 H. (24th August 1742), 
and on the 2nd Zi'l Ka'd, 1156 H. (7th December, 1743), 'Abidullah Khan, 
was appointed to the vacant office. On the arrival at Farrukhabad of this 
Nawab, Wali-ullah saw him and praises his great learning. After the death 
of Nawab Ahmad Khan, he left Farrukhabad and went to live at some place 
where he died. He received Rs. 500 a month. 

4 Nawab Yahya Khan. 
He was the eldest son of Khan Bahadur Zakariya Khan, the Muhtasib 
of Delhi. He turned fa7cir and was then styled Yahya Shah. He was 
buried at Yahyaganj, a village near Shekhpur on the Cawnpur road or, as 
some say, in Kamalganj. Khwajah Daud Khan was a son of Yahya Khan, 
by the daughter of 'Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, and his 
mother, being the aunt of Tmad-ul-Mulk, was known as the Khala Begam. 
Daud Khan died in Farrukhabad. Shah Nawaz Khan, the younger brother 
of Yahya Khan, died at Labor. His son Mirza, Jan and his friend, Maulvi 
Eahim Yar Khan, Bukhari, came with the others to Farrukhabad, where 
they both remained till they died. Mir Mughal, a son of Rahim Yar Khan, 
became naib to Nawab Muzaffar Jang, and was afterwards exiled. 

5. Nawab Salim Khan. 
His house was behind the Tikona Thana in the city. It was after- 
wards inhabited by Faiz-ullah, a Khawds of Nawab Muzaffar Jang, and his 
descendants in 1839 still lived there. 

6. Nawdb Bu 'Ali Khdn. 
He had been Subahdar of Bengal. He was paternal uncle's son (cousin) 
to Nawab 'Ali Jab, i. e., Kasim 'Ali Khan, Subahdar of Bengal. There is 
a Katra (or Bazar) Bu 'Ali Khan, probably named after him. He left Far- 
rukhabad in 1771, on Ahmad Khan's death. 

7. Chote Sdhib. 



182 W. Irvine— -The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulch&b&d. [No. 2, 

8. Bare Sahib. 

Bare Sahib was Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir's sister and Chote Sahib 
was his widow. They had a house in Nawab 'Abd-ul-Majid Khan's garhi. 
They received jointly Rs. 500 a month. Once a year Nawab Ahmad Khan 
Visited them, when they presented him with trays of jewels. Miyan La'l, 
guardian (atdlik) to Muzaffar Jang was their eunuch (Ichojd). They both 
died in Farrukhabad, and their graves are behind Pandit Daya Ram's house, 
in Muhalla Chaoni, within the bdgh of Shuja't Khan, Khansdmdn to Nawab 
Ahmad Khan. The place is called the Madrassa. Miyan La'l is buried at 
their feet. Mir Bahadur 'Ali is careful to point out that their names never 
received the feminine termination in long i. 

9. Hahim Sayyad Imdm-ud-din Khan. 

Son of Sayyad Gharib-ullah, son of Shah Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, a native 
of Newatni,* Bangarmau Mohani. The Hakim lived in Mohalla Lohai 
raid received Rs 500 a month. 

10. Hahim Shafde Khan. 

They say that Jan 'Ali Khan, chela, who built the masjid at the gate 
of the fort, had a great affection for this Hakim, with whom he exchanged 
turbans. When the Hakim went away to Delhi, Jan 'Ali Khan asked him 
for a prescription by which his strength would remain unimpaired. 
The Hakim answered, that the following was the essence ('atr) of all 
his books. " At the morning meal, take one quarter seer of kid's flesh and 
" one chitak ghi, eat it cooked as you are used to ; then in the evening pre- 
" pare washed mash rial and the same quanth^y of ghi." Jan 'Ali Khan eat 
this food all his life, and his strength did not diminish. 
11. Nawdb Ndsir Khan. 

He had been Subahdar of Kabul at the time of Nadir Shah's invasion 
(1151 H.=1739). He lived in Mohalla Kandhai, where Nuroz 'Ali Khan, 
son of Sarfaraz Mahal, lived in 1839. His allowance was Rs. 3000 a month. 
He died in Farrukhabad and was buried in the Haiyat Bagh, near the 
tomb of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang. He died before 1771. 

They say that the eldest son of Nawab Nasir Khan was in the service 
of Shuja'-ud-daula and received a large sum monthly. One day Shuja'-ud- 
daula told him to send to Farrukhabad for his father, as he wished to ap- 
point him his ndib. Nasir Khan refused the offer. He held the three thousand 
rupees he received from Ahmad Khan to be equal to three lakhs ; for Ahmad 
Khan, when he went to visit him, rose to his feet to receive him. But if he 
became ndib to Shuja'-ud-daula, some day when he rode up to his gateway, the 

* A small town, two miles south-west of Mohan in the Unao district. — Oudh 
Gaz. III. 16, II. 500, and I. 224. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The JBangash Naivdbs of Farrulchdbdd. 133 

menials would tell him that the Nawab Sahib was taking his rest, and he 
must therefore wait. Then from that day, though alive, he knew he would 
wish himself dead. Unable to persuade him, his son went back to Faizabad. 
By another wife, Nasir Khan had two sons (1) Ya'kut Khan, (2) Muhib 
'Ali Khan. The first lived up to the time of Shaukat Jang (1813—1823), 
and he always read aloud in the Imdmbdra. Muhib 'Ali Khan's son was 
in 1839 a messenger in the employ of Kannu Lai, merchant. Such is God's 
will, nor can any dependence be placed upon fortune — the grandson of an 
Imperial Governor had become the servant of a Baniya on a few rupees a 
month. 

12. Haji 'Abdullah Khan. 

He lived opposite the house of Mir Boshan 'Ali, an employe of Muzaffar 
Jang's. 

13. Mirza Aslam Beg " Hdthi nashm" of Delhi. 

He lived close to Haji 'Abdullah Khan (No. 12) and he received five 
hundred rupees a month. His son, Mirza Khair-ullah Beg, was a poet and a 
man of parts. On his father's death, he became a.faJcir, when he passed by 
the name of Kamtar Shah. His poetical name was Kamtar. He it was 
who always read aloud in Nawab Amin-ud-daula's Imdmbdra ; he lived at 
the gate of that Nawab's old fort. He died in 1240 H. (26th August, 
1824— 16th August, 1825.) 

14. Nawdb Haidar Kuli Khdn. 

Formerly Mir Atash or Commandant of Ordnance and Subakdar of 
Gujrat. He lived in a line with the house of Mir Boshan 'Ali : his allow- 
ance was Bs. 500 a month. His grandson, Mirza Zahine, a disciple of 
Maulvi "Wali-ullah, was alive till Nawab Shaukat Jang's time (1813 — 1823), 
and his (Mirza Zahine's) sons, Mirza Sadik and Mirza Ja'far, were in 1839 
among the Nawab Bais' sowars. The grandmother of Mirza Zahine, Gumani 
Begam, got old Amethi, on the river, between the city and Fathgarh, from 
Nawab Muzaffar Jang as ndnlcdr, with the land occupied by the fort of 
Zu'lfikargarh, since resumed by the English. Ahmadi Begam, granddaught- 
er of Haidar Kuli Khan, was still living in 1839 in the Ghini Wdld ward, 
with her sons, Mirza Haidar and Mirza Muhammad. 
15. Nawdb Ja'far Kuli Khdn. 
Own brother to Haidar Kuli Khan (No. 14). He died and was buried 
at Farrukhabad. 

16. Rajah Jugal Kishor. 
A Bhat by caste. He is said to have spent a fabulous sum at Delhi 
upon the marriage of his son, the earthen huqqa stands (gurguri) costing 



13-1 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2, 

many thousands of rupees. He was the agent at Delhi of Mahdbat Jang, 
Subahdar of Bengal. We have already seen him employed by Safdar Jang 
to carry out the resumption of the Farrukhabad territory after the death 
of Kaim Khan. 

Once Nawab Ahmad Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khan Wazir, and Rajah 
Jugal Kishor were returning to Farrukhabad from a visit to Makhanpur.* 
Their three elephants were moving in one line. In the plain of Nanauwah, 
on the road from Yakutganj to the city, close to where the central jail 
now stands, the Rajah got down for a necessary purpose, when the elephant 
ran at him and killed him. All his servants set up weeping and wailing ; 
while Nawab Ahmad confiscated the whole of the property to his own use. 
In this affair, Nawab Ahmad Khan and Ghazi-ud-din had given the hint 
to the Rajah's Mahctut, Jugal Kishor having one day been wanting in proper 
respect to those two nobles. No doubt Ahmad Khan also bore him a grudge 
for the part he had played in Safdar Jang's time. Jugal Kishor's grandson, 
Shitabu, was still alive in 1839, his house was in Mohalla Nunhai, and at 
the Holi festival, in the drama (swdng) of the Jogis, he used to dress as a 
female mendicant and dance. 

17. Nawab Jaldl-ud-daula, called Mir Sulaimdn. 
His house was in Mohalla Nitganja. He was a great favourite of 
'Imad-ul-Mulk, and they attribute to his bad advice the blinding of Ahmad 
Shah, and the murders of 'Alamgir II, Intizam-ud-daula Khan-khanan, 
and 'Akabat Mahimid Khan. He received Rs. 400 a month, and left Far- 
rukhabad with his patron. 

18. Nawab Ra'ayat Khdn. 
He was the son of Zahir-ud-daula 'Azimullah Khan (Subahdar of Mal- 
wa, and afterwards Sadr), son of Ra'ayat Khan, younger brother of Muham- 
mad Amin Khan. Ra'ayat Khan's mother was Nur-un-nissa Begam, sister 
of 'Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan. Ra'ayat Khan married a cousin, 
the daughter of Kamr-ud-din Khan. He left Farrukhabad upon the death 
of Ahmad Khan in 1771. The Tarihh-i-Muznffari also mentions a brother, 
Kutbe Khan, as being at Farrukhabad (year 1176). 

19. Mir Fakhr-ud-din Khdn. 
Commonly known as Nawab Shah Jiii. He was the son of 'Itimad- 
ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan, Wazir, and husband of the daughter of 
Muzaffar Khan, brother of Samsam-ud-daula, Khan Dauran Khan. He 
received Rs. 1000 a month, and on the death of Ahmad Khan he returned 
to Delhi, where he died. 

* In Parganah Bilhor of the Cawnpur district. 



1879.] W.Irvine — The Bangasli Naiodbs of Farrulchdbdd. 135 

20. Nawab Ahmad 'Ali Khan. 
He was sister's son of Sayyad Sadat Khan Farrukhsiyari, who after 
the death of Asaf Jah was for a short time Amir-ul-Umra, with the title of 
Zu'lfikar Jang, his nephew heing made Bakhshi of the Ahadis. Ahmad 
'Ali Khan lived in Mohalla Isma'ilganj in the house known as the Rajah's. 
His allowance was Us. 300 a month ; he died at Farrukhabad. 

21. JVaivdb 'Abd-ul-Bdki Khan. 
Son of Hamid-ud-din, Namicha, 'Alamgiri. He lived in Mohalla Nit- 
ganja in a hired house. He was very friendly to Sayyad Ahmad 'Ali (father 
of Mufti Wali-ullah) and kind to Wali-ullah himself. When Shah 'Alam 
returned to Delhi, the Nawab followed him and died there. His sons were 
friends of Wali-ullah, being of the same age. One, Mirza Mughal, was a 
poet. 

22. Naiodb Dardb Klidn. 
Son of Tarbiyat Khan, a noble of Muhammad Shah's time (1718 — 
1749). He died and was buried at Farrukhabad. 

23. Sayyad Hashmat 'Alt Khan. 
In the reign of Muhammad Shah (1718 — 1749) he was the agent at 
the Delhi Court for Nawab Asaf Jah Nizam-ul-Mulk. Wali-ullah visited 
him several times. He was turned out of Farrukhabad in the days of Bakh- 
shi Fakhr-ud-daula (1771—1773). 

24. Manavvar Khan. 
The younger brother of Nawab Roshan-ud-daula Bahadur Sarwar (?). 
The Tdrihh-i Muzaffari also names a son of the latter, Anwar Khan, as 
present at Farrukhabad (year 1176). 

25. Ghiyds-ud-dm Khdn. 

He was the son of Said-ud-din Khan, Mir Atash in the reign of Mu- 
hammad Shah. 

26. Bahadur Khan. 
Son of Nawab A'zim Khan. 

27. Ohuldm Hussain Khdn. 
His name is given in the Tdrikh-i-Muzaffari. He was the grandson 
of Mu'in-ud-daula Dildaler Khan Nasir Jang, son of Mir Yahya Khan 
Munshi (?). 



13G W. Irvine — The Bangash UTavdls of Farrukhabad. [No. 2, 

28. HaJcim Shekh 31 it, h a mm ad Fakhr-ud-din ''Abbdsi. 
He had been darogha of the household {itbd '-khdna) to Kamr-ud-din 
Khan, Wazir. He got Rs. 150 a month. 

29. Hakim Euh 'AH Khan. 
30. Hakim Muhammad 'Ali Khan. 
At this period many other jagirdars, pensioners and dancing women 
from Delhi took refuge in Farrukhabad. The wakils of the following rulers 
also attended there upon Ghazi-ud-din Khan'Imad-ul-Mulk, viz., those of the 
Rajah of Jainagar, the Rajah of Narwar, the Rathaur Rajah, Rajah of 
Jodhpur, the Jat Rajah (Suraj Mall) of Dig and Kumer,* Rajah Chatar- 
pat of Gohad, the Rajahs of Bundelkhand, i. e., of Pannah, Orchha, Datiya, 
Seondba and Chanderi, the Rajah of Kotah-Bondi, of Shahabad-Kuroki, of 
Bhadawar-Jagammanpur and others, f 

Shuja'ud-daula and Shah 'Alam attempt to attack Farrukhabad. % 

When Shah 'Alam returned from his unsuccessful campaign against 
Bengal, Shuja'-ud-daula moved out to meet him as far as Sarae Raja,, near 
the Karannasa, in the Benares district, and conducted him thence to Jajmau, 
by way of Jhiisi and Allahabad. After the rains, in Rabi 1175 H. (October 
1761), the Emperor moved to Kalpi and thence to Jhansi. On their return 
to Allahabad, some time in the year 1176 H. (23rd July, 1762— 12th July, 
1763), Shuja'-ud-daula persuaded the Euvperor to join him in a campaign 
aeainst Ahmad Khan of Farrukhabad. 

Three reasons are assigned for this attack on Nawab Ahmad Khan. 
The first, which was no doubt used to influence the Emperor, was as follows. 
The news-writer sent letters to Shuja'-ud-daula, informing him of Ahmad 
Khan's daily life and stating that he rode in a palki, that he caused elephants 
to fight, that he had established a Guldl bdri or royal pavilion, and had assum- 
ed other privileges of royalty. Shuja'-ud-daula writhed like a snake when 
he read this, and at once he made a minute report to the Emperor, adding 
that to mount the throne was the only step, which now remained for 
Ahmad Khan to take. The Emperor, being incensed at Ahmad Khan's 
supposed presumption, readily agreed to join in the campaign. 

A second reason, and probably a better-founded one, is said to have 
been a quarrel over the occupation of the territory evacuated by the Mah- 

* Both in Bhartpur territory, the former 20 and tho latter 10 miles north of 
Bhartpur. 

f This list is taken from Shah Hisam-ud- din's Dook. 

+ Wali-ullah p. 44, Lauh-i-Tdrtkh, Hisam-ud-din, 353, Tdnlch-i-Muzaffari, 1176 
II. Amdd-us-Sa'diit, pp. 88-90, Life of lluflz Kahmat Khan, p. 78. 



2870.] W. Irvine— The Bang ash Nawabs of FarmTchabdd. 137 

rattas, after the great defeat at Panipat in January 1761. The Mahrattas 
withdrew from the Duab, and Ahmad Khan took possession of all the par- 
ganahs ever held bj his family, and perhaps of some to which he had no 
claim. On the other hand, Shuja'-ud-daula wished to maintain him within 
the limits fixed by the treaty of 1752 and asserted his own right to all the 
recovered territory. 

Another motive, which acted strongly on Shuja'-ud-daula, was the shel- 
ter given to Umrao Gir Gusain. Umrao Gir had fled from Lakhnau with 
Hatya, a favourite dancing girl of the Nawab's, and came to Farrukhabad 
with his twelve thousand fighting Nagas.* He encamped in a bdgh near 
the city, and was introduced through Fakhr-ud-daula, Bakhshi. The Nawab 
determined to retain the Gusain in his service, although his advisers tried 
to deter him, pointing out that the Gusain's contingent was too 
powerful, nor had they money to pay him. Ahmad Khan said he could not 
turn away a supplicant, a thing he had never done. Umrao Gir was sent 
to Kasganj to Roshan Khan, chela, (known as Miyan Sahib), then 'Amil 
of the eight and a half mahals. 

Himmat Bahadur wrote to his brother, remonstrating with him for 
leaving the master who had brought them up and joining a ruler whose 

* Anup Gir Himmat Bahadur and his younger brother, Umrao Gir, were chelas of 
the Rajah Indar Gir (or Gaj Indar Gir) whom we met before at the siege of Allaha- 
bad (p. 79) and elsewhere. The original abode of this Gusain was in the jungle 
near Moth, in Bundelkhand, thirty -two miles from Jhansi. About 1744-5 he acquired 
many villages in that Parganah (Gaz. I, 550). In 1750 he entered Safdar Jang's 
service, and in 1752 he was killed near Delhi. Himmat Bahadur (Anup Gir) died in 
1804 at the age of seventy, when Narindar Gir, his son by Fakhr-un-Nissa Begam of 
Lakhnau, was still a minor. By article 3 of the Agreement, dated the 4th September, 
1803, made with Himmat Bahadur, it appears that Eajah Umrao Gir, his brother, was 
then in confinement at Lakhnau, on account of a conspiracy against the Nawab Wazfr's 
government. — Aitchison, II, 225, ed. 1876. By a grant, dated the 1st March, 1806, the 
assignments in Bundelkhand were exchanged for a territory in the Cawnpur district, 
named Basdhan, about forty-three miles south-west of Cawnpur city, in Parganah 
Sikandrah, which lies in the south-west corner of the district between the Jamna 
and the Sengar. This estate yielded a revenue of Es. 1,357,000 a year. The families 
of Umrao Gir and Kanchan Gir also received pensions (Gaz. I. 41.) OnNarindar Gir's 
death in 1840, the estate was sequestrated in payment of debts by order of the 12th 
May, 1841. The debts had barely been cleared off when the mutiny of 1S57 broke 
out. Jai Indar Gir (son by Lalan Begam) and Padam Indar Gir (son by Buba Begam) 
became rebels, and two-thirds of the parganah was confiscated. The two brothers 
were given an allowance of Es. 100 a month. Jai Indar Gir died in June or July 
1876 ; the other brother survives. One-third of the income, amounting to Es. 28,780 
a year, is paid to the widow of Narindar Gir, known as the Eaj Eani, who for the last 
thirty years has lived in the city of Cawnpur. 
s 



138 W. Irvine — Tie Bangasli JVatvdbs of Farruklidlad. [_No. 2, 

income was not sufficient to provide for the pay of his force. Umrao Gir 
replied that, to vex Shuja'-ud-daula, he intended to stay a few months, and 
if hy his aid the Nawab obtained nothing, he should not ask for pay. Him- 
mat Bahadur showed the letter to Shuja't 'Ali Khan, chela, known as 
Miyan 'Ise, and he told Shuja'-ud-daula. The latter wrote an angry letter 
to Ahmad Khan, ordering him to turn out his "thief" at once. Ahmad 
Khan in reply dared Shuja'-ud-daula to do his worst ; he had not sent for 
Umrao Gir, who had come of his own accord ; and never yet had he turned 
out any refugee. Shuja'-ud-daula brooded over this answer, and for some 
months nothing more was heard of the matter. Meanwhile Nawab Ahmad 
Khan's chief men urged Umrao Gir to go away, for if anything happened, 
all the world would say that he had been the ruin of the Bangash family. 
Umrao Gir listened to them and prepared to go away. Ahmad Khan declar- 
ed that not a hundred Shuja'-ud-daulas should drag him away did he wish 
to remain ; at the same time, if he desired to go, his feet were not chained. 
Umrao Gir started in the direction of Agra, but had gone no more than 
one stage when he was recalled, Shuja'-ud-daula's approach having been 
reported to the Nawab. 

Shuja'-ud-daula had heard that at Farrukhabad there was only a small 
force of four or five thousand men, the remainder being scattered about in 
the parganahs. He therefore gave out that he was marching on a inulk- 
giri, or expedition to recover revenue from refractory zamindars. Part of 
the army advanced up the Duab, plundering on its way the town of Muse- 
nagar on the Jumna. Head quarters were for a time at the Sarae of 
Khwaja Pul.* On his side, Shuja'-ud-daula left Faiziibad and proceeded 
leisurely through his own dominions till he reached the ferry of Nanamau 
in parganah Bilhor. The army crossed over and proceeded to Kanauj, 
while Shuja'-ud-daula and the Emperor took up their quarters at a bunga- 
low and bdgh in Makanpur, called the Madar-bari, belonging to Ahmad 
Khan. The villages in the neighbourhood of both Kanauj and Makanpur 
were given up to plunder. 

The news writers had kept Nawab Ahmad Khan under the impression 
that this army had set out for " ILulk-cjiriP It was not till Shuja'-ud- 
daula arrived at Makanpur and began to ask how long it took to reach 
Farrukhabad, that its destination was disclosed, llajah Ganga Singh of 
Chachendi,t a great friend of Nawab Ahmad Khan, then with Shuja'- 
ud-daula, determined to send a letter of warning. He disguised his 
messenger as a fakir and hid the note in the man's shoe. His orders were 

* In Parganah Sikandrah, sonic fourteen miles south-west of Jhiujhak railway- 
station. 

t See p. 377, Vol. XLVII, 1878. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdls of Farrulclidbdd. 139 

to deliver it to the Nawab, in whatever place or in whatever condition he 
might find him. The messenger started off secretly, and it was past mid- 
night when, reaching the gateway of Ahmad Khan's house, he reported 
himself to Musharraf Khan, darogha of the gateway. At the time the 
Nawab, having eaten his dinner, had gone to bed. No one dared to wake 
him. At length Miyan Sahib Jan 'Ali Khan went in, and pressing the 
Nawab' s feet, delivered the note to him. One hundred rupees were given 
to the messenger. 

The Bakhshis were sent for in hot haste. They reported that very 
few troops were at hand. The Nawab told them to send for all the clerks, 
and ordered parivdnahs to be written to all the 'Amils and Faujdars, calling 
on them to start at once for Farrukhabad. At that time Bakhshi Fakkr- 
ud-daula with a large force was fighting Datta, zamindar of Aksauli, west 
of Marahra. The village lies in Parganah Sikandrah Bao of the Aligarh 
district, and in those days the jungle was so dense that falcons (bdshd) 
are said to have been caught there, and for years together no human being 
passed through it. In a few days after receiving the parivdnah, the Bakh- 
shi reached Farrukhabad with this army. Help was also called for from Mau, 
Shamsabad, Ata'ipur, Tilhar, Shahjahanpur, Bareli, Budaun, Anwalah, 
Bisoli and Aujhani.* 

At this time Hafiz Rahmat Khan was encamped near his own frontier 
in Parganah Mihrabad, now in the Shahjahanpur district. The Nawab 
sent to him Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula to ask his aid to save the Afghans 
from disgrace. Hafiz Eahmat Khan, being no doubt afraid that, if Ahmad 
Khan were crushed, his own interests in the Duab, where he then held 
Etawah, Shikohabad and Phaphond, would be seriously endangered, seems 
to have shown great readiness to espouse the Nawab' s cause. He said he 
had already heard of the affair, and on that account had encamped near his 
frontier ; he was quite ready to join, but his troops were in want of pay. 
If money were advanced, he would send for Sa'dullah Khan, Donde Khan, 
Mulla, Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and others. Even if money were not 
forthcoming, he would not fail to attend with his own men. After he had 
made a report of this interview, the Bakhshi was sent back with two lakhs 
of rupees to be made over to Hafiz Bahmat Khan for expenses, and a 
promise of further advances when Nawab Sa'dullah Khan joined. On 
receipt of this money Hafiz Bahmat Khan wrote to Sa'dullah Khan and 
the other chiefs, calling on them to march without a moment's delay. He 
also wrote to Shekh Kabir, his deputy at Etawah, instructing him to march 
with his whole force direct to the Kali-naddi and encamp below Khuda- 
ganj. The Bakhshi returned and reported what had been done. 

* Bisoli lies 24 miles N. \V. of Budaon and Aujhani 8 miles S. W. of the samo 
place. 



140 W. Irvine— 27<e Bangasli Naw&hs of Famikhdbdd. [No. 2, 

After this the Nawab wrote a letter (Marita) to Ghazi-ud-din Khan 
'Imad-ul-Mulk, Wazir, -who was then in the country of Suraj Mall Jat,* 
asking for his aid and presence. The despatch was made over to Khwaja 
Khan, the wakil of 'Imad-ul-Mulk, to whom the Nawab said that if, which 
God forbid, he came across Suraj Mall, and he should ask why he, too, was 
not invited, the answer should be given, that formerly he had not behaved like 
a neighbour, else he never would have joined Safdar Jang. He had better 
march to join Shuja'-ud-daula, Safdar Jang's son, for with God's favour 
he, Ahmad Khan, did not want his aid ; and, please God, be would serve 
Shuja'-ud-daula as he had served Safdar Jang. 

When Khwaja Khan reached Dig and delivered his letter, 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk at once sent for Siiraj Mall. 'Imad-ul-Mulk repeated to him how 
affairs stood and declared it to be his intention to marcb to the assistance 
of Ahmad Khan. The Rajah asked why he had not been invited to 
join. Khwaja Khan then repeated the Nawab' s exact words. The Rajah 
admitted that what the Nawab said was true, still byegones should be bye- 
gones. Although he had not been asked, he would send off 3000 active 
horsemen with orders to encamp at Koil. If Shuja'-ud-daula advanced 
any further than Kanauj, they would advance by forced marches to join 
Ahmad Khan. Besides this he would send several thousand horse to ac- 
company the Ex-wazir. They marched, and when 'Imad-ul-Mulk drew 
near the city, Ahmad Khan came out in person to meet him, and conduct- 
ed him to his tents in the Haiyat Bagh. 

In answer to the pariodnahs the troops from far and near began to 
pour into the city. Altogether some thirty or forty thousand men had 
assembled, including Pathans from Shahjahanpur, Shahabad and other 
places. When Hafiz Rahmat Khan arrived from Bareli, his tents were 
pitched in the fort of Fathgarh. Below Zu'lfikargarh, near the city, a bridge 
of boats was thrown across, and there Mulla Sardar Khan and Donde Khan 
crossed with their men. The artillery was got out and put in order. 
It was then sent on to the banks of the Bagar just beyond Yakutganj, 
where all the tents were set up which had been plundered from Safdar 
Jang and Naval Rae. The Nawab then marched out at the head of his 
army, and having stayed one night, he returned to the fort, leaving the 
Bakhshi in command. Roshan Khan and Umrdo Gir, each with about five 
thousand men, were ordered to proceed and join Shekh Kabir's camp on the 
Kali below Khudaganj. 

Soon after Shuja'-ud-daula's arrival at Makanpur, an eunuch of his 
establishment made his appearance at Farrukbabiid, and put up at the Lai 

* It was not till 1763-4 that Suraj Mall lost his life during a skirmish with Najib 
Khan's troops. 



1879.] ■ W.Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdbdd. 141 

Sarae. He came to demand a return of the territory recently absorbed by 
Ahmad Khan. Tbe Nawab, having collected four or five thousand of his 
troops and all the Delhi refugees, such as Nasir Khan, Ex-Subahdar of Kabul 
and others, sent for the eunuch. The envoy delivered a farmdn from the 
Emperor, which was made over to Mihrban Khan, by whom it was read 
aloud. The Nawab sent back an angry message to Shuja'-ud-daula. The 
nest envoy sent was Salar Jang, the Wazir's brother-in-law. The Eohelas 
were supposed to be secretly favourable to Shuja'-ud-daula ; but instead of 
listening to Salar Jang's message, they detained him as their prisoner. 

'Imad-ul-Mulk now urged an advance towards the enemy, but Ahmad 
Khan objected to make the first advance. The Emperor being with Shuja'- 
ud-daula, people would call him a rebel and untrue to his salt, if he attack- 
ed first. He therefore proposed to write a remonstrance to the Emperor ; 
they would see what answer they got, and they could act accordingly. The 
letter stated that the Nawab, a hereditary servant of the state, was pursued 
by the unjust enmity of Shuja'-ud-daula. He ought to be called on to 
prove his accusations of using a Ouldlbdri, making elephants fight, and 
riding in a pallet without leave. If mad elephants break their chains and 
rush off into the jungle to fight, no one is to blame. As to the royal 
pavilion, that is a mistake, only a few pieces of wood had been put up ; 
for the Pathans having no manners, it was necessary to range them in 
rows along this barrier, and there force them to make their morning 
bow. The pallet had been presented by his late Majesty, Alamgir II, 
when he made Ahmad Khan Bakhshi of the realm. Shuja'ud-daula 
was also angry, because Ahmad Shah Durrani had deputed Ahmad 
Khan with Jahan Khan to bring that noble to his presence. Shuja'-ud- 
daula came with reluctance, and nourished an ill-feeling against the persons 
who forced him to attend. Najib Khan, too, who was once in Ahmad 
Khan's employ, now had risen so high as to claim equality, which being 
denied him, caused hidden enmity in his mind. The letter then went on to 
recount at length the intrigues before the battle of Panipat, intended to 
exclude Ahmad Khan from the good favour of the Durrani ruler. It con- 
cluded by an appeal to His Majesty's sense of justice and requested that 
His Majesty would withdraw to some height, while the rivals fought out 
the matter. The victor could then present himself to do homage to his 
sovereign. 

Mahtab Khan Bangash, who was very clever and had not his equal for 
a negociation, received charge of the above petition. One hundred men 
were told off as his escort. The Nawab's last instructions were that, if 
waiting two or three days would produce an answer, he should wait ; if not, 
he was to come away without any formal dismissal. Mahtab Khan on reach- 



142 W. Irvine — Tlie Bctngasli Nawabs of Farrulchdldd. [No. 2, 

ing his destination was admitted to an audience. The secretaries read out 
the petition in a loud voice word by word. After hearing it the Emperor 
dismissed Mahtab Khan and sent for Shuja'-ud-daula. In the Wazir's 
opinion no answer should he sent ; no answer was the best answer. Mahtab 
Khan waited two days, and when he found out that no answer would be 
given, he left without permission and returned to Farrukhabad, where he 
made a report to the Nawab. 

Next day Ahmad Khan and 'Imad-ul-Mulk had a consultation. 
'Imad-ul-Mulk urged the Nawab to march without any further delay. 
Just at this time, word came that Najib Khan had arrived at Nabiganj, a 
small town between Bewar and Chibramau, some eighteen miles south of 
Farrukhabad. Najib Khan Yusufzai, who had from various causes been 
detained at Delhi, had come by forced marches down the Duab via Sakit, 
destroying crops and burning villages as he advanced. He was a turban- 
brother (paggri-baclal-bhai) of Shuja'-ud-daula's. Ahmad Khan sent two 
hundred and fifty trays of food by one hundred and twenty- five kaJiars, in 
charge of Shah Muhammad Khan Jamadar, and Gulsher Khan " sonthi- 
wala" These men had orders to deliver an ironical message that the food 
was for Najib Khan's own use, while the territory was there for his army's 
consumption ; what he had done was quite right and lawful, for between 
brothers there need be no ceremony. Najib Khan in anger ordered them 
to remove the trays, they might read the Fdtilia of his father over them. 
It is said that six thousand Pathan horsemen left Najib Khan's service at 
Nabiganj. They were received with open arms by Ahmad Khan, dresses 
of honour were distributed and daily rations were served out to them. 

Next day Najib Khan marched, and encamped near the Kali-nadi at 
Khudaganj, about half a Jcos from the camp of Shekh Kabir, Rajah Umrao 
Gir Atit, and Roshan Khan. Najib Khan sent word to Shekh Kabir that 
he wished to pay him a visit. Shekh Kabir replied that they could only 
meet sword in hand ; having come to aid Shuja'-ud-daula, how could he 
think of asking for an interview with them. The next day, without paying 
his visit, Najib Khan marched off and entered Kanauj. 

Najib Khan was conducted by Shuja'-ud-daula to the Emperor's pre- 
sence. They then began to discuss their plans. Najib Kluin assured the 
Wazir of his regret for the delay, which had allowed Ahmad Khan time to 
assemble troops. If war were decided on, he would be the first in the field, 
yet he doubted if his Afghans would fight heartily against the Rohelas. 
He proposed to negociate. After two or three days Najib Khan put his 
troops in motion towards Farrukhabad. Hearing this, Shekh Kabir sent 
him a message not to come further, as next day it was his intention to pro- 
vide him with some entertainment. Najib Khan sent back word that he had 



1879.] W. Irvine — Tlie Bangash Naivals of FarrulcMudd. 14i3 

not come to fight, lie had come to seek an interview with Hafiz Eahmat 
Khan. Shekh Kabir told him in that case he might pass, hut without his 
troops. 

Najib Khan, leaving his army, advanced with a few men, and crossing 
the Kali-nadi pitched his tents. Next morning he continued his march. 
As he got near the camp of Fakhr-ud-daula, he found the Bakkshi on his 
elephant, at the head of his whole army drawn up in battle array. Najib 
Khan passed them in review and saw that they were very numerous. There 
were more leaders on elephants with Fakhr-ud-daula than there were with 
Najib Khan. Najib Khan proffered a salam, but no one returned it. 

Passing on, Najib Khan crossed the Ganges by the bridge of boats 
and waited upon Sa'dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mulla 
Sardar Khan, and Fath Khan. Donde Khan, his father-in-law, taunted 
him for siding with Shuja'-ud-daula against a Path an, but he defended him- 
self by pleading gratitude for the timely aid afforded him, when invested 
by the Mahrattas in Sukartal. The night was passed in consultation. It 
appears that the Rohelas were offered one-third of the Bangash territory 
if they would withdraw, but Hafiz Rahmat Khan refused to forsake his 
friend Ahmad Khan.* The final decision was that peace should be made 
between Shuja'-ud-daula and Ahmad Khan. Hafiz Rahmat Khan engaged 
to go in the morning to see Ahmad Khan. When he was introduced to 
the Nawab's presence, he congratulated him on the good news. The Nawab 
asked what he meant. Hafiz Rahmat Khan replied, that by God's favour, 
they had gained a victory without fighting ; Shuja'-ud-daula, becoming 
frightened by the preparations, had sent Najib Khan to make overtures to 
Sa'dullah Khan. Ahmad Khan said he himself would accept what they 
agreed to, but Ghazi-ud-din Khan 'Imad-ul-Mulk must be consulted. They 
went together to that noble's quarters. He was of opinion that Shuja'-ud- 
daula and Najib Khan, in despair of success, had made these proposals ; 
although thus forced to make peace, they would not fail, when opportunity 
offered, to break their word. Hafiz Rahmat Khan admitted this was quite 
true, still when affairs took that turn, punishment would await them then 
as now. In the traditions of the Prophet was it not written that Peace is 
blessed. 'Imad-ul-Mulk answered, that if they were of that opinion, his 
decision must follow theirs. Peace was thus decided on. 

Hafiz Rahmat Khan reported to Najib Khan what had been said and 
done. The Emperor's presence was their only reason for accepting peace, 
and he requested that Najib Khan would urge the Wazir to quit the Pathan 
territory at once. Najib Khan proposed that they should go together and 
persuade Shuja'-ud-daula to retire. Hafiz Rahmat Khan objected that he 
* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 78. 



144 "VV. Irvine — The Bangash Naiolbs of FarruM&Md. [No. 2 r 

was in the service of Ahmad Khan, without whose leave he could not go. 
Najib Khan told him that he should not have accepted such a lowly posi- 
tion. Hafiz Rahmat Khan informed him that there were others, for Sa'dul- 
lah Khan and his whole army had been subsidized, their expenses had been 
paid from the Nawab's treasury, to that date seven lakhs of rupees had 
been advanced. He promised to go next day and ask the Nawab for per- 
mission. The next day, Ahmad Khan having made no objection, Hafiz 
Rahmat Khan and Najib Khan commenced their march. When they 
reached Khudaganj, Shekh Kabir was asked to accompany them. They 
paid their respects to the Emperor, and then went to Shuja'-ud-daula. They 
told him he ought to return to the east again. At length the Emperor 
and Shuja'-ud-daula set out eastwards. When they arrived at Korah, Najib 
Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan took their leave. Najib Khan followed the 
route to Delhi, while Hafiz Rahmat Khan returned to his own camp. Next 
morning, Nawab Sa'dullah Khan and the other Rohelas came to take leave 
of Nawab Ahmad Khan. He distributed gifts and dismissed them. The 
Shahjahanpur leaders also, 'Abd-ullah Khan and others, were given leave 
to go, after gifts and dresses of honour had been conferred on them. 

Shuja'-ud-daula takes refuge at Farrukhdbad. 

After his defeat at Baksar on the 23rd October, 1764, Shuja'-ud-daula 
first sought aid from the Rohelas at Bareli, and for safety removed his 
women and jewels to that place. As the Rohelas declined to enlist on his 
side against the English, the Wazir and Hafiz Rahmat Khan came to 
Ahmad Khan at Farrukhabad. Not succeeding in inducing any of the 
Pathans to join him, Shuja'-ud-daula marched eastwards, only to be again 
defeated in May, 1765, at Korah- Jahanabad. Having again fled to Far- 
rukhabad, he was persuaded by Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan to 
come to terms, the result being the treaty signed at Allahabad in August, 
1765.* A long speech by Ahmad Khan, dissuading from hostility to the 
English, will be found set forth in the " Siyar-ul-Mutakharin."^ 

A few anecdotes connected with Shuja'-ud-daula's visit have been, 
handed down. The encampment was at Haiyat Bagb, and then at Fath- 
garh. One day the Pathans suggested that the Irani (Shuja'-ud-daula) 
should be murdered, since his father, Safdar Jang, had murdered five of 
the Nawab's brothers. The Nawab is said to have replied that treachery 
was not the habit of his family ; by God's grace, he killed his enemies, if at 
all, in the open field. 

* Aitchison's Treaties, Vol. II, p. 76. 
t Edition, 1789, Vol. II, p. 367. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FarrukMbdd. 115 

An interview was arranged, and Mir Akbar 'Ali, teacher of Nawab 
Sa'dat 'Ali Khan, told the author of the " Zauh," that he went in the 
retinue of Nawab Shuja'-ud-daula, being then twenty years of age. Ahmad 
Khan sent for arms from his armoury, which were much praised Then 
trays of jewels were sent for. A pearl necklace, once worn by Kaim Jang, 
was much admired. Ahmad Khan put it round the Wazir's neck, when 
Shuja'-ud-daula became yellow with anger. He took the necklace off and 
for a long time held it in his hand and turned each pearl round with his 
fingers. Then putting it down on the cushion, he stood up and said, he 
wished to take his leave. The Nawab and 'Imad-ul-Mulk stood up, and 
Shuja'-ud-daula then went off to Fathgarh. There he told his courtiers 
that Ahmad Khan had gone the length {zayadati) of investing him with 
the " khila't" of a pearl necklace. 

Next day, Ahmad Khan returned the visit, and the two nobles sat down 
together, Daim Khan, chela, being in Ahmad Khan's lap. Shuja'-ud-daula 
sent for water to drink, when Daim Khan said " I too will drink." In 
those days it was the duty of Miyan Almas Khwaja Sarae*to bring water 
for drinking. He took up a jewelled water bottle (surdhi) and cup, and 
the Wazir ordered him to give first a drink to the young Nawab. Then 
Shuja'-ud-daula himself drank. From that day Almas 'Ali Khan had a 
great respect for Daim Khan and obtained for him from Asaf-ud-daula 
(1775 — 1798) the jagir of Pukhrayan, in parganah Shahpur-Akbarpur of 
the Cawnpur district. 

Muzaffar Jang , s marriage. 
When the Nawab determined to find a bride for his son, Muzaffar 
Jan°" he sent for and consulted Kabila Khanum, one of the women of 
Ghazanfar Jang's time. He asked her who among his brethren had daugh- 
ters and where he should betroth his son, Muzaffar Jang. Kabila Kha- 
num replied that Murtazza Khanf had three daughters, and Khudabandah 
KhanJ had also three daughters. The Nawab replied that Murtazza Khan 
was a troublesome fellow ; should he object it would cause ill-feeling. 
Khudabandah Khan was, however, a mild-tempered, quiet man ; and he 
requested her to go to his house and propose a marriage of his daughter 
with the Nawab' s son, Muzaffar Jang. The woman went off to the house, 

* The celebrated Almas 'Ali Khan, 'Ami! of the Dual) districts from 1774 till the 
cessionin 1801. Lord Valentia who saw him at Lakhnau on the 23rd March, 1803, de- 
scribes him as " a venerable old -woman-like being, upwards of eighty, full six feet high, 
and stout in proportion." (Travels, I. p. 13t>). 

t Fourth son of Muhammad Khan. 

J Twelfth son of Muhammad Khan. 
I 



1J.G W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawabs of FarruJchdbM. [No. 2, 

and after some indifferent conversation, mentioned her errand. The Nawab 
made no reply. After a moment's pause, the woman said, " O Khudaban- 
" dah Khan ! why do you not answer and accept at once ?" Nawab Khuda- 
bandah Khan said, that Nur-un-nissa had been already adopted by the holy 
man, Asad 'Ali Shah,* so that he was helpless. It rested with that saint 
to agree or not, and if he agreed there would be no objection. The Khd- 
num replied, that the Nawab must go and tell the Sayyad, when there was 
no doubt he would consent. Khudabandah Khan said he would go that 
evening. When he went, the Sayyad asked what he wished, but he said 
it was for the Sayyad to decide. The Sayyad thought that to accept was 
desirable, to make any objection would do harm, he should therefore con- 
sent gladly. The Nawab returned and told the woman Kabila that he 
agreed to the proposal. 

On receiving her report, Nawab Ahmad Khan proceeded to the Bibi 
Sahiba, the widow of Muhammad Khan, whom he told of what he intended 
to do, and he asked her, should she approve, to go the next day to Khuda- 
bandah Khan's house to carry out the custom of chardivah.f She express- 
ed her consent, and the next day went with great pomp to Khudabandah 
Khan's house and carried out the usual ceremonies. Next day the ladies 
from the other side came with the nausha and carried out the usual cere- 
monies. 

After this Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for Nawab Khudabandah Khan. 
The Nawab received him with especial kindness and embraced him. A 
friendly conversation began. Then Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula was sent for, 
and ordered to make out a grant of the town of Sakravvah (or Sakraya)J 
in the name of his beloved brother Khudabandah Khan. The secretary was 
to write it out at once, and, after obtaining the signatures of all the clerks 
in the office, it was to be brought to the presence. When the grant was 
brought, the Nawab presented it to Khudabandah Khan and said it was 
in addition to all his former jdgirs. Khudabandah Khan then took his 
leave. 

Preparations began for the wedding. The Bakhshi and Mihrban Khan 
were ordered to send food of every description to all the Muhammadans, from 
the first day till the day of the wedding. To the Hindus sweetmeats and 
almond confection were sent. The Mansamdn and Namdar Khan were 
directed to pitch tents within the fort for the Delhi nobles, so that each 

* A Sayyad, son of Sharf-ud-din Husain Bulihari ; lie camo to Farrukhdbad in 
Muhammad Khan's time (1713-1713) ; he fought on Kaim Khan's side and was wound- 
ed. He died on the 7th Safar 1181 II. (2nd June, 1770). 

t Presents to the bride at betrothal. — Qanoon-e- Islam, \>. 62. 

X A parganah in Tahsil Tirwah in the south-east of the district. 



1379.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawabs of FamtlcMl&d. 147 

might have his separate assembly. Dancing girls from far and near were 
gathered together, so that dancing might go on at all the different tents at 
once. At night all the nobles were invited, and each was conducted to a 
separate tent. To each were told off two chelas to attend on them and 
carry out their wishes. Nawab Ahmad Khan sat in his own hall, with 
some of the greater nobles, such as Nasir Khan, ex-Subahdar of Kabul, 
Nawab Shah Jiu, son of Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, Nawab 'Itikad-ud- 
daula, son of the Emperor Ahmad Shah's maternal aunt, and Nawab Manav- 
var Khan, brother of Roshan-ud-daula. The night passed in amusements» 
in looking on at dancing and buffoons' performances, or in listening to 
singing. These festivities went on for a month. 

For illuminating the city, bamboo screens were put up along both sides 
of the road, from the gate of the fort to the gate of Khudabandah Khan's 
house. They adorned these screens with shades of mica and of coloured 
glass (kanwal) and with glass shades. Platforms adorned with brocade, 
cloth of gold and satin were prepared to carry the dancing women. This 
work was made over to Haji Sarfaraz Khan and Namdar Khan the elder. 
The fireworks were under Nasir Khan. Shafi Khan, darogha of the elephant 
stables, was ordered to prepare haiulalis and langla (covered howdahs) and 
amara (howdaJis high at the sides) adorned with gold and silver. The 
elephants were to be in attendance at the gate of the fort. Bakhshi Fakhr- 
ud-daula and Diwan Mihrban Khan were told that when the bridegroom, 
mounted his elephant (megdambar) the nobles of Delhi were to be escorted 
to their elephants. The commanders of regiments and the jama'dars at- 
tended in their best raiment, accompanied by their relations. 

When the procession was formed, the illuminations were lit in one 
blaze from the fort gate to Khudabandah Khan's. They were formed of 
mica shades (kanwal) and round globes (kivinkwina) placed on the left and 
right of the roadway. In front there were lustres with five or six branches 
each, making a total of fifty or sixty thousand lights. Then followed the 
thrones on which the dancing girls performed. Thus, with splendour and 
display, the bridegroom's party advanced step by step. Fireworks were let 
off at intervals. From both sides gold and silver flowers were flung on the 
bridegroom for good luck. At length they reached the bride's door. The 
Nawab and the bridegroom and the nobles entered, while the other leaders 
attended outside. Dancing and singing then began, and the whole night 
was thus passed. At day-break the bridegroom was taken into the women's 
apartments for the ceremonies usual there. Then coming out the bride 
was put into a cliandol (a sort of sedan chair), which was covered with cloth 
of gold. All that Khudabandah Khan possessed in the way of goods and 
chattels, he sent with his daughter as her marriage present. Then the 



118 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

return was made to the fort in the order in which they had come. At the 
fort all the nobles, chiefmen and bankers attended to congratulate the 
Nawab, and made their offerings. Next day, rich gifts were bestowed on 
the dancers, the buffoons and the story-tellers. Suits of clothes were sent 
to every noble, to the Nawab's brothers and brothers' sons, to the chiefs of 
the Bangash tribe and to the employes of the State. 

Mahratta affairs : 1752—1771. 

We have already described the rather complicated arrangement made at 
the peace of 1752. Saf dar Jang then owed thirty lakhs, or as some say, eighty 
lakhs of rupees to the Mahrattas, as their pay for the time they had been in 
his service. This debt was transferred to the shoulders of Ahmad Khan, and as 
security the Mahrattas were to obtain sixteen and a half out of the thirty- 
three mahals then forming the territory of Farrukhabad. The Mahrattas, 
as usual, were the sole gainers, while Safdar Jang had no more than the 
empty gratification of having humbled his enemy. 

At one time the Farrukhabad state is said to have consisted of forty- 
four mahals, but of these it is impossible to identify twentj'-one, the names 
of which have not been handed down. Of the remaining thirty-three, six- 
teen and a half were assigned to Mulhar Rao by a grant on copper, while 
a corresponding deed on copper for the other sixteen and a half mahals was 
made over to Ahmad Khan by the Mahratta. The grant was in the name of 
Mahmud Khan, the Nawab's son, and it stated that so long as a slave of 
the Bangash family was in existence, no Mahratta should interfere with 
those mahals. 

The thirty-three mahals were as follows : — 

1. Shamsdbdd. — In the Farrukhabad district ; it is now divided into 
S. West in Tahsil Kaimganj, S. East and Muhamdabad in the Sadr Tahsil. 
In the Nawab's time it included Tappa 'Azimnagar now in the Eta district. 
(Kali Rae, p. 101.) 

2. Birwar. — The old name of Bewar in the Mainpuri district, Gaz. 
IV. 657. 

3. Bhongdm. — Also called Bhonganw, in the Mainpuri district. It 
then included the present parganahs of Mainpuri and Kishni-Nabiganj, 
Gaz. IV. 670. 

4. Kampil. — Now Kampil-Kaimganj in Tahsil Kaimganj, Farrukha- 
bad district. 

5. Patidli. — Eta district, Gaz. IV. 174. 

6. Sahdwar. — Now Sahawar-Karsana, Eta district Gaz. IV. 181. 

7. Sakith.—Now Eta-Sakith, Eta district, Gaz. IV. 187. 

8. Mdrahra. — Half of the parganah. Now in the Eta district, Gaz. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 149 

IV. 158. In 1738 the Sayyad proprietors (who got the parganah in jagir 
from Farrukhsiyar in 1713) farmed 117 villages and the Nilgaran patti of 
the town to the Nawab of Farrukhabad, and the other 60 villages with the 
Bhairon patti to Safdar Jang. The Nawab "Wazir took the first-named 
portion, known as Kismat avval, for himself in 1772, Gaz. IV. 162. 

9. Soron-Badariya. — Eta district, Gaz. IV. 125, 213. 

10. Auset. — Across the Ganges in the Badaun district. 

11. Nidhpur. — (Also called Miydo) Eta district, Gaz. IV. 165. 

12. Barnd-Sonhdr. — Eta district, Gaz. IV. 205. 

13. Kordoli. — Mainpuri district, Gaz. IV. 711. 

14. Sidhpura. — Eta district, Gaz. IV. 179. 

15. Karsdna. — Now included in Sahawar, Eta district. Gaz. IV. 
181. 

16. KhdJchatmau-Dahliya. — Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh, 
Farrukhabad district. 

17. Mihrdbdd.- — Across the Ganges in the south of the Shahjahanpur 
district. It once formed a part of Parganah Shamsabad, (Elliot Supp. 
Glossary, II. 92.) 

18. Amritpur. — Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh, Farrukhabad 
district. 

19. Chibramau. — Tahsil Chibramau, Farrukhabad district. 

20. Sikandarpur. — Now absorbed in Chibramau (No. 19,) Farrukha- 
bad district. 

21. Saurikh. — In Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district. 

22. Salcrdwah. — Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district. 

23. Sakatpur. — Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district. 

24. Auraiyd Phapond. — In the Etawah district, Gaz. IV. 408. 

25. Sauj. — In parganah Karhal, Mainpuri district, 24 miles from 
Mainpuri. The old parganah was dismembered in 1840, 25 villages going 
to parganah Mainpuri and 17 to Karhal. Gaz. IV. 752. 

26. Itawah. — In the Itawah district. It formerly included jtarga- 
nah Karhal of the Mainpuri and Barnahal of the Itawah district. Elliot, 
Supp. Gloss, p. 309. 

27. Bhojpur. — In the Sadr Tahsil of the Farrukhabad district. It 
included parganah Pahara. 

28. Tdlgrdm. — In the Chibramau Tahsil of the Farrukhabad district. 
In those days it included the Ta'luka of Thattya-Tirwa {Kali Bde, p. 145.) 

29. Kannauj. — In Tahsil Kannauj of the Farrukhabad district. 

30. Bilhor. — In the Cawnpur district, the next parganah east of 
Kannauj. 

31. Shdhpur-Akbarpur. — In the western part of the Cawnpur dis- 
trict. 



150 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrulchabiul [No. 2, 

32. Shinrajpnr. — In the Cawnpur district, the parganah next to the 
east of Bilhor, No. 30. 

33. Musenagar-Bhogni. — In the south of the Cawnpur district, along 
the left hank of the river Jamna. 

We are not told which of these thirty-three mahals formed the sixteen 
made over to the Mahrattas. The management would appear to have heen 
left in the hands of Ahmad Khan, though it is doubtful whether this refers 
to all the mahals, or only to the Nawab's half. We are told that, after 
deducting the costs of management and the pay of the troops, the balance 
was payable to Mulhar Rao. On the part of the Mahrattas two bankers 
were appointed, called by them Bamman, who were stationed one at Ka- 
nauj, the other at 'Aliganj in Parganah 'Azimnagar. The balance payable 
to the Mahrattas was made over to these two bankers, by whom the money 
was remitted to Mulhar Rao. Receipts for each year were then forwarded 
to the Nawab These payments were made for several years in succession. 
They ceased after the battle of Panipat, fought in January 1761, when the 
Mahrattas left Hindustan for a time, retired beyond the Jamna, and proceed- 
ed to the Dakhin. 

For some years the Mahrattas were occupied in domestic struggles 
and in warfare south of the Narbada. Advantage was taken of their with- 
drawal from Hindustan to recover all the parganahs which had fallen into 
their hands. During 1761-17G3 Shuja'-ud-daula cleared the lower Duab of 
their posts and even advanced into Bandelkhand as far as Jhansi. Nawab 
Ahmad Khan, in the same way, took possession of many of the parganahs 
once held by his father, and no longer paid any tribute to the Mahrattas. 
Etawah, Phapond and Shikohabad, however, which had in 17G1 been grant- 
ed to Hafiz Kakmat Khan by the Abdali monarch, were permanently 
severed from the Farrukhabad state. 

Except for a short time at Delhi in 1764, and at the battle of Korah 
in 1765, no Mahratta was seen in Northern India for more than eight 
years. In the end of 1769, however, the Peshwa's army, amounting to lifty 
thousand men, crossed the Chambal. It was under the command of Visaji 
Kishn, Earn Chandar Ganesh, Mahatlaji Scndhia and Tukaji Holkar. First 
they levied arrears of tribute from the Rajput princes. Next, after a vic- 
torious engagement fought close to Ehartpur, they obtained sixty-five lakhs 
of rupees from the Jat princes. Overtures were then made to them by 
Najib Khan, and it was agreed that their combined armies should march 
against Farrukhabad.* 

Early in the year 1184 H. (27th April, 1770— 16th April, l771),Najil> 
Khan advanced from Delhi. Hafiz Kalmiat Khan, whose son's jag ir of 
* Grant Dull", pp. 349, 350. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of FarruTclidbdd. 151 

Itawah was threatened, marched to Kadir-Chauk on the Ganges. Here he 
learned that Najib Khan, having been taken ill at Koil, had set out for 
Najibabad. On his road he died at Hapar in the Meerut district. His 
death occurred in the month of October, 1770. His eldest son, Zabita Khan, 
proceeded with the Mahrattas towards Farrukhabad. 

Hafiz Rahmat Khan sent fifteen thousand horse and foot to the aid 
of Ahmad Khan. On hearing that the Mahrattas were at Patiali, some 
forty miles west of Farrukhabad, Hafiz Rahmat Khan marched in person 
to Fathgarh and encamped on the east bank of the Ganges. A consul- 
tation was then held with Ahmad Khan. A bridge of boats was construct- 
ed, and the remainder of the army, about twenty thousand horse and foot, 
crossed the Ganges and encamped between Fathgarh and Farrukhabad. 

Meanwhile Zabita Khan wrote to say that he was a prisoner in the 
hands of the Mahrattas. Negotiations began for his release and the with- 
drawal of the Mahrattas. The Mahrattas claimed Itawah and Shikohabad, 
which had been long in their possession before they were handed over in 
jdgir to Hafiz Rahmat Khan. During this period Najib Khan's army 
arrived from Ghausgarh* and Najibabad. f Zabita Kban succeeded in 
escaping during the night and, joining his troops, returned home. 

The war was now carried on by the Mahrattas alone. In several actions 
they defeated the Afghans, who behaved badly. At length the Rohelas 
were on the point of re-crossing the Ganges, when the Mahrattas broke up 
their camp and marched for Itawah. 'Inayat Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat 
Khan, was then asked by his father to give up his jdgir of Itawah. He 
refused and retired in disgust to Bareli. Donde Khan, however, relinquish- 
ed his claim on Shikohabad. Orders were sent to Shekh Kabir to resign 
the fort of Itawah to the Mahrattas. Shekh Kabir, who had in the interval 
repulsed the Mahrattas several times, obtained honorable terms. He then 
joined Hafiz Rahmat Khan at Farrukhabad, and all the Rohelas returned 
to Bareli after an absence of eight months (October, 1770 — May, 1771). % 

At this time Sendhia entered the Nawab's territory and encamped at 
Nabiganj, some twenty miles south of Farrukhabad. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula 
proposed to collect forty thousand men and attempt resistance. The Nawab, 
who was old and blind, said he knew they would fight to the last man, but 
the Bakhshi was the blind man's staff, and if the staff (which God forbid) 
were broken, the blind man would be destroyed. He therefore desired that 
a peace should be made as quickly as possible. The Bakhshi taking with 

* Between the towns of Thana Bhowan and Jalalabad in the west of the Mu- 
zaffarnagar district. A mosque and a large well arc all that is left to mark tho site, 
t In the Bijnor district. 
% Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 89—93, 



152 W. Irvine — The Banryash Nawdhs of Farruhhdbdd. [No. 2 T 

him Ghazi-ud-din Khan 'Imad-ul-MulIc, visited the Mahrattas and asked 
■what terms they would accept. Sendhia claimed the sixteen and a half 
mahals given by the former treaty. He wished to collect the revenue him- 
self, for while the Nawab had the management, years had elapsed without 
any payment having been made. As there was no help for it, the sixteen 
and a half mahals were given up. Ahmad Khan directed that although 
the territory had been reduced to one half its former extent, no troops 
should be discharged. In three years his eyes would be all right, and then 
he would take his revenge. The income being reduced, while the same 
expenditure was maintained, the coin collected in the treasury was soon 
sjjent. 

Ahmad Khan's blindness and death. 

For a year or two before his death, Nawab Ahmad Khan was afflicted 
with inflammation of the eyes, and he gradually lost his sight. One Basant 
Bae Kuhhdl (operator on the eye) treated him for the malady, but without 
success. 

His eyes had begun by paining him, and after a time his sight became 
weak. One or two years passed in this condition, but day by day the sight 
became worse. He concealed the fact as well as he could. He used to 
come to his ordinary place and return every one's salutation. The courtiers, 
from actions opposed to his usual habit, noticed his blindness but said 
nothing. At length the defect could no longer be concealed. Several of the 
Nawab's servants recommended Hakim Niir Khan Muhammad Shahi, as 
well spoken of for his treatment of deseases of the eye. They were told to 
bring him, and he treated the Nawab for one or two months without effect. 

One day it came into the Nawab's mind that by feasting religious 
mendicants, his vows might be granted. He therefore ordered Bakhshi 
Fakhr-ud-daula and Mihrban Khan to put up tents inside the fort. Food 
of every sort was prepared and given to fakirs and the poor. They offered 
up their prayers for his recovery. For forty days the food was given away. 
The pious Hisam-ud-din adduces many instances of the efficacy of prayer 
by holy men ; but he admits that in this instance the prayers were not 
heard, for, as he says, the supplicants were not saints. 

Shortly after this a clever scoundrel came from the Panjab, and was 
introduced to the Nawab through Iiahmat Khan, son of Jahan Khan. He 
promised to remove the obstruction. The cheat, putting a little water in the 
palm of his hand, said some words over it, and then applied it to the 
Nawab's eyes. For several days this process was repeated. Then under pre- 
tence of requiring money to offer in alms, he got silver and gold and wont 
away, promising to return in a day or two. He was never seen again. 



1879.] W. Irvine— The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdhdcl 153 

Another cheat was Sayyad Baku\ He wrote a forged letter in the 
name of a holy man of Lakhnau to Jan 'Ali Khan, saying he had heard 
that Nawab Ahmad Khan had lost his eyesight and had given up all hope 
except in the intercession of falcirs. Now in the city of Farrukhabad 
would be found a fakir of great holiness, chief of the age, whose name was 
Sayyad Bakir. There was little doubt that he would be able to restore the 
Nawab's eyes. Jan 'Ali Khan went with the letter to the Nawab. The 
Nawab told him to obey its directions. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula and Jan 
'Ali Khan proceeded to that deceiver and with the profoundest respect 
brought him to the Nawab. The Nawab presented him with five hundred 
rupees and a number of rich dresses. The fakir said food must be distribu- 
ted daily, while he underwent a forty days' fast, for which a secluded place 
must be provided. The Nawab ordered Jan 'Ali Khan to find the man 
a place in his garden. Then that lying philosopher promised the Nawab 
that sight would return to his eyes on the festival of the 'Id-ul-fitr. 
Jan 'Ali Khan took the fakir to his garden and placed men to wateh him. 
As the promised time drew near, one night in the end of Kamzan, the cheat 
got over the back wall of the garden and escaped. On the day fixed Jan 
'Ali Khan was sent to bring the fakir. He went into the garden and 
called, but there was no answer. Then he looked about and could find the 
man no where. Wringing his hands, he came out of the garden and sat 
down at his own entrance gate. For very shame he was unable to appear 
before the Nawab. At length the Nawab sent to know what had happened. 
Jan 'Ali Khan was forced to go and reported how they had been deceived. 
The Nawab after this ceased to repine and put his full trust in God, whose 
will is best. 

Nawab Ahmad Khan breathed his last on the 28th Kabi I, 1185 H. 
(12th July, 1771), the day on which 'Ali Guhar Shah 'Alam reached 
Khudagan-j, on his way from Allahabad to Delhi. After a delay occasioned 
by the disturbance raised by Murtazza Khan, the body was taken out and 
buried in the Bihisht Bagh, in the tomb prepared by Ahmad Khan in his 
own lifetime. 

The date of his death is given by the following chronogram — 

Kuiiand giriya klidldik ba-ndlah o Afghan. 

Maldik ah kashand az wafdt Ahmad Khdn, (1191 — 6 = 1185).* 

Another is — " Sai, Hai, Hdtim Tde sdni na mand," (1185). 

The Emperor with his escort of some five thousand men marched on 
the next day, accompanied by Shuja'-ud-daula and others,f and encamped 

* Miftah-ut T., p. 526. 

f The ' Ibrat-ndmah states that Shuja'-ud-daula, after visiting the Emperor at Al- 
lahabad, returned to Faizabad. The text gives the local tradition, 

tr 



151 W.Irvine — The Bang ash Naivabs of Farrulchabdd. [No. 2, 

at the village of Saraiya in parganah Pahara, outside the south-west 
corner of the city. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula placed Muzaffar Jang, the 
Nawab's son, on an elephant and took him to present his nazar to the 
Emperor. The title of Farzand Bahadur (afterwards cut on the young 
Nawab's seal) was conferred at this interview. There being no money in the 
treasury, the Bakhshi melted down all the silver of the howdahs and other 
furniture and sold it for three lakhs of rupees. This sum with seven ele- 
phants and eleven horses was presented to the Emperor.* One lakh of 
rupees was obtained by Najaf Khan for arranging a settlement. After a 
halt of twenty-two days, Shah 'Alam marched to Nabiganj, where he waited 
nearly three months, till the arrival from Delhi of Mahaji Sendhia. 

Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan's habits and character. 

His full titles, as found on a cannon cast in 1173 H. (August, 1759 — ■ 
August, 1760), which was still in existence in 1839, were as follows : — Bakh- 
shi-ul-Mamalik, Amir-ul-Umra, Ghazanfar-ud-daula, Muhammad Ahmad 
Khan, Bahadur, Ghazanfar Jang, Sardar-ul-Mulk, Zafar-i-iktidar, Sher-i- 
Hind, Bahadur, Ghalib Jang. To these may be added the title of Kayam- 
ud-daula which was, according to the Tdrikh-i-Muzaffari, conferred in 1175 
H. 

He seems to have had little natural energy or ambition ; he was em- 
phatically one of those who, instead of achieving greatness, have greatness 
thrust upon them. In the course of our story we have seen repeatedly how 
his timidity or ill-timed scruples prevented him from pushing home a first 
success. After the battle of Bam Chatauni such was the state of conster- 
nation and want of preparation in the capital, that Ahmad Khan, had he 
not been turned off by fair words, could easily have made himself master 
of the Emperor's person. He could then have played the part afterwards 
so successfully assumed, one after the other, by Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Najib 
Khan, Najaf Khan and the Mahrattas. Again, when Islam Khan, chela, 
was 'Amil of Kasganj, he made a successful raid into the upper Duab, and 
it is highly probable that, had he been strongly supported, he might have 
carried out his boast of making his master the actual master of Delhi and 
its sovereign. 

Stories are told of him in which it is hard to distinguish whether his 
conduct was due to mere good nature or foolish simplicity. For instance, 
we are told that the Nawab had an extreme affection for new money. It 
was his habit to have the rupees spread out in the sun to prevent them 
getting black. Seated on a low stool, he watched them himself. When- 
ever he called for water or betel leaf or his huqqa, the chelas would go in 

* Miftali-ut T., p. 529, and S-ul-M. (Lakhnau edition) at the top of page 931. 



1879.] W. Irvine — The Bangasli JVawdbs of FarrukMbdd. 155 

■with wax on their feet. In this way, in the course of five or six hours, they 
would carry away some hundreds of rupees. When the money was count- 
ed and put back, some of the bags would remain unfilled. Then the Nawab 
would be surprised and say to his chelas, " I do not know how it is, but I 
" watched these rupees myself, and yet they have diminished. Perhaps they 
" have been exposed too long to the sun and have got too much dried up. 
" Go and place the bags in the treasury."* 

It was the Nawab's habit to go out twice a day, sometimes on an ele- 
phant and sometimes in apalki. At other times, quitting the city, he looked 
on at elephant-fighting. As he passed through the streets of the city, he 
was attended by men carrying bags of money for the distribution of largesse. 
Their orders were to allow the approach of the humble poor, the weak, the 
blind, the lame and the sick. To all these money was given ; not one poor 
man was passed over. Especial proteges of his were the so-called Khopi- 
wdlds.f Some hundreds of families lived along the road side from the 
fort to the Mau gate, and below the fort as far as the edge of the Kadam 
Sharif pond. They were people of all castes, who had followed the Nawab's 
camp from Delhi in a year of famine, he having distributed five thousand 
rupees a day in food during his stay there. They acquired their name from 
the rough earthen huts which they built to live in, not having funds to 
build houses in the usual way. The Nawab would often send money and 
food to them, saying, that they must not starve, since they had left their 
homes to follow him. 

The Nawab's retinue was accompanied by numerous Saldyah-barddrs 
(?) spearmen, (Jbarchi-barddrs) lancemen, (blidla-ddrs) macemen, (chobddrs) 
heralds, (iiakibs) flatterers, (bdd-farosh) bards, and (karkah-go) singers. The 
Nawab's titles were announced and his praises cried out as the procession 
moved on. It was preceded, at a little distance, by a number of men with 
bambu sticks, lacquered in various colours, gold, scarlet, and so forth, some 
plain and some with flowered patterns. For about two cubits of their 
length these bambus were split. If any one came in the way of the retinue, 
whether rich or poor, he was beaten with those bambu sticks. They were 
also used to anybody who incurred the Nawab's anger. The sound made 
by the blows was so great, that it could be heard a quarter of a kos off, 
though no wound was caused ; any one who was beaten considered that his 
lucky star was in the ascendant, for the Nawab was sure to send for him. 
Then he would say " You have not been hurt ;" and the man would reply 
" Nawab Sahib, each bone in my body aches as if it had been broken." 

* This story is in the main confirmed by Shekh Allahyar, author of the Hadi&at- 
ul-Akdlim, who was at Farrukhabad in 1769-70, in the employ of the Nawab, 
. f Apparently from khop = a cave or cavern. 



15G W. Irvine — The Bangash JVawdbs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2, 

Then he would receive a present in cash and goods, to the amount that his 
fate had willed for him. 

The Nawiib is said to have had a peculiar affection for the tune (rag) 
known as Bihdg. On his birthday the singing women and male dancers 
(bliakta) were assembled from every part of the territory. About nine 
o'clock in the evening, the Nawab used to come to the Ditodn-kMna, with 
all his most costly jewels on, seated in his fringed palhi " Fath-nasib." 
(Fated to Victory.) This palhi got its name from being the one used by 
the Nawab during the battle, in which he totally defeated 'Abd-ul-Mansur 
Khan, Safdar Jang. At the side of the palki walked all the leading 
Pathans and the Nawab's cousins and nephews. There was a general illu- 
mination and discharge of fireworks. At this time no other kind of singing 
was allowed except the Bihdg. 

The Nawab's taste was for highly decorated buildings, and where he 
slept, he had the walls adorned with pictures of himself and his friends. 
During his time he built six palaces. 1st, The Khas Mahal, where in 
1839 Bibi Achhpal (widow of Muzaffar Jang) lived, and its doors, said to 
be copied from those of Harbong's foot at Jhusi, still showed the decorated 
work. 2nd, The Mubarik Mahal. 3rd, The Salabat Mahal. It was 
situated at the back of the Moti masjicl. Originally the doors and ceilings 
were gilt, but before 1839 the colour had been scraped off and taken away 
to extract the gold from it. 4<th, The Hall of Audience in the Mubarik 
Mahal, occupied in 1839 by Wilayati Begam, widow of Nawab Nasir Jang 
(1796 — 1813). 5th, The Kamani gate of the fort. A stone, removed 
from this gateway in 1858-9, is preserved at the Sadr Tahsil ; it is in shape 
like a milestone, and bears the following inscriptions in raised letters : 

I. Zahi bob daulat bar afrdshtand Bind-ash chu kwtb-i-falalc sdhhtand 
Baru mir razed 'z charhh barin Chu bdrdn-i-rahmat barue-zamin 
Jilatin inuhham o ustwdr dmdah Chu uftddfalahi kardr dmdah 

Ifdh o sal an lidtif dil-nawdz Bagufta " Dar-i-falz didam bdz. u 

(1172) 

II. Naivdb in danvdzaTi rd ta'mir chu fartnudali ast 
Yah hazdr yaJc sad haftdd isnd budah ast. 

Oth, Some buildings and repairs to a fort at Mau Bashidabad, which has 
now entirely disappeared. 

The Nawiib also paid attention to repairing the fort, restoring the city 
wall and renewing the Haiyat Bagh, where Muhammad Khan, his father, 
and Kaim Khan, his brother, were interred. In the open space between the 
fort wall and the gate of the Diwan Khana he put up a Guldl-bdr (a royal 
pavilion.)* There the leaders and commanders and lieutenants came and, 

* Sec Bloclimann's " Ain i Akbari," Vol. I, plate X for a representation of one. 



1879.] W. Irvine — TJie JBangash Naivdbs of Farrulcliabdd. 157 

standing, made their obeisance, after which the Nawab acknowledged their 
presence and took his seat. 

The Bihisht Bagh, just south of the Mau Sarae, within the city wall, 
was planted by Ahmad Khan. The mosque is perhaps the largest and most 
elegant in the city, and at one side of it there are the remains of a hand- 
some hot air bath. The Mohalla just to the south, chiefly occupied by 
Kachis, is called Ahmadganj Khandia. Besides the mosque, there are nine 
large domed tombs within the enclosure, that of Ahmad Khan, the largest 
of all, standing nearly in the centre, opposite the gateway. The persons 
buried there are as follows : Makbwrah No. 1. — Ahmad Khan ; Dil-Daler 
Khan ; the Banarsi Nawab, his son ; Zahur 'Ali Khan, son of the Banarsi 
Nawab ; Imdad Husain Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. In the verandahs — 
Himmat 'Ali Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. Three tombs of infant 
daughters of Ahmad Khan ; Nawab Himmat Bahadur, grandson of Ahmad 
Khan ; Nawab Chote Khan, son of Nawab Kaim Jang. Makbarah No. 2. — 
Nawab Mahmud Khan, eldest son of Ahmad Khan ; a child ; and his 
Begam. Makbarah No. 3. — The Bibi Sahiba, widow of Nawab Muhammad 
Khan Ghazanfar Jang, and two other Begams. In the verandahs — Sitara 
Begam, daughter of Ahmad Khan ; Firuz Jang's mother, wife of Nawab 
Bulaki ; Bibi Achhpal, wife of Muzaffar Jang ; five Begams, names un- 
known. Makbarah No. 4. — Kabila Khanum. Makbarah No. 5. — A mis- 
tress of Shaukat Jang (1813—1823). Makbarah No. 6.— Two graves, 
names unknown. Malcbarah No. 7. — Bani Sahiba, wife of Ahmad Khan 
brought by him from the east. Makbarah No. 8. — Tali' Khan and Roshan 
Khan, chelas of Ahmad Khan. Makbarah No. 9. — Bakhshi Fakkr-ud- 
daula, assassinated in 1772-1773. 

We are told in the lauh-i- Tarikh that the revenue demand of the 
thirty-three mahals was eighty lakhs of rupees, exclusive oijdgirs, assign- 
ments for pay, revenue-free grants, and so forth. Hisam-ud-din tells us that 
the Nawab's income was sixty lakhs of rupees. The expenditure was as 
follows : Three lakhs a month were required for the soldiers' pay and the house- 
hold servants of every fort. One lakh went to the expenses of the three 
wives, to the purchase of jewels, and the feeding of fakirs. One lakh was 
spent on the elephants, horses, camels, and artillery establishment. There 
were five hundred guns, large and small, always ready ; and the manufac- 
ture of powder and ball went on without intermission. There was in this 
way an expenditure of at least five lakhs a month ; if there were ever any 
surplus, it was paid into the Treasury. 

In the later years of Ahmad Khan's life, Bakhshi Fakhr- ud-daula had 
become the leading man in the State. He had the charge of the whole 
territory, and he is praised for the vigour with which he repressed the tux- 



158 TV. Irvine— The Bane/ash Ndwdbs of FarruJcMldd. [No. 2, 

bulent. Sometimes Miyan Sahib Roshan Khan was sent eastwards to 
restore order. This office of Miyan Sahib, or familiar companion of the 
Nawiib, was held by a number of persons in succession. The first was 
Sa'datmand Khan. He was a boy, named Madan Singh, whom Roshan Khan 
captured on one of his expeditions, when he destroyed the village of Sabz- 
pur (?). When Ahmad Khan saw the lad, he took a fancy to him, made 
him a Muhammadan and gave him the name of Sa'datmand Khan. A year 
afterwards he raised him to high rank and gave him the title of Amir-zadah, 
telling Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula that every act done by Amir-zadah Sa'dat- 
mand Khan was to be considered as final, no one was to interfere. His- 
father, Mandal Singh, was made ruler of Kanauj. 

The other Miyan Sahibs were : (1) Sa'dat Khan Afridi, (2) Sayyad 
Nur 'Ali Khan, (3) Mir Jin 'Ali Khan, (4) Roshan Khan. Sa'dat Khan 
was the brother of Mahmud Khan, Bakhshi to Naw;ib Kaim Jang. He 
was appointed during the campaign in the hills (1751-2). One day 
the Nawab had seen him in the bazar of Sayyad Nur 'Ali Khan and sent 
for him. Once the Nawab was reading a book, while Sa'dat Khan was 
seated behind him to the right, engaged in keeping the flies away. 
Sa'dat Khan in a disrespectful way brushed with the chaunri the head of 
Nur 'Ali, who was seated next him. The Nawab saw this and said to him, 
" The Omnipotent is Lord over all, — 

" Ba-chashm-i-hakdrat ma-bin ba-sue has 
" Kih u mantakam hast, o farydd-ras.' r 

Now, it was Sa'dat Khan's habit to go every fifth or sixth day to spend 
the night at his own house in Amethi, returning to his post in the morning. 
A short time after the above incident, Sa'dat Khan asked for leave to go 
home. During the night, the Nawab conferred on Nur 'Ali Khan double 
the dignity and wealth that Sa'dat Khan possessed. At the appointed time 
Sa'dat Khan appeared, and what should he see, but Sayyad Nur 'Ali adorn- 
ed with jewels and seated on the edge of the masnad, at the right hand of 
the Nawab. He fell into great consternation. On his approaching, the 
Nawab spoke to him — " Look, Sa'dat Khan, at the work of the Causer of 
" all things, remember yesterday's words, — " 

Ohundn hast dn lchdlik be-nazir, 
Ba-yah lahza sdzad gadd-rd amir. 
Makun ba sue has az hakdrat nigdh ; 
Kunad az talcabbar shdhdn rd fakir. 

" Such are the ways of the Creator without equal, in a moment He 
" makes a beggar into a noble, and turns a king into a beggar." Hearing 



1879.1 W. Irvine — The Bangash Naivabs of Farrulchdlad. 159 

this reproof, Sa'dat 'Ali Khan was much abashed and hung down his head. 
A few days afterwards, he was appointed to the command of a regiment of 
two thousand horse. 

Niir 'AH Khan succeeded as Miyan Sahib, and he received gifts and 
honours above all the other courtiers. He in turn was displaced by Mir 
Jan 'Ali, and he was then transferred to the mahals of Derapur-Mangalpur 
(now in the Cawnpur district). Jan 'Ali's father had been adopted by Mir 
Fath-ullah. When the Nawab saw Jan 'Ali, he took a fancy to him and kept 
him at his court. His title was Miyan Sahib Jan 'Ali Khan. He built 
the masjid on the left, as you turn out of the main bazar to drive up to the 
Talisil in the fort. In the course of time, the Nawab transferred his favour 
to Muhammad Eoshan, a resident of Kanauj, and he becoming Miyan 
Sahib was enriched with gifts like his predecessors. He was styled Miyan 
Sahib Eoshan Khan Bahadur. 

Ahmad Khan's wives. 
There were four wives : 

1. Bulhin Begam — The daughter of Sanjar Khan, Pathan, zamindar 
of Budain, parganah Kampil. 

2. Rani Sdhiha — She was brought by the Nawab from the east at 
the time of the siege of Allahabad. 

3. Bibi Fakhr-un-Nissa — the sister of Karm Khan. 

4. Bibi Kliairan — the mother of Muzaffar Jang and Dildaler Khan. 
There were besides many concubines. In the above list it is difficult 

to identify the daughter of Sher Zaman Khan Dikizak of Jaunpur, who 
was, according to the Balwantndmah (year 1164 H), one of the wives of 
Ahmad Khan. In that work there is a Karm Zaman Khan named as a 
nephew of Sher Zaman Khan, so possibly the Karm Khan of the Farrukha- 
bad books was the Begam's cousin instead of her brother. In that case the 
Jaunpur wife would be Fakhr-un-Nissa, No. 3 of the list. 

Ahmad Khan's children. 

He had three sons and one daughter : 

1. Mahmud Khan — He died in his father's lifetime and was buried 
in the Bihisht Bagh. Mahmudganj in the town of Chibramau was founded 
by him {Kali Rae, p. 134). He left one son, Himmat Bahadur, who mar- 
ried 'Umdah Begam, daughter of Muzaffar Jang, and died in 1240 H- 
(August, 1824 — August, 1825), leaving one daughter, Eiyazat-un-Nissa, who 
was twice married, first to Imdad Husain Khan, son of Dildaler Khan ; se- 
condly to Himmat 'Ali Khan, a younger brother of her first husband. 



1G0 W. Irvine — The Bang ash Wmodbs of MirruMdbdd. [No. 2, 

2. Baler Himmat Khan — Muzaffar Jang, who succeeded his father. 
He will be dealt with separately. 

3. Bil Daler Khan — He retired to Benares about 1786, and the 
tradition is that he committed suicide there in January, 1799, at the time 
of Wazir 'Ali Khan's rising. The story will be told in Part II. From 
the Agency records it appears, however, that he died on the 19th Sha'ban 
1214 H. (18th January 1800), fully a year after Wazir 'Mi's insurrection. 
He left four sons and three daughters, whose names with their alliances 
and descendants will be seen from the genealogical table appended to this 
Part. 

4. Sitdra Began — She married Muhammad Zaman Khan, son of 
Murtazza Khan Barsiri, i. <?., the big-headed, fourth son of Nawab Muham- 
mad Khan. "When she died, she was buried in the Kasim Bagh, beside her 
aunt, Boshan Jahan, eldest daughter of Nawab Muhammad Khan. She 
was supposed to share with her aunt the power of driving away evil spirits. 
Others point out her tomb in the Bihisht Bagh (see p. 157). 

Ahmad Khan's Chelas. 
According to the custom of the family, Nawab Ahmad Khan made 
about three or four hundred Hindu boys into chelas. Those who had charge 
of his territory acquired much wealth ; the rest who received only pay and 
gifts rose to no eminence. They were all known as Ghalib Bachha. 

1. Zu'lfikdr Khan — In Ahmad Khan's time there were three men 
known as nawabs, at whose houses the " naubat" 1 was played : 1st, Ahmad 
Khan himself, called the Bare nawab ; 2nd, Zu'lfik;ir Khan, called the Majhle 
naiodb ; 3rd, Daim Khan called the Chhote naicdb. Zu'lfikar Khan's titles 
were " Sharf-ud-daula Zu'lfikar Khan Bahadur Shamsher Jang." His seal 
bore the inscription — 

An kih dar bdzue-pdkash kuvvat Ichair dar est 
Az 'atde Ahmadi khush Zw'lfik&r Haidar est. 
He was Nazim of parganah Shamsabad and had his head-quarters at 
'Aliganj, Tappa 'Azimnagar, (now in the Eta district). Up to 1839 a fine 
building, a bagh, and women's apartments existed there. He repaired all 
the dilapidations in the town wall and in the fort built there by Yakut 
Khan. 

2. Ddim Khan — Islam Khan, chela of Shamsher Khan, chela of 
Nawab Muhammad Khan, had two sons (1) Boshan Khan and (2) Daim 
Khan. The elder brother, Boshan Khan, was one of the courtiers of Nawab 
Ahmad Khan. When Daim Khan was six or seven years old, one day 
Boshan Khan took him in his palki to the Nawab's audience. The Nawab 
asked whose child he was. Roshan Khan replied, that he was his younger 



2879.] W. Irvine — The Bangash JSFaivdbs of Farrukhdbdd. 161 

brother. The Nawab then asked his name, and he was told it was Daim. 
Ahmad Khan said he would adopt him and gave him the titles of 'Azim 
Jang Muhammad Daim Khan Bahadur, but he was popularly known as 
the Chhote Nawab. When he grew up he was married with great display- 
to Muni Bibi, the daughter of Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula. 

In his childhood the Emperor Ahmad Shah had held him in his lap, 
fed him and with his own hand put on his shoulders miniature kettle-drums 
(nakkdrah and daulci), thus conferring upon him the " naubat." 

In 1839 buildings still existed in the city, which had been built by this 
chela. (1.) There was a masonry bridge (known still as " Bul-gulchta"}, 
in the middle of the city, which had stood then the heavy traffic of 
seventy or eighty years. There were also (2) a masonry well with steps 
at the Mau gate, which is still in existence, although out of repair, and (3) a 
mansion within the fort, to the north of the Imambara ; it was afterwards 
occupied by Ahmad Yar Khan Naib (died 9th December, 1839) ; and in 
1839 was known by the name of Himmat Bahadur's house. (1) Daim 
Khan's Mahal-Sarae was at one side of the fort, in the low land, surroun- 
ded by the houses of poor people ; and near it was a private enclosed garden 
(Khdna bdgh). His descendants dismantled the buildings, sold the materials, 
and having consumed the proceeds, handed over the land to cultivators. (5) 
He also planted the bdgh near the Mau gate called the Chahar Bdgh, after- 
wards in the possession of the Nawab Rais, and (6) he planted a bdgh and 
made a masonry well with four runs near the Madar Darwaza, traces of 
which existed in 1839. (7.) There is a Daimganj adjoining the town of 
Chibramau, which he established and named it after himself. 

So long as the parganah belonged to the Farrukhabad Nawab, Daim 
Khan was the nominal manager of Parganah Skahpur-Akbarpur (now in the 
Cawnpur district). Hhejdgir of Pukkrayan in that parganah was continued 
to him by Miyan Almas 'AH Khan, the Audh 'Amil, and it remained with 
the family till it was sold by auction in 1845, in execution of a decree of the 
Civil court. , 

Daim Khan himself paid no attention to business, he left all such work 
to hdrindas who embezzled the money. Nawab Daim Khan would then 
be forced to pay out of his pocket, or woidd beg Ahmad Khan to remit the 
amount. His whole time was spent in taking his ease, in hunting with 
falcons or bajri (a kind of hawk), in shooting tigers, in chita hunting, in 
wrestling or gymnastics, in listening to singing or looking on at dancing. 
Nawab Ahmad Khan had given him lakhs of rupees or goods, by way of 
present, but he squandered it all in his pleasures. By Muni Bibi he had 
three sons : (1) Daler 'Ali Khan, entitled Path Jang, (2) Rustam 'Ali 
Khan, (3) Ahmad 'Ali Khan. Daler 'Ali Khan had a son, Madar Khan, 
who turned fakir and took the name of Mahndi Shah, liustam 'Ali Khan 



1(>2 W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of FarruJchdbdd. [No. 2, 

had no children. Ahmad 'Ali Khan had only one daughter, and she married 
a Pathan of some village near Koil. From Daim Khan was derived 
much of the information recorded by Bahadur 'Ali, joint author of the 
Lauh-i-Tdrikh, his grandfather Sayyad Ghulam Hussain (who died 122G 
H. January, 1811 — January, 1812), having been for forty years in 
Daim Khan's service, and lived at the gateway of his house in Far- 
rukhabad. 

3. Kakhr-ud-daula — He was a chela of Muhammad Khan's time 
(see p. 34G, Vol. XL VII.). He was Ahmad Khan's first Bakhshi, and played 
a prominent part in the later years of that Nawab's life, and in the first 
year of Muzaffar Jang's reign. He was assassinated in 1772-3 and is buried 
in the Biliisht Bagh. 

4. Rahmat Khdn — He was the son of Jahan Khan, chela of Muham- 
mad Khan. He became second Bakhshi. He was fond of men of learning 
and passed his time in fasting and prayer. He was noted for his generosity 
and bravery. 

5. Ildji Sarfardz Khdn — He was the third Bakhshi. He had the 
peculiarity of prefacing every sentence he spoke with the words " B'ism- 
illahr 

6. Ndmddr Khun — No. 29 in list of Muhammad Khan's chelas. The 
fourth Bakhshi. 

7. Mihrbdn Khdn — He held the post of Diwan. He was the son of 
a Bajah whose father, during the Allahabad campaign, presented him to 
the Nawab. He was a poet, had written a Dnvdn and was very eloquent ; 
Wali-ullah gives us a specimen of his poetry. The celebrated poets, Mirza 
Bafi' Sauda and Mir Soz, were for a long time in his employ. 

8. Islam Khdn — At one time he held the office of third Bakhshi. He 
had a house close to the Buland Mahal in the fort (which in 1839 was occu- 
pied by Nawab Tajammul Husain Khan, Zafar Jang). Once Nawab Ahmad 
Khan asked him how many sons he had. Islam Khan replied, that he had 
five, Amana, Karamata, Bakwa, Bahmana, Barhna. The Nawab, out of 
sympathy for his large family, appointed him Faujdar of Kasganj (now in 
the Eta district). Islam Khan started, taking as usual some of the Nawab's 
foot soldiers and a couple of guns. When the money-dealers and land- 
holders came to present their offerings to the new Faujdar, Islam Khan, 
addressing them in full durbar, said he had been sent to procure money, and 
within eight days the monied men must produce one lakh of rupees. Ho 
would give a bond making the money repayable with interest from the in- 
coming revenue. They all began to make excuse. Then Islam Khan set up 
a triangle and had several money-lenders flogged. To save their honour, the 
rest joined together to i>rovide the lakh of rupees. Islam Khan gave them 
a bond for the amount. 






1879.] AY. Irvine — The Bangash Naivdbs of Farrulchdbdd. 1G3 

He then wrote to the Pathans of Mau, Kaimganj and Shamsabad, call- 
ing for men to take service. Any one between twelve and sixty years of 
age might present himself, and the A'mil's message was, that if he refused to 
employ them, on him should be the curse ; if they failed to come, on them let 
it be. In one month he had collected five thousand men. He then marched 
from Kasganj towards Marahra and began to plunder the villages of the 
Hathras* and Mursan Rajahs, f both now in the Aligarh district. The peo- 
ple began to ask what sort of a Tahsildar this was who, instead of looking 
after his parganah, got together an army and went to war. 

It was reported to Nawab Ahmad Khan that Islam Khan, having levied 
a lakh of rupees from the Kasganj money-lenders by threats of imprison- 
ment, had started with an army, and had already plundered the Jat of Mur- 
san. It was said that he had reached Finizabad ;J that he had surrounded 
it with his horsemen and had not retired till he had received twenty thou- 
sand rupees. 

Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a parwanah to Islam Khan by a camel rider's 
hand, saying he had only intended to provide him with enough to live on, 
what was this that he had done ? By entering another's territory and 
plundering in all directions, he had caused disgrace to his master's name. 
Islam Khan's reply was, that the Nawab had no reason to be dissatisfied, 
for in two months he would seat him on the throne of Delhi. His army 
had risen to close upon ten thousand men. 

The Rajah of Hathras wrote to complain of the invasion, and the Nawab 
replied, that the slave had rebelled, and the Rajah should punish him. On 
receiving this reply, the Rajah of Hathras called on the Rajah of Bhartpur, 
a Jat and related to him, for the aid of his troops. The Rajah of Bhart- 
pur sent one thousand men to Hathras. There were several encounters 
with Islam Khan's troops, and numbers were killed on both sides. At 
length Islam Khan's army was defeated, and all his money was used up. 
Then Islam Khan mounted his Irani mare, and rode in one day from near 
Mursan to Farrukhabad. On hearing that he had arrived, the Nawab sent 
for him and enquired why he had behaved like a scoundrel in plundering 
the country. His answer was, that he had determined to take Delhi and 
seat the Nawab upon the Imperial throne, but fate had not so willed it 
The Nawab was forced to smile, and after a long time he was restored to 
his post of Bakhshi. Meanwhile his army, on being left to itself, dispersed. 

They say that this chela was by caste a Kalar (spirit -dealer). His 

* Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 429. 
t Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 435. 

% This cannot be the place of that name between Agra and Etawah, and I know 
of no other. 



TBI W. Irvine — The Bangasli Naiodhs of FarrulchdbdJ. [No. 2, 

five sons adopted the Shia heresy, and two of them were killed at the Far- 
rukhdbad Karbala during the Muharram ceremonies. They were named 
Ibrahim Khan and Rahman Khan (Rahmana). Another son was killed in a 
private quarrel at the door of Rahmat Khan Sawdrah-wdld. The fourth 
died a natural death. The fifth, Aman Khan, was alive when Bahadur 'Ali 
wrote in 1839. 

Islam Khan is said to have been in twelve fights, and he had received 
many wounds. Every day he drank spirits, but in Farrukhabad in Muzaffar 
Jang's time that was thought no fault. If any friend asked him his sect 
he would say, " Besides Allah, I know nothing, and my creed is this ' La- 
" illah-illa-allah, Ahmad Khan rasitl allah,' 1 for has he not made me from 
" a Hindu into a Muhammadan." He was so attached to intoxicating liquor 
that on the day he died, some hour or two before his death, he had a bot- 
tle of spirits and a cup beside him. He went on demanding spirits from 
his sons and drinking. One son said " Khan Sahib, your death is now 
" near, renounce wine, and God will forgive your sins." He said to him, 
" My son, why renounce it now, I never did so when I was well, bring me 
" the wine-cup and fill it to the brim." He drank and shortly after expired. 
As an instance of his freedom of spirit, they relate that he was once sent as 
Kotival to Mau, which he brought into thorough order. One day, however, 
a Pathan attacked him and cut him with a knife. Islam Khan came away 
at once and remarked to the Nawab that his sons-in-law, i. e., the Pathans, 
were coming to take possession of his city and fort. 

9. Dildivar Khan — Called Chunti or the ant, from the extreme iras- 
cibility of his temper. I know not if this is the Dilawar 'Ali Khan men- 
tioned by Kali Rae, (p. 108) who was 'Amil of 'Azimnagar. That man had 
been a Thakur, and was the son of Dhan Singh and the brother of Tej 
Singh. 

10. Sulaimdn Khan — Darogha of camels. 

11. ShujaH-dil Khan — Called Shuja'-ud-daula, who held the office of 
Kbansaman. 

12. Musharraf Khan — Mir Tozak. He was a chela of Muhammad 
Khan's time. 

13. Jowdhir Kh&n — 'Arz Begi. 

14. Bakhl-buland Khdn — Apparently this is the son of Baz Bahadur 
Khan, mentioned by Kali Rae, p. 108, Gaz. IV, G9. 

15. Mubdrilc Khdn. 

16. Bdzid Khdn — Kbansaman. 

17. Sufi Khdn — He was originally Gauhar Singh, Thakur of Daulat- 
abad, Parganah Sakrawah (Kali Rae, p. 138). He held Majhupur in that 
Parganah in j&gvr. 



1879 ] W. Irvine — The Bangash Naivdls of FarruJchdldd. 1G5 

18. Kaifi Khdn. 

19. Jamdl Khun. 

20. Kamdl Khan. 

21. Zardfat Khan TTmrd-zddah — He established a village on the 
road from Farrukhabad to Kanauj, but in 1839 there was nothing left 
standing but a broken masonry gate. 

22. Aftab Khan. 

23. Tdla'ivar Khan. 

24. Shamsher Khan. 

25. JBdra Khdn— Masjid Wala. 

26. Mahtdb KMn. 

27. Pahdr Klidn. 

28. Shddil Khdn. 

29. Bddal Khdn. 

30. Manga I Khdn. 
31* Nelcnam Khdn. 

32. Muzqfar-dil Khdn. 

33. Manavvar Khdn. 

34. Kale Khdn — 'Arz-begi. 

35. Muhammad YdvKhdn — Daipuri. 

Besides these, there were scores of slaves employed in various ways, 
some carried gold sticks, and others coloured bambus. Some were provided 
with caps like those of the Kizil-bdsh or the Faringis. A large number 
were occupied with the cbarge of the war material. Others were personal 
servants, such as abddrs, attendants at the bath-room, keepers of rosaries, 
attendants to help in the ablutions for prayers, for driving away flies, for 
preparing and offering pan, or for carrying shoes. To guard the private 
apartments, where the Nawab slept, was the duty of a trusty servant, Shah 
Beg Khan Bangash. The guards of the inner and the outer doorway were 
Shamsher Kban, Gulsher Khan, chela, and Bakhtawar Khan, chela. The 
command of the fort was held by Mir Muhammad Fazl 'Ali. 



1GG 



"W. Irvine — The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrnkhibdd. [No. 2, 



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167 

Descendants of Ahmad Khan Q-hdlih Jang, second son of Muhammad Khan, 

IV. 

AHMAD KHAN, 
Died 12th July, 1771. 



1, l____ud 

died before 
July. 1771. 



B__mat Bahadur, 

_. -- r: 

Alnsanar Janar, 

died 
SO_l June, 1S2-5. 



__y_Eat-T_L-n___ 

2 :_:__. 

died 

2_fi_.Ap_l, 1843, 

TTnawTn "fTh^Tij 

son of 

221 ."- -r ~- ->. : 
__I _____ai 'Ali 

_____ 
Tonneer son of 



V. 

2. DALEE 

HIMMAT 

KHAN, 

Muzaffar Jang, 

died 
22nd Oct. 1796. 
I 



3. DilDaler 

Khan, 

died ISth Jan. 1800. 



By ___dr- un-nissa. 



YI. 



By TJmrao Begam, 
died 11th Nov. 1810. 



By Achpal Khanum, 
died 4th June, 1843. 



2. Imdid Hussain 

Khan, 

NASXE JANG, 

diedlstKeb. 1S13. 



1, Kustam 'Ali 
Khftn. 



3. 'TTmdah Begam, 

■wife of 
Himmat Bahadur. 



(By Sarfaraz Mahal), d. 24th Jan. 1847. 



4. Fazl-un-nissa, 

m. to 

M. 'Ali Khan, 

eldest eon of 

Dil Daler Khan. 



vn. 

1. Khadim Husain 

SHAUKAT 

JAN'G, 

born 

20th March, 1S03, 

died 

9th July, 1823. 



5. Najfb-un-nissa, 

m. to 
Ahmad 'Ali Khan, 

second son of 
Dil Daler Khan, 

died 
22nd Oct. 1864. 



6. Nawab Begam, 

m. to 

Husain 'Ali Khan, 

son of 

Amin-ud-daula, 

died 
23rd May, 1870. 



7. . Amir ] 

m. to 

Hasan 'Ali Khan, 

son of 

Amin -ud- daula, 

died 
17th Aug. 1842. 




By Sahib 
Begam. 

9. Daughter, 

m. to 
Bu 'Ali Khan. 



1. Muhammad 

'Ali Khan, 

m. d. of 

Mnzaffar Jang. 



4. Sitara Begam, 

wife of 

Mhd. Zaman Khan, 

son of 

Murtazza Khan. 



2. Nasrat Jang, 

died 

■ 28th Feb. 1S35, 

m. to 

Sultan Aliya 

Begam, 

d. of 

Mhd 'Ali Khan. 



3. Kudsiya Begam, 

m. to 
Zahur 'Ali Khan. 



2. Ahmad 'Ali 3. Imdad Husain 4. Himmat 'Ali 5. "Wilayati 6. Daughter 7. Daughter 

Khan, Khan, Khan, Begam, m. to m. to 

alias d. s. p. m. to widow m. to Danishmand Muzaffar 'Ali 

Banarsi, m. to dr. of of his Nawab Nasir Khan. Khan, 

ad 19th Nov. 1840, Himmat Bahadur. brother (No. 3.) Jang, son of 

m. to dr. of died Kutb 'Ali Khan. 

Muzaffar Jang. 13th Sept. 1824. 

I 



1. Muhammad 

Husain Khan, 

d. s. p. 



2. Ahmad Husain 

Khan, 

born 1817. 



(By Mukhtir Mahal) 

Yni. 

TAJ__u_IUIi 
HTSAIN 
KHAN, 

born 
31st Jan. 1823, 

died 
9th Not. 1846. 



IX. 

TAFAZZVL 

HUSAIN 

KHAN, 

born 

-26th Oct. 1827, 

8. 4th Dec. 1846, 

exiled 1859. 



Fazl Husain 'Ali 
Khan, 
d. s. p. 



Sakhiwat Husain Turab-un-nissa 

Khan, Begam, 

hanged m. to 

15th Jan. 1858. Ahmad Husain 

I Khan. 



iBdJcir Husain 

Khan, 

born 1857. 



3. Firuz Jang, 

born 1801, 

died 

25th July, 1878, 

s. p. 



Ahhar Husain 

Khan, 

born 1841. 



4. Sultan Aliya 

Begam, 

m. to 

Nasrat Jang, 

son of 

Nawab Nasir 

Jang, 

died 

10th Aug. 1864. 



5. Daughter, 

m. to 

Tajammul Husain 

Khan, 

son of 

Husain 'Ali Khan, 

son of 

Amin-ud- daula. 



6. Jahan Begam, 

m. to 

Dilawar Jang, 

son of 

Husain 'Ali Khan, 

son of 

Amin-ud-daula. 



Husn Ard 
Begam. 



(By Ealkus Zamaniah alias Bigga Begam.) 



(By Nishat Mahal.) 



Afzol Husain 

KbaTij 

born 
1st Jan. 1849, 

died 
7th Nov. 1871. 



Asghar Husain Ashraf-un-niss; 



begam, 

d. 8. P . 

12th March, 1875. 



Muzaffar Husain 'Indyat Begam, 
Khan, m. to 

Mirza Sikandar 
Bakht. 



Daughter. 

Name wi7cnoion t 

m. to 

Daler Jang, 

son of 

N. Husain 'Ali Khan, 

son of 

Amin-ud-daula. 



W&jid Husain 
Khdn. 



A wjad Husain 
Khdn. 



Alchtar Husain 



Asghar Husain 
Khdn. 



Zahur 'AH Khan, 

m. to 

Kudsiya Begam, 

d. of 

Nasir Jang. 



Daughtei', 

Balkus Zamaniah 

alias 

Bigga Begam, 

m. 1st to 
N. Tajammul 
Husain Khan 
and 2ndly 
to 
Nawab Tafazzul 
Husain Khan. 



Inuldd Husain 
Khdn. 



;_ _*_nnn_t S__br_ti_.) 

. . , '/."hr Big'),/:. 

died 



Note. — The names in italics are those of persons still alive in 1879. 



1879.] W. Irvine — Tlte Bangasli Naimls of FarruMdbdd. 



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170 



W. Irvine — The Bangasli Nawdbs of FarmkhdbdiL 



Genealogical Table of Safdar Janfs family. 
Yusuf Turkman^ 



Shall Jahan. 
Bidagh Shall. 

I 

Hasan 'AH Mirza. 



Mansiir Mirza, 
(who removed to Naishapur from Tabriz.) 



Muhammad Kuli Beg. 



Muhammad Shafi' 
Khan Beg. 



Mirza 

Muhsin 'Izzat-ud-daula, 

m. sister of 

Nawab Najaf Khan, 

died Rabi II, 1162 H. 

(March— April, 1749.) 



Muhammad Kuli Khan, 

(Naib of Allahabad, 

1760—1761,) 

m. daughter of 

Burhan-ul-Mulk. 



Fatima Begam, 

m. to 
Mirza Isma'il, 

brother of 
Najaf Khan. 



Mirza Amani 

Asaf-ud-daula, 

died 1798. 



Mirza, 
Wazir 'Ali Khan. 



Ja'far Khan Beg, 

m. sister of 

Burhan-ul-Mulk 

Sa'dat Khan. 



Mirza 

Muhammad Mukfm 

Safdar Jang, 

m. daughter of 

Sa'dat Khan, 

Burhan-ul-Mulk. 

died 1753. 



Jalal-ud-din Haidar,. 
Shuja' -ud-daula, 
died Jan. 1775. 



Sa'dat 'Ali Khan, 
died 1813. 



1879.] F.S.Gvowse—T7ieSectofthePrdn-ndt7ns. 171 



The Sect of the Prdn-ndthis. — By F. S. Geowse, Bengal Oivil Service, 
m. a. Oxon., c. I. E. 

The small and obscure sect of the Pran-nathis is one of the few, of 
whose literature Prof. Wilson, in his Essays on the Religion of the Hin- 
dus, was unable to furnish a specimen. This I am now in a position to 
supply, having obtained while at Mathura a copy of one of the poems of 
Pran-nath himself, from the sole representative of the sect in that city. 
It is very curious, both from the advanced liberalism of its theological ideas 
and also from the uncouthness of the language, in which the construction 
of the sentences is purely Hindi, while the vocabulary is mainly supplied 
from Persian and Arabic sources. The writer, a Kshatriya by caste, lived 
at the beginning of the 18th century and was under the special patronage 
of Chhattrasal, the famous Raja of Panna in Bundelkhand, who is com- 
monly said by the Muhammadans to have been converted to Islam, though 
in reality he only went as far as Pran-nath, who endeavoured to make a 
compromise between the two religions. His followers are sometimes called 
Dhamis, from Dhdm, a name of the Supreme Spirit or Paramatma. Like 
the Sikhs and several of the later Hindu sects they are not idolaters, so far 
that they do not make or reverence any image of the divinity, but if they 
have any temple at all, the only object of religious veneration which it 
contains is a copy of the works of the founder. His treatises, — which, as 
usual, are all in verse — are fourteen in number, none of them of very great 
length, and bear the following titles : 1, The book of Ras ; 2, of Prakas ; 3, 
of Shat-rit ; 4, of Kalas ; 5, of Sanandh ; 6, of Kirantan ; 7, of Khulasa ; 8, 
of Khel-bat ; 9, of Prakrama Illahi Dulhan (an allegory in which the Church 
or ' Bride of God' is represented as a holy city) ; 10, of Sagar Singar ; 11, 
of Bare Singar ; 12, of Sidhi Bhasa ; 13, of Marafat Sagar ; 14, of Kiya- 
mat-nama. The shortest is the last, of which I now proceed to give the 
text, followed by an attempt at a translation, which I am afraid is not 
altogether free from error, as I am not much versed in Koranic literature 
and may have misunderstood some of the allusions. The owner of the MS., 
Karak Das by name, though professing so liberal a creed, was not a particu- 
larly enlightened follower of his master, for I found it impossible to con- 
vince him that the I'sa of the Koran, so repeatedly mentioned by Pran-nath, 
was really the same as the incarnate God worshipped by the English. Like 
most of the Bairagis and Gosains with whom I have talked, his idea was 
that the fiery and impetuous foreign rulers of the country were Suraj -ban- 
sis, or Descendants of the Sun, and that the sun was the only God they 
y 



172 F. S. Grouse— TJie Sect of the Pran-natJus. [No. 2, 

recognized, as was evidenced by their keeping the Sunday holy in his 
honour. 

But without further preface to proceed to the text of the poem. It 
stands as follows : — 

ii ^tifi: ii 

^re ^nct m inffrT sits: i 

%%<?t^ vwtf* ^h i 
^f\xt wr ^ gsfa ii \ ii 
«It %ts qre ^*RT re*;^re | 
et? *%t tr s?ftrafc 11 
wre*Ri*rre ^% *rfa i 
TOK *T<t Wt ^rra ii ^ || 

^rN; nrafti*t 5h??:?rtsr 11 
^ ^JlTl^ ^t$ w^i^f i 
sRci*^ t^iret *raifa II ^ II 
far f^f tret *rar *te i 

^R %WT% tl^t W II 

^W tret wte ^%*r i 

3^ %t* f^^fai ^rlt *re II a II 

"W 3itT STl^t ^TT iTflT i 

fsreri ^rt^TcT^T snt*: ^w 11 
melons 3rex ^*re ^T^l^r i 
fom renrc ^rei^re || ^ || 
*Rit ft'<& ^rt ^re*wT*r i 
siw ^^tIt *gft *f?r ii 
%t w tret ^ n^ff i 
£ fw^TK %&$ f^fcf ^itf ii i II 

ciw i^f^fT srer ^t$ *ct ii 
% f^raf mi Tmrt *it i 



1879.] F. S. Growse— The Sect of the Pran-ndtMs. 173 

% fojTTCi htt<t srann *n% I! « II 

$ f^rari ws Vm(Z *ri% i 
sftwsrr sfT^ 3sfr mt ii « II 
$ %t 3T*r ssrreit ^rrtt I 
fcT^ *nrafc ^r^ srft II 

ssri trw^n* w^e? ^T^rfa II £ 11 
sTTfre: wt^t wre %r *Hi i 

^cf^ »t *ft^ *TTcT II \° II 

ssfte snt^t ^3^ §tr *%t i 
ssr hv thrift ^rw^ w ii 
j^w^tct ^i'ft *rri%T vk i 
fa^ q& wi\ trr% m ii \\ ii 
^riffl^m^rif w$[ ^ i 
$ STR Mt f^r ^ II 

fw *3 ^f^ii vwifa ii \^ ii 

$ fom ffa ftrm^ ^ftT i 
«ftemf f%r^T^:T%t *rro 11 ^ 11 
^ ssrr w£tF$ ^rte j;j7m i 

5Era%T* TO ^^T ^lt*T || 
»rc it ^irr ^rt^ff sntft I 

ft* f^T ^T f^cf U^ || ^8 || 

%t ^rr^r%t Tt% *T5n? 11 
%^r| ^ flpr %^ i 
%t sri*<ft w^ ^ ii ^ || 



174 F. S. Growse— The Sect of the Prdn-ndthis. [No. 2, 

cIMUrt ^THTcf 5^JT g^TC It 

% ^T^r to m^n ^m*r « l^ if 
W3% ftm^ wiih: wt ii \*> it 

*fc <J*T %cT 3T#fit ^Ri^f I 
^ 3*T #^I f^l% lifa II 

way *ira<i% *r" i 
^iw wt ^k ^ITC t W || \£ » 
siw ^jNt w&$ f^i% I 
<ftxr ^ft ^ f^f% II 
^ftm ^t^t ft ^ft «**IM i 

g*r T5T?t ^^ fw% lit I 
<n% m *n%3 ^nm *n% ii 
fsR%t %%% mw*: slier i 

% *^ WTC'fft f^TTcT || ^ II 

^ftm 3kt%m^ SnF^fa ii 
fcj^rat ^t g*r%t irft ^^ it ^ it 

XTC^T f^nZJT WTO fs^ft **tf I 

to *srr*7T m% it% h 

%t ^=fl*ci m? ^sft'^T: ii ^ it 



1879.] F. S. Growse— The Sect of the Prdn-ndthin. 175 

%t m w&$ *?N^t% mcwn 11 ^e n 

'JWra'Kt ^fT^TT S^ II ^1 II 

wr% ^rc^t iNrcsr i 
*rere?i imss %r^t ^r ii 

ffom «t ^^ t%^ ii r< n 

%T SSTO ^% f^I ** I 
f^TT TT^t T tn& W* II 

ifr€%f f%wr ^^Ml^: i 
<tt%t fe%t *rsT tnrc || ^ II 

*& 3i^pi%T WS&t ft^fc II 

%t ^re% *^t f ^ ii ^ ii 

51^ ^i% W TST %TC I 

sn^" *3W sr^t ^;^' i 

*R pTClt **M ^riflf II ^£ II 
^ ^R»fi 5^1OTWI 

km m^zfil *%wi ^imk 11 
^x?^t ^Mt swfi ^r i 
spa *r *zfrt %t* ^r ii v ii 
w( f%cn% ^* sns I 
sr^ iw *T^t fanft *tN ii 
^t ^rercT ^tc ^ *fi}^ I 
*fit ?w fhn £% ^ ii ^ n 
^t sni^w ^t toh i 



176 F. S. Growse— The Sect of the Prdn-ndthis. [No. 2, 

STTO ^t$ ^TSWTT TOT || ^ || 

sra aff^M^T fw%\ fa^rre it 
*^ts: g^T^t ^^ts: t% i 

■J J J 

^ ^sr gg«RiT ftrc %t ii ^ it 

^ q*Wt SrnN" SPE7T I 

^r^rt*T ^m\ ^ %=f wcr ii 

$ fkm 3W fw^ i 

SI% ^TCST ^Rfa% ^ II ^8 II 
%«TcI3i^% cft^T ci=h<l< I 
ifMIt *fi5TC% ^TC3T5IK II 

^ froi ^5i^ ^ I 

%^t«t ^n^% *n% ^^ || ^1 || 

ifc ^cTCt W^ 'fSITC I 

fji^T fte *n[ fa«i< ii 

WRH f^TT *n%^ T^i Traf I 

w* ^TT^tft s*t% srre ii ^< II 

aarc *<$[ % ^ftff sjsrc ii ^* ii 
^rk ^%% ftrorc^f %t fwt I 

^T g%T W TTlt t^t II 

snt^t g(i^t ^ %re i 

STO ^TO^T 3rft$ %TC II ^<= II 
^PJ %T %nr %T% VW ^«TcT I 

t^ jiit* tr *tre<r ii 

%fl qETCiT JWH II ^£ II 
I^^RJT^tT ^f(T M^\ §W I 

vt% **fa ^t^tjit %re: ii 
fti ^fm %wl *n%^ i 



1S79.] F. S. Growse — Tie Sect of the Trdn-ndthis. 177 

cf? %T SflfT ^JT^JT Wi II 8° || 

*m *M^t sr ^t %t|; ii 
% fe^ ^ift% m$. I 

*^*IW *J ^t ^R^ II 8\ II 

5f ^ II $T 8\ II ^TFTcRWT^T SRTO cWfa || * || 

The day or Judgment. 

Go tell the chosen people ; Arise, ye faithful, the day of judgment is 
at hand. I speak according to the Kuran and make my declaration hefore 
you. All ye heads of the chosen people, stand up and attend. The Testa- 
ment ( Wasiyat-nama) * gives evidence : Eleven centuries shall be com- 
pleted after the blessing of the world by the Kuran and by him who was 
merciful to the poor. A voice shall come from the tabernacle and Gabrielf 
shall take them to the appointed place. For three days there shall be 
gloom and confusion and the door of repentance shall be closed. And what ? 
shall there be any other wayj ? Nay, no one shall be able to befriend his 
neighbour. § 

Say now what shall be the duration of this life, and what the clear 
signs of the coming of the last day. Christ shall reign for forty years, as 
is written in the 28th sipara. Hindus and Musalmans shall both alike 
bring their creed to the same point. And what shall come about, when 
the Kuran has thus been taken away ? this is a matter, which I would have 
you now attentively consider. 

When 990 years are past, then the Lord Christ will come. This is 
written in the 11th sipara : I will not quote a word wrongly. || The Spirit 
of God (i. e., Christ) shall be clothed in vesture of two different kinds ; so 
it is stated in the Kuran. This is in the 6th sipara ; whoever doubts me 
may see it there for himself. These now are the years of Christ, as I am 
going to state in detail. Take ten, eleven and twelve thirty times (that is 

* Wasiyat-ndma is, I believe, a general name including both the Kuran and the 
Hadis, which together make up the Muhammadan rule of faith ; but I have not been 
able to trace the particular tradition, to which reference is here made as specifying the 
exact number of years that are to elapse before Christ's second coming. 

f Gabriel is accounted God's ordinary messenger, but here I should rather have 
looked for Israfil, whose duty it will be to sound the trumpet at the last day. 

J Eeves may possibly stand for ravish,. 

§ Khes is for khivesh, a kinsman. 

|| In spite of this emphatic assertion, the quotation would appear to bo incorrect, 
for the 11th sipara contains no such prophecy. 



178 F. S. Growse— The Sect of tie Prdn-ndtlus. [No. 2, 

to say, 10 + 11 + 12 x 30 = 990). Then Christ shall reign 40 years. 
The other 70 years that remain (after 990 + 40, to make up 1100) are for 
the bridge Sirat. The saints will cross it like a flash of lightning ; the 
pious with the speed of a horse ; but as for the merely nominal believers 
who remain, for them there are 10 kinds of hell ;* the bridge Sirat is like 
the edge of a sword, they fall or they get cut in pieces, none cross over. 
This is stated in the A!miyat-salun ; go and look at it carefully. The 
statement is clear, but your heart is too blind to see it. Christ stands for 
10,f the Imam for 11, and in the 12th century there shall be the perfect 
day-break. This is written in the Am sipara, which is the 30th. 

When Christ, Muhammad and the Imam are come, every one will come 
and bow before them. But you should see not with the eyes of the body, 
but after reflection with the eyes of the soul. Azazil saw in person, but 
would not bow to Adam. Though he had done homage times without 
number, it all went for nothing. When they saw his pride, J the curse was 
pronounced and he became an outcast. Then Azazil asked a boon : " Adam 
has become my enemy. I will pervert the ways of his descendants and 
reign in the hearts of them all." Thus it was between Adam and Azazil, 
as is clearly stated in the 8th sipara. You take after him in sense, but 
what can you do, since you are his offspring. You look for Dajjal§ out- 
side, but he sits at your heart, according to the curse. 

You have not understood the meaning of the above : listen to me now 
with the ears of the spirit. In like manner as He has always come, so will he 
come again. All the Prophets have been of Jewish race — look through them 
with the eyes of the soul — that is, they have sprung from the midst of Hin- 
dus, whom you call Kafirs. Search now among your own people ; the Lord 
has never been born among them. The races, whom you call heathen, will all 
be sanctified through him. The Lord thinks scorn of no man, but is com- 
passionate to all who are humble. A veil is said to be over the Lord's 
face. What, do you not know this ? By the veil is meant ' among Hin- 
dus' ; mere reading does not convey the hidden intention ; if you look only 
to the letter, how can you grasp the spirit ? Thus is declared the glory 
of the Hindus, that the last of the Prophets shall be of them. And the 
Lord Christ, that great Prophet, was the King of the poor Jews. This is 
stated in the 5th sipara ; if you do not believe me, go and examine the 
Kuran yourself. It is also stated in the Hindu books that Budh Kalanki 
will assuredly come. When he has come, he will make all alike ; east and 

* This is the Hindu computation ; the Muhammadans reckon only seven hells. 
f This is intended to explain the curious calculation given above, ten, eleven and 
twelve multiplied by thirty. 

\ A'kur here would seem to stand for ahamkar. 

§ Dajjal, here the spirit of evil generally, is properly the name of Antichrist. 



1879.] F. S. Growse — TheSectofthePrdn-ndllUa. 179 

west will both be under him. Some one will say, ' Will both be at once ?' 
This too I will clear up, explaining the intention to the best of my ability ; 
without a guide you would not get at the truth. Kalanki, it is said, will 
be on a horse — this every one knows — and astrologers say that Vijayabhinand 
will make an end o£ the Kali Yug. Now the Gospel says that Christ is 
the head of all, and that He will come and do justice. The Jews say, that 
Moses is the greatest, and that all will be saved through him. All follow 
different customs and proclaim the greatness of their own master. Thus 
idly quarrelling they fix upon different names ; but the end of all is the 
same, the Supreme God. Each understands only his own language, but 
there is no real difference at bottom. All the Scriptures bear witness that 
there are different names in different languages ; but truth and untruth are 
the two incompatibles, and Maya and Brahm have to be distinguished from 
one another. In both worlds there was confusion ; some walking by the 
law of Hindu, others by the law of Muhammadan ceremonial. But know- 
ledge has revealed the truth and made clear both heaven and earth : as the 
sun has made manifest* all creation and harmonized the whole world : so 
the power of God bears witness to God ; he speaks and all obey. All who 
perform acts of religious worship, do them to the Lord ; the word of the 
Most High has declared it so. It is written in the third sipara that he 
opened the gates of the highest heaven. 

The Lailat-ul-Kadr (or night of power) has three contentions : on the 
third dawn the judgment will commence. The spirits and angels will 
appear in person, for it was on that night that they descended : f the bless- 
ings of a thousand months descended also. The chiefs will be formed into 
two companies ; God will give them his orders and through them there 
shall be salvation. This is abundantly attested by the Kuran ; the state- 
ment is in the Ina-anzal-nd Chapter. After the third contention will be 
the dawn ; in the eleventh century it will be seen. 

And what is written in the first sipara ? you must have seen that. 
They who accept the text kun are to bo called true believers. Now if 
any one is a true believer, let him bear witness and prove the fact. Put off 
sloth j be vigilant ; discard all pride of learning. J He who hears with 

* For Tcheldya I propose to read khuldi/a ; but even so, the meaning elicited is 
not very satisfactory. 

t The allusions are to the chapter of the Kuran called the Surat-ul-Kadr, which 
is as follows : " Verily we have caused the Kuran to descend on the night of power. 
And who shall teach thee what the night of power is ? The night of power excelleth 
a thousand months ; therein descend the angels and the spirit by permission of their 
Lord in every matter ; and all is peace till the breaking of the morn." 

X The text kun is the parallel of the Mosaic phrase, " And God said ' Let there be 
light,' and there was light," 



180 



F. S. Growse — The Sect of the Frdn-ndthis. 



[No. 2, 



perfect faith* -will be the first to believe. Afterwards -when the Lord has 
been revealed, all will believe. Heaven and hell will be disclosed, and none 
will be able to profit another. Lay your soul at your master's feet ; this 
is what Chhattrasal tells you. 

* Ealclc-iil-YaMn, 'perfect faith,' is faith without seeing, which alone is merito- 
rious ; for all who see must perforce helieve. 



JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 



Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e. 
NO. III.— 1879. 



Hough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar * — 
By Lieut. R. C. Temple, 1st Goorkhas, (with two maps). 

I was employed in foraging in advance of General Stewart's Division 
during the march back from Kelat-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar, 1st to 10th Febru- 
ary 1879, — afterwards in taking a convoy of camels to Col. Patterson's recon- 
noitring expedition down the Arghisan valley, 13th to 23rd February, and 
these rough notes are the result of such information as I had time to pick 
up regarding the population of the villages I passed en route. At the foot 
of the Maps accompanying these notes, I have given a list of the villages 
inhabited by the various tribes of Afghans found in those parts so that the 
reader can see for himself how they are distributed ; but the following addi- 
tional notes may prove useful. 

Nearly all the Afghans living in the Kandahar district are Duranis of 
the Pdpalzai and Barakzai sections. Of these the Popalzais mainly occupy 
the valley of the Tarnak as far as Shahr-i-Saffa and the Barakzais the 
whole valley of the Arghisan to Maruf. Beyond Shahr-i-Saffa (now mere- 
ly a ruined mound), as far as Jaldak in the Tarnak valley, the Alikozai 
section of the Duranis is found ; the Ghilzais not being seen till the neigh- 
bourhood of Kelat-i-Ghilzai is reached. 

* The local pronunciation of this word is as nearly as possible Kandhar, the second 
syllable which probably really exists between the d and the /* being- so short as to be 
scarcely audible. [It is commonly identified with the Sanskrit Gandhdra (a^j^) ; Ed.] 
z 



182 K. C. Temple— Houg h Notes on tie Distribution of [No. 3, 

As may be supposed, a large city like Kandahar has attracted Afghans 
of all kinds of tribes to itself, and in its neighbourhood is found one Kakar 
village, Malang, but it is a small one. The Mdmands again have a large 
village which has lately changed its site, as the name, Koneh Momand, of 
some neighbouring ruins testifies. 

There is a large colony of Ghilzais* about 6 miles from Kandahar 
owning some eight villages about Taraki Kulachaf which is, as its name signi- 
fies, a hamlet of the Taraki section of the Ghilzais. Sayads are found 
scattered about in this as in other parts of Afghanistan. The hamlet of 
Sayad Mohammad Shah is, or rather was, the residence of the late Wazir 
of the Amir in these parts. And lastly colonies of one section are found 
scattered here and there in the country of another. The villages of Tang 
(Popalzai), Khaugani Karez (Khugianis), Makian (Makus), in the midst 
of the Barakzai villages of the Arghisan valley, are cases in point. 

With these exceptions the population of both the Tarnak and Arghi- 
san valleys respectively, as far as Kelat-i- Ghilzai and Mariif, are Durani 
Pathans of the Popalzai, Alikozai and Barakzai sections. Near Kandahar 
villages of mixed populations are common, such as Deh-i-Khoja, which I have 
set down as being Popalzai, and Shahzada which I have called Ghilzai, mean- 
ing of course that the bulk of the population is Popalzai and Ghilzai respec- 
tively in each, but further up the valleys, mixed villages are not often met 
with. 

Numerous subdivisions or septs of the main sections of Dm-anis are 
found in the above villages. Of the Popalzais I was told the following 
lived about the Kandahar district : — 

1. Sadoza's, (in Pungi). 

2. Bamezais. 

3. Noazais, (in Kadanei valley towards the Khojak Pass). 

4. Madozais. 

5. Marsingzais. 

6. Klianzais. 
• 7. Ahibzais. 

Of the Alikozais, the following : 

1. Sandarzais, (in Arghisan Valley). 

2. Karazais. 

3. Nausazais. 

Of the Barakzais, the following : 

1. Mohammadzais. 

2. Sulimanzais. 

* This word is usually pronounced locally Ghilzai, but sometimes Aghalzai. 
f Kala means village and Kulacha little village or hamlet. 



1879.] the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 183 

3. Khunsezais. 

4. Baianzais. 
Of Panjpao Duranis : 

1. Alizais. 

2. Nurzais. 

3. Khiigianis.* 

4. Makus. 

5. Sagzais. 

The above subdivisions are not all to be found in the official list of the 
subdivisions of the Afghan tribes, in which the Sadozai andBamezai sections 
of the Popalzais are the only ones given,while no subdivisions are given in it of 
the great Barakzai section, and the three subdivisions above given of the 
Alikozai section differ in name from the three given in the official list. The 
acknowledged imperfection of the official list and the great number of sub- 
divisions, into which every tribe or even section of a tribe of Afghans is 
split up, would easily account for my names varying from those found in it. 
I asked a great number of questions regarding these subdivisions, and as 
far as I know, the above information is correct. 

One curious point turned up during my interrogations. Several of those 
I questioned would not acknowledge the Achakzais as Duranis, though of 
course there can be no doubt as to their being so, while they admitted the 
Kakozai and Achalzai subdivisions of the Achakzais into the Barakzai section. 
I saw no Achakzais about Kandahar, though the Kbojak Pass is held entirely 
by them.f The Sagzais found in the Arghisan valley are not mentioned in the 
official list of the Panjpao Duranis. But 1 was assured, they were Duranis 
and neither Popalzais or Barakzais, but of a lower descent, i. e., they were 
Panjpaos. If not a section of the Panjpaos, they are probably a subdivision 
of one of the sections. J 

As regards the pronunciation of the names, the termination zai is some- 
times pronounced almost as zo'i (two syllables) especially in the Arghisan 

* This name is pronounced Khaugan in the Arghisan valley and their village 
called Khaugani Karez (the name Karez, being given a village, does not now argue the 
existence of a Karez in its neighbourhood, it is merely an affix), similarly the Makus 
are called Makians and their village Makian. The term Panjpao is usually also pro- 
nounced Panjpae about Kandahar. 

t The Achakzais are said to have been originally part of the Barakzais who were 
separated from them for political reasons. Mir Aslam Khan the Sirdar or chief of the 
Achakzais calls himself Abdal ? Abdali = old name for Durani. 

% Duranis are divided into Zirak Duranis with 4 sections, Popalzais, Alikozais, 
Barakzais, Achakzais, and into Panjpao Duranis with 5 sections, Nurzais, Alizais, 
Ishakzais, Khugianis, Makus. The Zirak descent is considered by far the most honor- 
able. 



18-1 R. C. Temple — Rougli Notes on tie Distribution of [No. 3, 

valley. The name I have given as Pungi has a very peculiar pronunciation 
like Pungai, and a similar sound is heard in Lande Karez, as if it were 
Ldndai Karez. The sound Nejoi is also peculiar in the o which is softened 
almost to the German 6, as if it were Nejoi. Khel-i-Akhund is also called 
Khel-i-Akhwand. Deh-i-Nao is often called Nao-i-Deh or Navvi Deh 
(= new town). Beyond the extremely guttural sound of the Pushtu con- 
sonants, heard in these words, there is little to be noticed but the following. 
Saifu-1-lah is pronounced often as Zaipullah, Zanghir Khan as Tanghir 
Khan, Khunsezai as Khunchazai.* 

There is considerable difficulty in discovering the name of a villagef for 
the following reasons : — A village may be called by six different names by 
guides ; those thoroughly acquainted with the locality would recognise it by 
any one, others less well acquainted will only know it by some of them. Thus 
a village may be called (1) after the district or tract of land in which it is 
situated. Takht-i-pul is such a name, Mel Manda is another ; villages ten 
miles apart are all called Takht-i-pul or Mel Manda, simply because they are 
situated in the tracts so named. (2) It may be called after the section of the 
tribe which inhabits it, thus Barakzai ; (3) after the subdivision, thus Khun- 
sezai or Muhammadzai ; (4) after its late owner if recently dead ; (5) after 
its present owner ; thus Kala-i-Nur-uddin Khan merely means Nur-uddin 
Khan's village and the owner's is usually the proper name of a village ; (6) 
after its own name. To give an example the village, marked Amin Kala on 
map No. 1, was named to me as Barakzai, Muhammadzai, Amin Kala and 
Latif Khan. Latif Khan is its present owner, Amin Khan was the late owner ? 
Muhammadzai is the subdivision and Barakzai the section of the tribe in- 
habiting it. It will be easily seen that the more general of these terms are 
known at a distance, while the more specific ones only in the immediate 
neighbourhood of a village — and this is what one has to look out for in ask. 
ing the way on the march, especially as a guide or passing villager thinks he 
has done quite enough, when he has given any one of the names by which a 
village may be designated. Complicated as this system of nomenclature 
looks, it is natural enough in a country where the individual occupies such 
an important part in men's minds, and nationality so little. It is not diffi- 
cult to deal with in practice, after a slight knowledge of the country is ac- 



* Further back in the Pishin tho same peculiarities are observable. Thus Arambi 
is pronounced almost as Arambae. Mt. Chapar is called Mt. Sapar and the Zhob valley 
tho Job valley. Awalfa or Aulia is the name of a malik in the Pishin. 

f Villages arc also constantly changing their sites, which renders a survey, which 
is correct for a certain year, very far from being so afterwards. 






No. 1. 
SKETCH MAP 

Showing Villages about 

KANDAHAR 

From Observations will a Prismatic Compass, during February lS 79 : in Tamak VaUey during Advanced 
Expedition, isl Division, Kclal-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar: « Arghisan Valley during Reconm,tnng ExpedUu 



Foraging 




Scale ZZ&IBiMU.-xlo Ihv IncJi 



Distribution of the Populatic 



Deh-i-Nio. 

Abd-uMVahib. 
Shakaiganj. 

Kala-i-Aiim (Tamak V.) 
Khuthib. 
Heh-i-Khoja. 

Gulistin. 



(Ji 


Naib Sulldn. 


a o, 




Z<% 


Kala-I-Rnhmin. 


Ijjj 


Knb-i-Aiim (Arghisan V.) 


Abu. 


Pf 


Pfr Ddd, 

Ali Ahmad Khan, 

Madaiim K'liin. 




"ll 


I'lr MuhammanJ Khan. 




Alxl-ut-lah Khin. 


| 


Amln Knla. 




Shah Muhammad. 


~. 


Saif-uMnh. 




Znnghii Khin. 




Muhammad Khan. 




Nirim-ud-Din Klidn. 




llaianiii. 




Kak-i-Nur-ud-DIn Khin. 



■S3 IE 



Deh-i-Hiji, Aliiais. 
Kilak Did, Nunais, 

Mikian, Mikua, 
Khnugimi Korfz, Khugiinis. 
SagKii, Sigials. 
Tataki Kulichn. 



Molang. 

Mom and. 

Sy.nl Muhnmmnnd. 

Land* Kbit. 

Kdii Khii. 

Kulacha-i-Syad Muhammad 



anjpio. 



No. 2, 
SKETCH MAP 

Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Valleg. 
(In Continuation of No. I.) 




Distribution of the Populatio 



Khcl-i-Akhui 
Ksla-i-Amlr. 

Khiniiai. 
Zakariah, 
Barnaul. 






SwrKsu 



f fills 8 Xdn-i-Sber Alt, 
°--g| I"" 1 Sokhin. 

Hablbullah. 

Jalaugir, 

AyAz, 

ftmnil Khin. 

Nausazai. 

Kikut. 

LiluV. 

Sher Muhammad 

Jaldak, 

SanJariai. 






1879.] the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 185 

quired, but it accounts for the great apparent discrepancy in names and 
distances met with on maps and in routes.* 

I may here remark on the names Khojak Pass — Roghani Range — 
Khoja Ainran Range, found on the maps as representing the celebrated hills 
dividing the Pishinf and Kadanei valleys. Locally the names Khojak, 
Roghani, Khoja Amran are unknown as designating any set or range of hills ; 
in fact neither the Achakzais nor the inhabitants of the Pishin (Tor Tarins) 
have any general name for the hills ; but every peak, spring, stream seems to 
have a special local name, often but little known, as might be expected among 
such a people as the Afghans. Khojak is the name of the Khojak river, 
the bed of which forms the Khojak Pass : J similarly Roghani is the name of 
the Pass so called, not of any hill, while Khoja (or more properly Khwaja) 
Amran is the name of a peak in the Gwaja Pass ; on its summit is a 
cemetery, so it is possible that Khwaja Amran was a Pir or saint when alive. 
Gaz (not Dahagaz as the maps have it) is the name apparently of the 
line of hills separating the Shalkot (Quetta) and Pishin valleys through 
which the Gazarband Pass runs, but this is the only line of hills which has 
a general name as far as I can understand. Chiltan (or Chiltan) to the S. 
of Quetta, Takatu, Zarghun, Pil, Kand, names along a line of hills running 
successively northwards from Quetta and visible from the Pishin valley, are 
names rather of snowy peaks than of ranges. Chapar again is the name of 
a high rounded snowy peak, behind these again, but visible from Pishin. 

* The village of Marsingzai is also frequently called Maisingi ; and Tajao is the 
proper name of the village usually called Zanghir Khan. Sagzai is also frequently 
named Torakhar, pronoiinced also Toragar (the black rock), from the hill in the neigh- 
bourhood where there is a convenient place for a camp. 

t Pronounced Pishin in the neighbourhood, not Peshin as it is usually spelt. 

% Machka is the name of a stream joining the left bank of the Khojak about 6 miles 
from the summit of the Pass, and Shal of the place marked " Camping Ground" in the 
maps about 4 miles up the Pass from Kala Abdullah Khan. There is a perpetual spring 
of water there. 



186 B. Baidyopadhyiiya — Ilamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 



Hamir Rasa, or a History of Ilamir, prince of RantJiambor. Translated 
from the Hindi. — By Brajanatiia Bandyopadhyafa, Jeypore. 

Author's Preface. 

In the beautiful town of Nimrana there reigns a Chohan prince, 
named Chandrabhan, a descendant of the celebrated Prithviraj. He is 
religion itself. His subjects, consisting of four castes, live in peace and 
plenty. He is called the emperor of Eat. Born in a clan illustrious for 
noble and heroic actions, he has inherited most of the virtues of his glori- 
ous ancestors, and his mind is naturally inflamed by the passion of hearing 
their exploits. Once, seated on the throne in regal state, he ordered me to 
compose for him an account of the battles fought by Hamir Chohan with 
Ala-uddin, Emperor of Delhi. " Tell me at length," said the Maharaja, 
" the battles which were fought between Hamir and Ala-uddin, and the 
causes which led to them." 

I am by birth a Gaur Brahman, descended from the Rishi A'ttreya. 
I was born at Bijawar, in the province of Bat. My name is Jodhraj, and 
that of my father Balakristma. I am a pandit and poet. My knowledge 
of astronomy and astrology has raised me to the highest rank in the royal 
court. Baja Chandrabhan is very kind to me. He has given me houses, 
horses, clothes, wealth and property, so that all my wants are relieved and 
desires satisfied. In obedience to his orders I undertake to write in poetry 
the details of the history of Hamir. 

Chapter I. 

[The work opens with a brief resume of the Pauranic cosmogony ; 
and then gives the following account of the origin of the Agnikula Ksha- 
triyas, to which caste the hero of the work belonged.] 

Parasuram slaughtered the Kshatriyas twenty-one times in order to 
revenge himself on Sabasra Arjun, the murderer of his father. He filled 
a tank with their blood and offered it to his dead father, whose thirst was 
thereby satisfied. None escaped from his scimitar, but those who were very 
humble, who held each a stalk of grass by the teeth as token of submission, 
and who took to the guise of women. Boys, eunuchs, old men, and those 
who put ten fingers within their mouths, those who left their swords and 
fled away, and those who fell down at his feet, were also spared. He con- 
tinued carrying on the work of destruction until his ancestors appeared, 
blessed him and told him to put a stop to further massacre and bloodshed. 
He then ceased and went to a jungle to pass his days there in penance. 



1879] or a History of Hamir, prince of Rantliambor. 187 

For a time there were no Kshatriyas, none able to protect the land and 
the holy Sastras. Eakshasas increased in number, the Vedas were trampled 
under foot, and every form of Hinduism was forgotten. These Eakshasas 
began to oppress the people in various ways, so that there were no longer 
castes and orders in society. Such being the case, all the holy sages were 
filled with anxiety. They consulted each other and came in a body on Abu 
where, in a cave, lived the mighty Paras uram. When all the gods, Nagas 
(serpents) and men had assembled, they devised a plan to extirpate the 
Eakshasas. Brahma and Vasishtha met. The latter erected an altar. A 
pit was dug in the midst of it, and fire kindled. All other holy sages came 
to the spot. They contemplated on Siva, who made his appearance. His 
hair was matted, he wore a crown and bore ashes rubbed on his body. The 
Ganges flowed and murmured over his head, serpents hissed, and ghosts played 
and danced around him. The sages stood up and prayed. " Stay here with 
us, gracious Siva, otherwise we shall never be able to complete our sacrifice." 
The rites of sacrifice were begun, the Vedic mantras were chanted, 108 kinds 
of offerings and waters from all the sacred rivers were brought. All things 
were ready. No sooner a column of smoke rose in the air and the chanting 
of Vedic hymns was wafted, than all the Eakshasas came, in order to pollute 
the sacrifice. They made various endeavours towards that end. Now it blew 
a storm ; anon it rained in torrents Blood, flesh, grass and other rub- 
bish were thrown upon the altar. Then all the holy sages — Dvaipayana, 
Dalbhya, Jaimini, Lomaharshan, Bhrighu, Pulaha, Attreya, Gautama, 
Garga, Sandilya, Bharadvaj, Biilakhilya, Markandeya, Ushana, Kaushika, 
Basant, Mudgala, Uddalaka and Matanga, with Vasishtha at their head, 
complained to Brahma and Siva. Again, an altar was erected, a kuncl dug 
and purified, fire kindled, and every rite of sacrifice begun. Hymns of the 
Saina Veda were sung. All of a sudden sprang four warriors with swords 
in hand from the kuncl. These fought with the Eakshasas and defeated 
them. All the sages went to the north-western corner of the Arbad Gir 
(Abu) and came to the cave where the great Parasu dwelt. They asked his 
benediction on the newly-created heroes. He granted the request. The 
goddess Sakti was invoked. She appeared and blessed them. Their energy 
was like fire, their eyes red like the rising sun shot forth courage, their 
foreheads shone like flames, and their crowns sparkled. They frowned, and 
the devils shook with fear. 

One of these Agnikulas (fire-born) was named Chohan. He had 
four arms, all equipped with the weapons sword, bow, dagger and knife. He 
joined his hands and said to Brahma : " What is the purpose of my crea- 
tion, lord ?" " Hear, my son," replied Brahma, " do what Bhrighu tells you." 
Bhrighu ordered him to kill all the Eakshasas. " Sakti is with you to defend 



188 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Ilamir Hdsd, [No. 3, 

you," said he. " She has ten hands well armed with weapons of attack 
and defence ; she rides on a lion and wears a necklace of human heads. All 
the holy sages worship her ; so do not fear, brave child, but fight with a 
heart of steel, braving all dangers for the cause of your religion." 

The Rakskasas were cut to pieces. Their blood ran in torrents. 
Those who escaped fled to the infernal regions. In times of peril, Sakti 
protected the Hindu champion from all dangers. Every time he fell at her 
feet, his strength and energy were doubled, and he rushed at the ranks of 
the devils and put them to the sword. The goddess is called Asdpuri, be- 
cause she fulfilled the hope of the holy sages, and by that name is worshipped 
by the Cbohans to this day. 

After many generations, Raja Jeyat Chohan was born in the village of 
Barbagao. He was learned, benevolent, generous, wise and handsome. Raj- 
put heroes of the thirty- six clans always waited on him. Minstrels sang of 
his glory and heroism. His energy increased like the heat of the morning 
sun, and he was feared by his enemies both by day and night. He was very 
kind to the poor, he relieved their wants, the moment he heard their com- 
plaints. 

Once the Rao was out in a forest on a hunting-excursion, accompanied 
by all the skilful huntsmen in his territories. He saw a white boar and 
pursued it very closely. It ran into a dense jungle, which was full 
of windings. He was separated from his train. The figure of an 
ascetic met his view. Rishi Padam, the best of all sages, sat there, engaged 
in deep contemplation. The prince left off chasing after the game. He 
fell prostrate before the sage, joined his hands and thus began to pray : " I 
am very fortunate, that I am able to see thee. My sins were forgiven 
me the moment I looked on thy body. Protect me, bless me, O thou 
merciful one, have mercy on me. I am ever the object of thy care, O 
thou, who art an ocean of virtues, I bow down before thee. Thou art the 
possessor of unfading beauty, all-wise and all-powerful. The great name of 
Rama is always on thy lips. All the ages dwell in thee, and thou givest 
the three worlds what they wish for. Thy austere penance has made thee 
almost equal to Vishnu, Siva and Ganesa. Place thy hand on my head, 
O lord! and bless me." The sage was greatly pleased with the Rao's 
prayers. He blessed him. " Build a fort yonder on the hill, my son," 
said he, "dwell there and worship Siva." 

When Raja Jeyat returned to his capital, he called a council of his 
ministers and vassals and consulted all the learned astrologers of his court. 
A lucky hour was fixed to lay the foundation-stone of a town and that of 
its fort. The time was 7.30 in the morning of Saturday, the third of the new 
moon, the day of the feast of Alcsliayaya Trih'yd, the moon being on the 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 189 

sign Mitlmna, in the month of Vaisakha (April) . Offerings were made to 
Siva and Ganesa, and large sums of money distributed among the Brahmans. 

The newly built town of the Bao was full of temples and squares. It 
resembled Amaravati, the city of Indra. The temples were very beautiful, 
lofty, and decorated with screens of lattice-work. Expanding flags, glit- 
tering kalasas, lofty gateways, were abundant in every place. The 
front doors of shops, facing the street, were ornamented, and the walls 
adorned with pictures. Handsome women, rivalling Bati, the wife of Kama- 
deva (Cupid), gave beauty to the scene. The gates of houses, the seats on 
either side of them, and the balconies were very exquisitely made. Perfumes 
of various kinds filled the air with fragrance. All the four castes and 
A' s rams lived there in happiness, each following its own profession. The 
people were all of a forgiving nature, kind, charitable and hospitable to 
strangers. The splendid town was named Banthambor. 

All the Bhils, inhabiting the mountain fastnesses, readily acknowledged 
the power of the Bao and recognised in him their sovereign. It is said that 
Mahadeva, being pleased with his devotion, appeared before him and blessed 
him, saying, "Beign in glory, my son ; reign as long as your virtues enable 
you to do so." 

A very curious story is told of the erection of the fort. The wall of 
the portico fell down as often as it was raised. The Baja was struck with 
wonder and was extremely anxious to find out the cause of this mysterious 
occurrence. At last, finding all resources fail, he summoned up all his 
corn-age and said — " Let me die, for my death alone can give stability to 
the wall." He seated himself at the foundation, ready to carry out his 
desperate resolution, when Bavana and Basava, two warlike and loyal 
Bhils, exclaimed — " Bao Jeyat, the fort is ours, although you have a 
nominal title to it. You are but our guest. The fort is emphatically ours. 
It behoves you, therefore, to cut off our heads and raise the wall upon them." 
Bavana said, " Only look after my son Bhoj." The brave Bhils were 
beheaded, their heads placed as foundation-stones, and the wall built thereon 
became as firm and lasting as a rock. The fort is said to have all the 
advantages of position and to be impregnable to an enemy. It stands 
to this day in all its majesty, a monument of the martial tact and skill 
of the ancient Bajputs. 

The austere penances of the sage Padam greatly frightened Indra. His 
throne shook. In fear he sent Cupid to allure the sage. The god of love 
with his seductive train appeared before the saint. Spring bent his bow, and 
shot arrows drawn from his quiver. The apsaras danced, and Kinnaras 
sang. Their captivating strains charmed not only men, but even the gods. 
The forest became full of flowers and bees, cuckoos and peacocks. Tha 

A A 



100 B. Bandyopadbyaya — Scmir Sdsd, [No. 3, 

sweet note of the cuckoo caught every heart and inflamed it with ardent 
lust. But the soul of the sage could not be moved. The beauties of 
spring had no effect upon it : it remained as firm as a rock. 

Spring failed. Cupid gave orders to summer. The earth became 
hot with the sun's vertical rays. The Rishi opened his eyes. He saw, 
Very near to him, a shady banian tree with spreading branches, a beautiful 
pond full to the brim, a very handsome building wherein sat a troop of 
heavenly maidens singing soul-enchanting airs and revelling as they liked? 
with a cool, soft breeze blowing and scarfs flying round about their 
persons. He saw Rambha, and Urvasi braiding their hair before a mirror and 
rubbing their bodies with musk, camphor, sandal- wood paste, saffron and other 
perfumes. The daughters of Gandharvas and Kinnaras, dressed exquisitely, 
were entertaining one another by placing garlands of flowers, each on the 
other's neck, smiling and darting quick glances on the sage. But the Rishi 
closed his eyes and became lost in contemplation. 

Summer failed. Then the rainy season came and bowed before Cupid. 
Dark, heavy clouds hung on the air. It became intensely dark. Cold winds 
began to blow from all quarters. The flashes of lightning were seen on 
the sky, thunders roared, the gates of heaven were opened, and rain poured 
forth in torrents. The kaldpin (thrush) and the papiyd filled the air 
■with their melody. The nymphs of Cupid sang sweetly as they waved to and 
fro in the swing. Now it rained fast, and they in a hurry began to run hither 
and thither before the sage. A gust of wind blew. It removed their fine, 
loose clothes, displaying their persons of roseate hue which none can see 
without falling entangled in the snare of Cupid. The bees hummed, the 
frogs croaked, and heavenly nymphs rivalled one another in the art of 
fascination. Divested of their clothing they danced, they sang, they played 
at balls, they made garlands of flowers and threw them at each other ; they 
cast sidelong glances which, like arrows, pierced the heart of gods ; they 
laughed, and their gentle laughter thrilled in every pulse and brought on a 
fever of love. Yet the soul of Padam could not be moved. 

The rainy season failed. Cupid said, " Let autumn go and allure 
the sage from his austere penance." The autumnal clouds were seen 
hovering on the sky. All the rivers and tanks, being full of transparent 
water, reflected the rays of the sun, bearing on their broad bosoms lotuses 
of different colours. The pretty kingfisher, the humming bee, the ducks 
and the reflections of the moon were dancing round about the white 
lotuses. The earth wore a bright dress and looked like a matron in white. 
The jassamine was in blossom. The celestial nymphs sang, taking in their 
hands the bows and arrows of Cupid. The soft strains of their songs, wafted 
by a gentle breeze, wounded the hearts of those whose lovers were not at home. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 191 

The lamp of the sky shone, and the coolness of night enraptured the 
heavenly beings of both sexes. In all the charms of uncovered beauty, each 
of the bewitching nymphs began to take a bath in a pond close to the sage. 
They, in a body, looked at him, and their looks were full of lust. Now they 
danced, now tliey swam, now they glanced with pride on their own persons. 
Tufts of hair fell on their cheeks ; they seemed as if a number of black 
serpents had assembled to suck nectar from their cheeks. Yet the soul of 
the sage could not be moved : its firmness remained unshaken. 

Then came with fury the severe winter. Snow began to fall and all 
creatures to shudder. The nymphs were in the arms of their lovers, and 
each pair looked as if made of one piece. The dashing Urvasi came to the 
sage and asked him for shelter ; but her charms availed her nothing, and 
thus was winter defeated. 

Then came with pride the season of dew and bowed before Cupid. 
The vegetable kingdom wore a green dress. The mango and kadamba 
looked merry in full blossom. Three kinds of breezes began to blow. The 
creeping plants eagerly embraced trees. The earth became covered with 
rich verdure. All was life. The branches of trees hung down laden 
with fruits and flowers. The bees began to hum all around them, awaken- 
ing the softer passions in the hearts of all creatures. The nymphs 
laid aside their modesty and began to beat drums, sing and dance. Saffron 
and red powder (abir) they threw at one another. Intoxicated with lust 
the nymphs began to celebrate the great festival of Soli. [Here follows 
a glowing description of the festival as celebrated by the nymphs of 
heaven, which we omit.] The queen of the heavenly nymphs, Urvasi, ran 
away in feigned fear at the fall of a ball on one of her cheeks. She passed 
by the sage smiling gently, singing and dancing. Now Cupid applied the 
arrow named unmtul to his bow. The bees began to hum, and three kinds 
of breezes blew. The bolt was shot at the breast of the father of 
all Rishis. His eyes opened. Another arrow was shot ; his heart wandered. 
He saw the nymph and became greatly delighted. She ran to throw a 
handful of the red powder and a ball at him. He rose, he played, he 
embraced her. She captivated him and his reason gave way to passion. 
She darted quick glances at him, and they like arrows struck his heart. She 
pressed sweet kisses on his cheeks, and he felt a fever of love. Thus 
succeeded the season of dew in alluring the sage from his austere penance. 
The latter lost his reason and thought Urvasi to be his own, but the 
nymph vanished, triumphant at her success. Stung by separation, he 
breathed his last in the month of Magh in Samvat 1110, the moon being 
on the sign Adra. 

The body of Ala-uddin was made of his head, that of Hamir of his 
breast, and those of Muhammad Shah and Mir Gabru of his hands. 



192 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 



ClIAPTEK II. 

In the fort of Ranthambor Hamir Chohan was born to Rao Jeyat at 
midday, on Sunday, the twelfth of the wane, in the month of Kar- 
tika, Samvat 1141.* All the members of the royal family were greatly 
delighted. A sumptuous feast was given to all the Brahmans of Ajmer 
and Chitor, and large gifts were distributed among beggars, minstrels, 
musicians, and others. Rejoicings prevailed in the city. It happened 
that on the birthday of the child a servant was polishing an iron pot 
with a stone taken at random from the ground. The pot turned into 
gold. The man was greatly surprised. He took the stone to the king 
and informed him of its quality. It was predicted of Hamir that he would 
wage a terrible war with Ala-uddin Khilji, of Dehli. He was married to 
Asa, the beautiful daughter of Rao Puar of Abu, and, on the death of 
his father, ascended the throne of Ranthambor. 

The great Ala-uddin was born a contemporary of Hamir. It is said 
that the princess, his mother, seeing the newly born babe very ugly and ill- 
shaped, commanded a nurse to carry it away and replace it by a child of 
handsome appearance. The nurse obeyed her orders, and thus was the 
boy, who was to be an emperor, brought up in the nursery of a carder. His 
foster-father called him Ala-uddin. In the days of his boyhood he would 
sometimes play at king, making of his playmates, one the vizier, another 
the Bakshi, a third the attendant. He would dismiss some and appoint 
others. While in the king's palace, the son of the carder would play at his 
father's profession. 

Ten miles to the north of Dehli there was a temple of the Sharaoji 
sect of Buddhists. A widow, daughter of a merchant, used to visit it 
every day. Once Parasnath, the principal tirthankar, appeared and in 
heavenly accents said — " Daughter, I am pleased with thy vows ; blest 
be thou with the enjoyment of two sons." 

The woman replied — " Lord, I am but a poor widow, and therefore if I 
should be brought to bed of a child, it would bring a stain upon my name 
and that of my family." 

The heavens opened and the following words were heard. " None 
shall be able to perceive thy womb. Thou shalt be delivered of twins 
at the time thou dost please to appoint. They will be very rich, and their 
names will spread far and wide." 

* This date, as also the one on the preceding page, is wrong. According to 
Muhammadan historians the siege of Ranthambor took placo in A. D. 1299-1300, and 
according to the Hamir Rasa (infra, p. 203), Hamir was at the time twenty-eight years 
old, so he must have been born in Samvat 1328, Saka 1193 and A. D. 1271. Ed. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ilantliambor. 193 

All was profound silence. There was none but a carpenter at work 
on the outside who overheard this prophecy. He thought that a very 
fortunate mother the widow would be, and so if he could seduce her and 
take her away from her parents, he would indeed be very happy. In the 
disguise of a merchant he came every day to the temple. Many days after, 
having availed himself of an opportunity, he said, " Virtuous woman, you 
are blessed, for you walk in God. If it please you, my rath (carriage) is 
at your service." The widow thanked him for his kind attention, and, 
believing in the honesty of his purpose, accepted the favour. Many days 
passed away. The carpenter said, " Merchant's daughter, a pious and 
devoted visitor of temples should appear before her gods in her best dress, 
and wearing ornaments." The widow not anticipating any evil, com- 
menced doing so. By and by he gained her confidence so much that he 
succeeded by cunning in taking her to the city of Ujjain in Malwa. He 
made her a proposal of marriage, which she rejected with scorn. " You 
have brought me," said she, " away from my parents ; very good, but I 
will never consent to your marrying me." When the lady's jewels and 
ornaments, the means of their support, had been all sold, the carpenter ad- 
dressed her — " Merchant's daughter, do you remember the sound which 
you had the good fortune to hear while in the temple of Parasnath ?" 

The widow replied, " Yes, I do." Immediately after, she fell on her 
knees and prayed to Parasnath, when lo ! by the command of the god she gave 
birth to twins of very handsome appearance. One of them was named 
Basanta Pal, and the other Tej Pal. Accidentally the mother found a very 
large pan of gold and diamonds buried under ground. Fortune smiled on 
her from that moment, but she did not let the carpenter see her babes. 
One day at the eager and humble request of the man, the twins were shown 
to him, but alas ! poor creature ! the very sight of them brought on instant 
death. 

When the twin-brothers grew up to boyhood, they insisted upon their 
mother telling them, although she was very loth to do so, where their father 
was. As soon as they had the knowledge of their miraculous birth, they 
thought themselves to be the favourites of fortune and set about their 
business with redoubled energy. On attaining majority they, with all their 
treasure and establishment, removed to Dehli. There they began to carry 
on mercantile transactions, and, by giving very handsome nazzars, rose to 
the notice of his majesty the emperor. But all other Sharaojis of the 
city looked upon them as aliens, and therefore did not allow them to take 
part in their social festivities. However at a meeting of that sect on Grinar, 
they were, on the testimony of the Sharaojis of Ujjain, received into caste. 
It was proposed to build two temples on that memorable spot. 



191 B. Bandyopadhyaya — ILimi'r Hand, [No. 3, 

A few days after returning to Dehli, the merchants called a pandit to 
search for a lucky hour in which to lay the foundation-stones of the temples. 
The pandit replied, " I shall tell you the time, but it is no use your building 
the temples, because an emperor has been born who, it is predicted, will pull 
down all the sacred edifices to the dust." The merchants, said " Where 
lives such an emperor ?" " In a carder's house, playing in the dirt," 
was the pandit's reply. The merchants were shown the house. They filled 
two silver plates with mohars and, placing two diamonds on them, presented 
them to Ala-uddin at the playground. Thereupon the boy said — " See, Sirs 
I am but a poor carder. I need not such valuables. Pray, take these to the 
prince in the royal palace." The merchants replied " You are our prince, 
the sole master of our lives and property." Ala-uddin looked pleased. He 
kept with him only the diamonds and divided the mohars among his play- 
mates. Then said he, " How do you know, merchants, that I am your 
prince ? Who told you so ?" " A pandit" was the merchants' rejny. 

Ala-uddin. — " Bring the pandit to me, and without delay give him 
these silver plates." 

Accordingly the merchants took the pandit to Ala-uddin, who asked 
him as follows : 

Ala-uddin. — ' Brahman, are you sure that I shall be an emperor ?' 

Pandit. — ' Yes, certainly I am. May it please your Royal Highness to 
grant the request of the merchants.' 

Ala-uddin. — ' Merchants, what do you want to be done ?' 

Merchants. — ' We beseech your Royal Highness to give us permission 
to build two temples.' 

Ala-uddin. — ' Never can I grant such an unreasonable request. I 
have made it a point in my life to pull down all temples to the dust. The 
gods have unjustly cursed me by throwing me into such a miserable state, 
and I will drain the last drop of my blood in wreaking vengeance on 
them. But as you have done me honour and made me aware of what I shall 
be, I feel bound to make an exception in your case. Go and build the 
temples, but on their roofs raise mud-walls to the height of a cubit and a 
quarter. Those walls shall I pull down, when I shall set out on a crusade 
against gods and their holy buildings.' 

The playmates of Ala-uddin, when they returned home from the play- 
ground, told their parents, how their Alia distributed mohars among them 
and ordered the merchants of Ujjain to build temples. On hearing this 
news the emperor had Ala-uddin brought to the palace, while the boy who 
had been brought up there was sent to the carder's hovel. 

Ala-uddin married the daughter of Bubak Shah of Kandahar. A year 
after his marriage, he ascended the throne of Dchli. It is written that he 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Banthambor. 195 

besieged eighty-four forts and captured them. In the course of taking 
a certain fort, a devil was made a captive by four warriors, and a bastion 
was, by the command of the emperor, raised over his head. In the dead 
of the night, while all was still, a sound came : " Ala-uddin, Ala-uddin, 
mighty monarch, dost thou presume to keep me buried for ever under these 
walls ? huge pillars are but as hairs on my head. Release me, or this very 
moment I am free and thy bastion broken.' 

Ala-uddin. — " Rest, unquiet spirit, I give thee the entire right over 
the throne of Suleman." 



Chaptee III. 

Once the emperor Ala-uddin intended to go out for a hunt. Uaudds 
were mounted upon elephants, and many noble steeds saddled. All the 
vassals, then present in the imperial court, with all their retainers and 
acquaintances, marched, each wearing his hunting dress. Numerous heroes 
strutted along with an important air, some restless in pride, others advanc- 
ing in solemn gait. Trumpets, drums and other musical instruments 
were sounded. Ala-uddin took with him a queen, who in beauty and fascina- 
tion could well be compared with the fairy Urvasi of heaven. She charm- 
ed him, as the white moon-beams charm the eager chahor, and the pretty 
lotus binds the bee in love. Packs of dogs, leopards, hawks and other 
beasts and birds of prey followed the hunters. Thick columns of dust rose 
high up in the air and hid the sun. The loud sound of the drums seemed, 
as if peals of thunder were heard from the dark clouds of the rainy season. 
Numbers of horses ran briskly and passed off like meteors. The imperial 
veterans clad in mail, began to play at arms, wrestle, bend their bows, adjust 
arrows and display their skill in various kinds of heroic feats. 

At last the hunters entered a forest. They saw that it was very deep, 
and that profound darkness reigned over it, and heard the murmuring of 
rivulets and the rushing of springs. 

[Here follows a description of an intrigue between Chimna Begam 
and one Muhammad Shah, which we omit.] 

The queen confessed her guilt, but the emperor doted upon her and, 
fearing lest the execution of the Sheik should be followed by suicide on 
her part, exiled him, saying, " Be gone, Sheik, be gone for ever from the 
confines of my dominions. I will kill the man who may chance to give 
thee refuge. Thou art deserving of the gallows. Muhammad Shah, there 
is no one on earth who is so bold as to shelter thee from my anger, thee 
who hast wronged me. I will circulate what thou hast done to the four 



196 B. Bandyopddhyitya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

corners of the world. Dost thou know any prince or emperor who can 
promise safe-keeping to a culprit banished my territories ? Canst thou tell 
me his name who is mightier than I, and to whose door thou dost intend 
to go seeking protection ? There is no place on this wide earth, but Mecca, 
where thou canst be safe from utter ruin and destruction." 

The Sheik having joined his hands, replied, " Mighty is the father of all 
creatures. The fertile earth is never barren of heroes. I shall go to the 
court of one who will, I am sure, receive me hospitably and challenge you 
to fight with him." Then bowing he continued, " I will never return 
to Dehli and bow down to you again with prayers for shelter, but meet you 
on the battle-field and show you my skill there." 

Muhammad Shah returned to his house, sad at the thought of parting 
from his dear friends and relatives. He went to his brother Mir Gabru to 
bid him farewell. " "Why are you sorry, brother ?" asked the latter. " Has 
any one done you wrong ? Tell me. My heart burns with anger." " My doings 
are my enemy, dear Gabru" replied Muhammad Shah. " I am no longer 
destined to eat and drink here in Dehli. How can I then live here, and 
who on earth can keep me within the city wall. Think on these things 
and be silent." 

These words struck Mir Gabru as thunder. Immediately he fell in 
a swoon. Muhammad Shah consoled him in various ways, saying, " Do not be 
sorry, brother ; serve his Majesty, the emperor, and live in peace and plenty." 
" Then go to Mecca, dear Muhammad Shah," replied Mir Gabru, " or live 
with Hamir, if that generous Bao will give you house and shelter." 

The Sheik went, leaving the confines of Ala-uddin's dominions. He 
took with him twelve companies of soldiers, five elephants, carriages, ser- 
vants and young male and female slaves. Numerous camels followed his 
train, laden with fine looking tents and furniture. His wife went with 
him. On his way, he used to hunt deer wherever he made a halt. His 
men were all of one mind with him. 

A confidential herald named Sultan Khan was sent with the exile to 
report on his whereabouts, and to inform the potentate, who might chance 
to give him shelter, of the cause of his banishment. 

Muhammad wandered far and wide, but nowhere could he find refuge. 
He went to the courts of almost all the princes, both Hindu and Musalman ; 
but none dared to protect him, and thereby incur the displeasure of Ala- 
uddin. At last he intended to go to the durbar of Hamir and arrived out- 
side the walls of Kanthambor. He saw the strength of the fort, the height 
and inaccessibility of the hill upon which it was situated, and various indi- 
cations of the might of its royal master, and became full of delightful 
assurance of his warm reception there. When his horses and elephants 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Rantliamhor. 197 

had been tied, he took his meal. A carpet was spread in his tent, whereon 
sat his heroes, ministers and friends. They were asked to go to the Rao 
and inform him of all particulars. He said " First tell him my saldms, 
next the events which have led to my banishment ; tell him that if it please 
him to meet me, I shall wait on his royal presence. You shall be able to 
know by these statements how virtuous and religious he is. Look at his 
features and examine them with care." 

The heralds met with a warm reception. They informed the Rao of all 
things as they had happened. The latter asked, " Is the Sheik safe, is he 
well ?" He was delighted and sent his son to call the exile to the fort. 

Muhammad Shah started dressed in his best clothes to wait on Hamir. 
He took with him five horses, one elephant, one bow of Multan, made of nine 
pieces of buffalo horn, a sharp sword, a beautiful palanquin, two pieces of 
ruby, a necklace of pearls, two hawks and two hunting dogs. His escort 
went on foot. The train stopped at the principal gate of the fort, awaiting 
orders. Some nobles of the royal court were sent to receive the Sheik. 
They took him to the audience chamber of the Rao, who, with all the mem- 
bers of his council stood up, embraced him and enquired after his health. 
The Sheik touched the Rao's feet with both his hands and stood up, having 
joined them in submission. After having offered him the costly presents, he 
said, " Grant me shelter, generous Rao, shelter me in my distress. I have 
gone to the courts of the kings of Kandesh, Kabul, Multan, Kashmir, 
Guzerat, Gandwana and Bengal, but none has dared to receive me : they all 
have tried to get rid of me, the sooner the better. I am at your mercy, 
noble lord, save me in this extremity." 

Hamir replied, smiling, " So powerful is Ala-uddin that none has ven- 
tured to shelter you from his anger. Live here safe, Sheik, live here within 
the fort, under the shadow of my protection. I, Rao Hamir, will defend 
you, even if my defending you should cost me my life. Need I tell you 
more?" He accepted the presents and thus spoke out his mind — "I will 
give up my body, wealth, fort and kingdom, but be sure, Sheik, the emperor 
will never be able to get you." 

" May it please you, mighty Rao," said the Sheik, "to consider all 
the consequences that will follow, before you promise me safe-keeping. I 
have wandered far and wide over India and seen that almost all the Khans 
and Sultans, Rajas, Raos and Ranas fear the power of Ala-uddin. He said 
at my parting, that if in any part of this wide world, supported by Shesh, any 
one should give me protection, he will cut him in pieces. He who incurs his 
displeasure must not hope for life. Promise me safety and have the glory of 
keeping a houseless and helpless creature with you, after having fully con- 
sidered all these particulars." " You need not warn me," replied Hamir, 

B B 



198 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Ilnmir Rasa, [No. 3, 

" of the danger I would expose myself to by giving you refuge, and thereby 
provoke my anger. I have spoken my mind, and do you think I can retract 
the words which I have once said ? The descendants of the Chohans are 
never false to their promise. My firmness in acting up to what I have 
determined to do can never be shaken by the love of life and self-interest. 
Be patient, Sheik, and live here without fear. The mountains may move, 
and the polar star leave its fixed place, yet be sure, Muhammad Shah, the 
honour of my resolution can never be violated It stands in unfaded glory 
for evermore." 

The following presents were made to Muhammad Shah ; a bow, golden 
ornaments, a necklace of pearls, a turban set with diamonds, and a 
shawl. A jaghir worth five lacs of rupees was also given him. A 
noble palace was appointed for his residence. The Council broke up with 
great joy and excitement. Muhammad Shah went to his new mansion, riding 
on a horse. His heart became easy at the sight of various comforts which 
were stored there for him. Then the Eao gave a grand feast to him and 
his companions. 

The imperial herald, who had followed the Sheik to the fort, addressed 
himself to .Hamir — " Do not give shelter to Muhammad Shah, great 
Bao, because by doing so you will incur the displeasure of the most 
powerful emperor in the world. The mighty Ala-uddin is an inspired 
warrior. If the weak match with the strong, be sure, prince, they will 
come off the losers. Listen to my words, attend to my advice. You are a 
descendant of a family which has played an important part in the history of 
your country. Why leave an ocean big with invaluable pearls and rubies for 
a worthless tank full of mud and weeds ? What qualities has this Sheik ? 
See, he has left all his possessions for the vile enjoyment of a female. I 
know that you are familiar with all princely principles ; one of them is, 
' Let a man die, if his death alone can ensure the safety of a family ; forsake 
a house, if its destruction can save a village ; let a city go to destruction, 
if by leaving it you can preserve the welfare of a country.' Why do you 
push all souls to death for the safety of one, and that one an ungrateful 
wretch, having neither reason nor conscience. Your refugee is the vilest of 
all creatures. He had not even the slightest scruple to defile the bed of his 
master. Think, before it is too late. The anger of Ala-uddin is like a 
red flame of fire which burns all that come in contact with it. His power 
destroys all who have the rashness to incur his displeasure. See, even the 
gods have fled away, leaving their temples. On the other hand, if you do 
not give refuge to the Sheik, your friendship with the emperor will become 
stronger and stronger every day. Why drop poison in a pot full of nectar? 
You will have to pay very dearly for your folly. Consider, therefore, now 



1879.} or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 199 

in time and get rid of the Sheik as soon as you can. See, Ravana con- 
quered the three worlds and had perfect control over the gods, men and 
serpents ; but when he made Raghunath his enemy, the splendid and 
strong fort of Lanka was sacked, burnt and pulled io the dust. Who can 
subdue Ala-uddin ? If you think you can, you will certainly be destroyed." 
Hamir. — " herald, I can never lie. See what will be the condition 
of that poor, deserted man, if I deny him protection. I will draw my 
sword in the teeth of all difficulties, fight with Ala-uddin and crush his 
pride. Either I shall be transported to heaven a little early, or continue 
reigning in my fort of Ranthambor. Go, thou messeuger, and tell the 
emperor that the Sheik is safe under the roof of Hamir Chohan, and that 
preparations for war are being made within the fort." 

The herald went to Dehli and, having joined his hands and bowed down 
to Ala-uddin, thus prayed, " Dreaded Majesty, the Sheik Muhammad Shah 
wandered far and wide, over the northern, the eastern and the southern 
parts of India, but nowhere did he find shelter. At last he went to Ran- 
thambor and humbly prayed to the Rao of that place, who took pity on him 
and promised him safe-keeping within the walls of his fort." 

Vazir Miliram Khan. — " Never has the Rao done so. How can he, a 
vassal to his Majesty, afford house and shelter to one banished the domini- 
ons of his lord and master ? Never say such words again." 

Herald. — " Vazir, my words are not false, but true to the letter." 
Ala-uddin. — Write a firman to Hamir, and then you shall be able to 
know whether he speaks the truth or falsehood. 

Accordingly a firman was written and sent by the same herald to 
Ranthambor. 

'Firman. — " Hamir, be not obstinate ; yield ; do not give asylum to a 
thief. I am called the master of Dehli, and you are a mere Rao. What 
can you hope to gain by incurring my displeasure ? Why make yourself 
culpable ? Take as much land and gold as you wish for. Send back the 
criminal to me, the moment you read this firman." 

Hamir 's reply. — " Attack me, fall upon me, but I will never send you 
Muhammad Shah. I have promised him shelter, and for the monarchy of 
all the world, I will never break my word." 

The emperor's blood boiled. He rebuked the Vazir for denying the 
truth of the herald's statements. Another firman was written and sent to 
the Rao. 

Firman.—" How many forts, have you, Hamir, and how strong are they, 
that you are so proud and stubborn ? Consider, know that I am a gifted 
nero. Send the Sheik. Be reasonable." 

Hamir 's reply. — " Your Majesty need not send me so many firmans. 



200 B. Bandyopadhyaya, — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

I will never set aside my resolution. How can I deliver into your hands 
the man whom I have promised safe-keeping ?" (To the herald.) " Go to the 
emperor and say to him, that if it be possible for the sun to rise in the West 
and the waters of the Ganges to flow from her mouth to the source, then 
will it be possible for Hamir to violate what he has deliberately resolved 
upon. I rule over the territory given us by the sage Padam. When the 
time appointed for the destruction of my fort will arrive, none shall be able 
to avert its fate. What is not fated to be, will never come to pass ; while 
what is fated to be, must happen. Wealth and death are in the hands of 
God, then why fear men ? I have given my word to the Sheik, and how can 
I forsake him ? To be faithless to a refugee goes hard against the virtues of 
the Kshatriyas. I will never join my hands and bow down before Ala- 
uddin. If he fall upon me, I will fight ; I care neither for my life nor 
kingdom." Hamir added the following words to his letter : " Far from me 
be the thought of sending you Muhammad Shah, I will never send you 
even his picture. These are my true words, true in every respect." 

The emperor, on reading the reply of Hamir, became very angry ; but, 
at the request of Mihram Khan, the prime-minister, a third firman was, in 
consideration of his religion, sent to Hamir. 

Firman. — " Thousands and tens of thousands of men like you are lick- 
ing the dust of my feet ; many brave heroes, such as you, have I have brought 
under subjugation. Rule in safety over the territory of Ranthambor. Why 
stake life and kingdom for the sake of a villain ? Come with him and meet 
with me. You are my servant, and so shall you ever remain although you 
fall not at my feet. If you continue to persist in your unwise resolution, 
I, emperor Ala-uddin Khilji, do promise to burn you and your house to 
dust. Do not be obstinate, Hamir. Why try to wake the sleeping Gan- 
ges — disturb the peaceable state of things ? My anger is like a red flame 
of fire which burns mountains and forests. The Rajas of the four quarters 
of India pay me tribute. Who dares oppose me ? Can a tank be equal to a 
river ? No it never can." 

H.amir's reply. — " Logs of wood are burnt to ashes by fire, but water 
can put it out, however strong it may be. Listen, emperor Ala-uddin, all 
must live their time. Who can kill a man when he is not fated to die ? 
If I send the Sheik to you, the sun, a witness of my promise, will be 
ashamed of my cowardice and villainy. I, Rao Hamir Chohan of Rantham- 
bor, do hereby declare that I will never violate my promise. Come, lose no 
time, march and fall upon me." 

Then went the imperial herald dejected to Dehli. He said, " Mighty 
monarch, Hamir of the fort of Ranthambor does not care at all for your 
power. His cavalry, infantry and heroes are numerous. Besides, firmness 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 201 

in keeping their resolution is a hereditary virtue of the Chohans. You 
have conquered the whole world and made many potent chiefs and monarchs 
powerless and humble before your rod, but now Hamir matches with you and 
challenges you to fight with him. Either he or you must be victorious. I 
have advised him many times as to the folly of his keeping the exile under 
his roof. He frowned, his blood boiled with anger, even at the mention of 
the name ' Muhammad Shah.' ' I shall fight with the emperor, face to face,' 
said he ' and cut the imperial forces to pieces. Then at last I will offer my 
head to the great Mahadeo, that my glory may be sung in the worlds 
below and the heavens above. I have made a resolution. How can I break 
through it ? I do not fear the anger of Ala-uddin, I do not fear his massive 
arms, I do not fear his fury, nay I do not fear death, but I fear dishonour, 
and above all, I fear staining the virtues of my renowned ancestors.' " 



Chapter IV. 
Ala-uddin, wondering at the intrepidity and decision of character of 
Hamir, made up his mind to besiege the fort of Ranthambor. With a view 
to obtain information as to the Rao, his forces and the government of his 
states, he made the following queries to Sultan Khan, the herald, who was 
well conversant with those particulars. 

Emperor. — " How strong are the forces of Hamir ?" 
Herald. — " Imperial Majesty, Hamir has 117,000 horse, and his foot 
are 200,000 in number. In their midst rides he, the great Rao, on an ele- 
phant. He has 500 commanders, tall, robust and well-skilled in the art of 
war. He commands the allegiance of the princes of Chitor, Narwargar 
and Gwaliar. The forces of one of his vassals, named Randhir, consist 
of 31,000 horse, 80 elephants, and 10,000 heroes all invincible." 
Emperor. — " How strong is the fort of Ranthambor ?" 
Herald. — " The fort is very strong, and inaccessible to an enemy. Four 
roads lead to it, and eighty-four passes, very close and narrow, go winding 
amidst its surrounding hills. Five large tanks, fed by mountain-torrents and 
therefore deep beyond compare and filled to the brim, strengthen the defence 
of the fort. Temples of Ganesa, Siva, Nandi, Bhairav, Durga and her 
attendant goddesses are situated within it. It is guarded by a body of 600 
Nagas, all veteran soldiers, and 70 very wide-mouthed cannons, which cannot 
be moved, and at whose report mountains tremble, women miscarry and 
rivers become dry. Its supply of provisions and ammunition is immense. 
Two very large underground stores are well stocked with grain, weighing 
one crore, ten lacs and ten thousand maunds. The weight of the sunn cord 
and pack-thread stored within the fort is ten lacs of maunds ; that of 
bullets four lacs, that of ghi twenty thousand, that of tejra (opium husks or 



202 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir 2?dsd, [No. 3, 

the capsules of the poppy) ten thousand, and that of powder nine lacs. 
Heaps upon heaps of salt are piled like bills. There are different stores for 
camphor, musk, saffron, spices, itar, oil, iron and lead." 

Emperor. — " How does Hamir rule over his Raj ? Describe his morals 
and ways of government." 

Herald. — " In the character of Hamir are combined the highest qua- 
lities of a king with those of a moral man. As a king, he is a great lover of 
justice ; merciful to his subjects, affable to the virtuous, charitable and bene- 
volent to the poor. No tax is levied in his states. His people, 6,710,000 
in number, live in peace and prosperity. As a moralist, he is strict in the 
performance of all the austerities of his religion, with unflinching courage, 
bold decision of character, and total disregard for his life, when it stands 
between him and his promise. He abstains from flesh and wine, tolerates 
no Muhammadan forms of worship, neither hang (call to prayer) nor nimaz 
(prayers). He has pulled down all the mosques in his territory and erect- 
ed tenvples in their stead, whose walls resound with prayers offered up to 
Hari. The hymns of the god are chanted, and his words read over the 
length and breadth of his dominion. The Koran can never be pronounced 
there. No man can jest with a woman other than his wife. The son pays 
the greatest possible respect to the father, talking with his face down all the 
while. A woman who proves false to her husband is punished with death. 

Emperor. — " Tell me in brief the charity of Hamir." 

Herald. — " Five moluirs, each weighing 5 tolas, and 12 cows with their 
calves are given every morning at sunrise to pious Brahmans, who are daily 
fed in the palace. 107 maunds of khitcJiari (cooked rice and dal) are 
daily distributed among disabled men, and 12 maunds of grain are scattered 
to be picked up by birds." 

Emperor. — " Tell me the character of his queen." 

Herald. — " His queen Asa, is the perfect pattern of chastity and is 
always engaged in doing her duties as a wife. As a mother she is a Suniti 
of her age, and is very kind to her subjects. Hamir has a prince and a prin- 
cess both unequalled in beauty. The sun stops in his airy path to get a 
glimpse of their royal persons, and flies buzz about their mouths as they do 
about a sweet-scented flower. In brief, mighty monarch, both the Eao and 
his wife hold under their bodies and devote their minds to things of a 
transcendental nature, deep abstractions of philosophy and mental discipline. 
The great Chohan prefers the substantial to the unsubstantial, the lasting 
to the frail and evanescent. As a true Ilajput, he does not lack physical 
courage : brave and firm like a rock, he never shows his back to his enemies. 
His subjects are all happy because of the virtues of their ruler. The 
young as well as the old, the rich as well as the poor, the able as well as the 
disabled, all find in him their affectionate friend." 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Banthambor. 203 

Emperor. — " What is the age of Hamir ?" 

Herald. — " Hamir is an accomplished youth of 28 and, at this early 
age, a miracle of genius, prudence, heroism, wisdom and intelligence. 
When he comes to the durbar, the minstrel Maqna thus sings his praises : 
' Bestower of gifts, great Rao of Banthambor, the hero of heroes, that 
bring on the golden age in this corrupt world, your virtues are incompara- 
ble, and your might almost divine. Your truth is like that of Harish- 
chandra ; charity like that of Karan ; attainments in learning like those 
of Bhoj ; sympathy with the poor and administration of relief like those 
of Vikram ; and beauty of features like that of Cupid. You are a Brik- 
bhanu in power. Your words are sweet and full of love, and you are well 
versed in fourteen kinds of arts and sciences. Your wealth is like Indra's, 
your treasury and stores like Kuber's, whereon Riddhi (prosperity) and 
Siddhi (fulfilment), two wives of the god Ganesa, always preside. There 
are eight kinds of siddhis in your states, and all pieces of iron are turned 
into gold.' 

" Thick, green gardens lie round about his fort, while around them are 
deep and dark forests. The mango trees, the pomegranate, lime, apple, 
berry, orange, khirni, plantain, cocoanut, dates, chiranji and jack, all 
are loaded with their sweet, delicious fruits. There are very many timer 
trees, hundred kinds of khyotds, the large acacia and the beautiful kliir. 
The bees hum amidst various flowers and draw nectar with great glee. 
Here you can see in full bloom and blossom the rose and the jassamine ; 
there the ketaki by its sweet smell draws together and charms a number 
of bees. Here beds of keora, johi, jay, sindup and sabbu beautify 
the scene ; there the padal, chameli, kdkbeld, satrang, srikhand, kund, 
mdlati and sheivti give fragrance to the air. The matia plants are loaded 
with flowers and the lallbang, vine, the nimble madhoj and other creepers 
are plentiful. There are palms and tamdls on the banks of tanks, which 
bear on their broad bosoms the dancing red lotus and the white lotus with 
the bee, enjoying itself, being hid amidst the petals. All around are the 
lofty hills covered with dense forests and clad in green. Waterfalls pour 
from on high, where beside the waters play the peacock, the duck, the 
chakravdk, the suk, the chatrak and the blackbird." 

Chapter V. 
Ala-uddiri 's soliloquy. — " I do not care for the pride of Hamir. In a 
moment I can bring him to my feet, knock down his fort, seize the criminal 
Muhammad Shah, and drag him to Dehli. Sure as my name is Ala-uddin, 
I will do all these things. A Rao, possessing one fort only, vaunts so much 
of his might ! Surely I cannot bear it. Yet I have scruples as to the cer- 



204 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hatnir Rasa, [No. 3, 

tainty of my victory. I know not what might be the issue of my attack, if 
I rashly attempt it at once. Defeat, as well as victory, is in the hand of God. 
Who knows that I shall never be brought to the wall ? It is, therefore, that 
I think it advisable to act up to the council of my ministers and vassals. 
I shall call a grand meeting and court discussion." 

An open durbar was held at the Council hall. The emperor thus ad- 
dressed it : — 

" My noble Khans, Sultans, Banas and Baos — you have been for a long 
time aware that a Sheik, named Muhammad Shah, was for some heinous 
crime banished the dominions of our empire ; you are also aware, that he 
wandered far and wide, without house and shelter, till he came to Bantham- 
bor, where he found protection under the roof of the Chohan Chief of that 
place. I myself, through one of my heralds, tried in various ways to con- 
vince the Bao of the folly of his action, the certainty of his destruction 
and that of his fort, if he persisted in refusing to send me the culprit. 
But he, in spite of my friendly advice and remonstrance, cares not at all for 
me and my power and in a haughty style challenges me to fight. (The 
audience shouted " Let us draw our swords, let us draw our swords.") 
Hear, my noble Chiefs, in order to justly punish the folly and obstinacy of 
the Bao, I have determined to capture his fort, and plant on its tower the 
standard of the crescent. (The audience rose up from their seats and, 
reverently bowing their heads, stood ready to receive orders.) Be resolved, 
therefore, one and all, to fight. Faint not, fear not, but with hearts of steel 
let us march to curb the pride of the upstart and to show him the power, 
glory and energy of the followers of the true faith." 

All the chiefs, assembled in the council, exclaimed with one voice — " "We 
are ready to die, emperor, ready to sacrifice our lives and interests for this 
sacred and profitable cause : sacred because it concerns Islamism, and profit- 
able because it concerns the interest of our monarch, the sole preserver 
of our lives and property. Here is a rule and a very good one it is — 
If you go to hunt a jackal, be armed with all weapons necessary to hunt- 
ing a lion. The proud Bao challenges you to fight. It behoves us, there- 
fore, to attack him in his own house, demolish his fort and burn him and 
all that belongs to him to ashes." 

All was excitement, when the Vazir Mihram Khan, with joined hands, 
thus began : " May it please your Majesty, I ask your royal permission 
to speak only a few words. There is a great difference between hunting a 
lion and hunting a jackal. Do not think them all one. Why do you in- 
crease your anger ? Why make much of the malice you bear towards the 
exile ? because the risk a man incurs by being engaged in a war is fearfully 
great. He hazards life and prosperity and can "never be sure of victory. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 205 

If he come off a loser after his best endeavours, then all is over with him. 
The Chohans are in no way inferior to the Musalmans in martial bravery. 
The warlike Prithviraj defeated Muhammad Ghori and drove him back 
to the mountains of Ghor. The bold Bisaldev committed great havoc 
among the Muhammadan ranks and obliged them to retrace their steps 
from the very gates of Ajmir. Do not expose yourself and your subjects 
to the risks of a war. It seems to me wise to make the figure of the exile 
of lace and behead it, proclaiming his execution." 

The emperor became greatly incensed at these words of the Vazir. 

War was proclaimed. Egypt, Kabul, Ghazni, Kandahar, Khorasan, 
Rum, Arabia, Kashmir, Iran, Turan and Habesh (Abyssinia) poured 
forth each its quota of soldiers. There was a vast sea of spears, swords, 
muskets, shields, bows and arrows, all glittering in the sun on the broad 
plain of Dehli. The emperor could not help laughing at the rashness of 
Hamir, seeing before him, as far as his eyesight could reach, the unending 
line of the soldiers who were drawn up in battle-array, with streaming ban- 
ners, at the call of the muster-rolls. There stood before him, bending their 
heads, Lodis, Pathans, Gohans, Burdwans, Sarunis, Khorasanis, Khayam 
Khamis, Syads, Mughals, Adamkhoris, Chustis and Scindhis, all num- 
bering 4,510,000 troops, horse, foot, artillery and archers. 

" How foolish is Hamir," exclaimed Ala-uddin, casting his eyes from 
one flank to the other, " how foolish is he to persist in his unwise resolu- 
tion. He, the butterfly of a day, flitters about the strongest of fires and 
knows not that after a few minutes he is to fall on it with his wings sing- 
ed, his beauty gone, his pride crushed, and above all his life sacrificed to 
imprudence. Independently of the troops of my allies, so numerous in 
number and obedient to my call, my tributary and dependent chiefs of 
Surat, Girinagar and of all the provinces to the south and east of my wide 
dominions are ready to give up their lives and interests for the sake of me, 
their sole monarch. 13,088 Omnios come from all parts of my empire 
to the imperial court, twice a year, once on Chandtij (a festival) of Bha- 
dun (August) and once in Chait (March). They prostrate themselves at 
my feet and remain in that position, till I bid them hold up their heads. 
My power is acknowledged far and wide, my authority undisputed, my 
heroism unparalleled, my pride and glory unbroken, and courage almost 
divine. I will, first of all, break down the ten walls of the fort of Ran- 
thambor, make defence impossible, and then burn Hamir with his wives and 
children in the very fire which his obstinacy alone has kindled to such an 
extent." 

Ala-uddin set out with his immense army in the month of Chait. 
Thick columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. When his 
c c 



206 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Mdsa, [No. 3, 

legions began to advance, it seemed as if an ocean, having left its boundary, 
rolled on, sweeping everything before it with great fury. The cavalry, 
consisted of 27,00,000 of excellent horsemen, of whom 700,000 were Hindus. 
There were 10,000 messengers of war, 400,000 of pioneers, 100,000 of 
writers, 200,000 of merchants, 400,000 of female cooks, 200,000 of mules 
laden with treasure, 400,000 of grooms and 100,000 of mendicants, 200,000 
of artillerymen, very able and powerful in the art of destruction, and 300,000 
of camels, loaded with tents, furniture and powder bags. 5000 elephants, one 
exceeding the other in strength, followed the camp. They seemed as if 
the dark clouds of the rainy season advanced roaring and thundering in their 
way. 

Drums and trumpets sent forth their warlike peals and stirred up spirit 
aud enthusiasm in every heart. 'Ali Khan headed the van of the army, 
and Himmat Bahadur the rear. 3000 banners were unfurled. A space of 
more than eighty miles was taken up by these innumerable hosts, so that 
at every halt the pioneers had to clear such an extent of land of dense for- 
ests. All wells and tanks which they happened to pass by were drained, 
many a narrow valley was blown up and extended. 

The report of the expedition of Ala-uddin reached the territory of 
Hamir. Many cowardly Bhum'ias (petty chiefs) fled, leaving their posses- 
sions, to live amidst defiles and winding caves of mountains, whereas heroes, 
nobles and soldiers made themselves ready for battle. There was a 
hill-fort named Malarna from which descended a body of brave Rajputs. 
They took by surprise a detachment of Muhammadan troops encamped 
below in fancied security. 10,000 soldiers of the Shah of Kablanur were 
cut off, and the camp pillaged. 

When the intelligence of this event reached the emperor, he ordered 
his soldiers to pursue the plunderers closely. They succeeded in overtak- 
ing them on the bank of the Bands. A party of 20,000 Rawats, headed by 
five heroes — Puafir Abhay Singh, Rattor Bharji, Bagel Hari Singh, Katch- 
wa Bhim Singh and Chohan Sardul — hastened to the aid of the pursued 
even without taking the orders of their liege-lord Hamir. The imperial 
tents arrived there and had to halt for two days. 

A detachment of troops, commanded by Himmat Bahadur, came for- 
ward. They were met by a body of Raj put soldiers under Hari Singh 
Bagela and Bhim Singh Katchwa. 'Ali Khan, at the head of 200,000 sol- 
diers, joined his brother Himmat's ranks. The Rajput warriors, although 
surrounded on every side by the masses of the Muhammadan army, pressed 
on and began to fight. Very great was the skill displayed by them. Now 
they applied arrows to their bows, now they shot them, pulling the strings 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Rantltambor. 207 

up to their ears. Engaged in battle, they seemed as if the great Arjun 
was again fighting in the field o£ Kurukshetra. There was a play of 
swords for hours. The blood of the slain rained as showers of the rainy 
season. The armours were cut, and bodies divided into two parts. Many 
spearmen danced with fury, stabbing all that fell in their way. The sharp 
points of lances, seen on the backs of the dead, were as horns of the moon 
peeping through dark clouds. Many heads were eut off ; but lo ! the bodies 
rose with swords in their hands and made havoc among the hostile ranks. 
Daggers went right through the bellies, the wide battle-axes opened large 
wounds in the chests, whence flowed jets of blood in torrents as pour 
down streams of water besoiled with red clay from the tops of mountains. 
Many a wounded man flew with wild fury at his nearest adversary, killed 
him and then fell down dead on his body. At last the Muhammadans, 
panic-struck, ran away in confusion. Many bewailed their lot, and there 
rose a cry of despair. 

The victorious Rajputs carried off immense booty, consisting mostly of 
treasure. The loss on the Muhammadan side was 30,000 foot, 20 elephants, 
and 2000 horse. The number of the wounded could not be counted. On 
the Rajput side, there fell 16 warriors only, and 30 were wounded, among 
whom was Puanr Abhay Singh who had received a slight injury on his 
head. 

Having defeated the Muhammadans, the Rajput warriors went to 
Ranthambor and bowed their heads before Hamir. Then they informed 
him of all the events as they had happened. He ordered them in a firm tone 
not to fight any more battles with the emperor while he was on the way. 

The Vazir Mihram Khan said to Ala-uddin ; " Imperial Master, the 
territories of Hamir are very mountainous, and therefore difficult of subjuga- 
tion. See a body of plunderers and thieves descended on us from hill-tops 
and declivities and went away, having pillaged our goods. So it behoves 
our troops to be very cautious, and always on their guard." 

Ala-uddin's tents were pitched outside the hills of Ranthambor. 
Mirs, Amirs, Khans and others arrived there, not without scruples and were 
encamped by the side of wells and tanks all round the town. 

Chapter VI. 
Seated on his hill-fort, which commanded the view of many a mile, 
Hamir saw the grandeur of the imperial camp. He remarked, laughing, 
" Lo ! Ala-uddin has come, a gipsy at the head of numerous flocks. He, 
with all his pride and parade, shall never be able to stand the first shock 
which my chiefs and I will give him and his troops. The Mlechchas 
(infidels) of all the ten quarters of the world have accompanied him ; but 



208 B Bandyopadhytiya — Hamir Edsd, [No. 3, 

I will disperse them as flakes of cotton in the air, and this I resolve to do 
A r ery soon. If it please God to determine otherwise, I am sure to cause 
wholesale massacre in the second battle." 

Hamir's letter to Ald-uddin. — " Emperor, arm yourself with two bows 
and ten arrows. War is to be waged between you and me. "Why close'the 
roads to travellers ? Do not molest them. When you have come to 
Ranthambor, you will very shortly see how strong are our forces in an 
open battle-field." 

Ald-uddm's reply. — " Do not think me, Hindu, a common person : I 
am one inspired from heaven, and gifted with the sovereignty of Dehli. The 
ways of the Hindus and those of the Musalmans are different, and it is 
my avowed object to make them follow one — the only way of truth. Four 
devils and eighty-four saints are at my service, waiting only for my sover- 
eign command. You have given refuge to Muhammad Shah, and do you 
venture to hope for life ? Yet consider. What profit do you hope to get by 
keeping a culprit with you ? Know that the issue of your stubbornness 
will be the destruction of lacs and millions of men. Then why not leave one, 
if your leaving him would make the aspect of things look bright ?" 

Hamir's letter. — " Emperor, you have never heard of the virtues of the 
Kshatriyas. As you are a saint of Mecca, so am I a hero of heaven. Be- 
tween you and me there is no resemblance, and this I have told you often. 
I will never break my promise, which I have resolved to keep after a care- 
ful consideration of all circumstances. I will never violate it. Our fort 
was founded by Siva for the defence of the oppressed and the glorification 
of truth and Rajput power. Why care for your body which is frail and 
transient at best ? Where lies the use of living an inglorious life ? The 
anchorets never give up spiritual meditation and abstraction of their minds 
for things worldly and, therefore, corrupt. The Rajputs never give up 
their hereditary virtues. I will never return you the exile Muhammad 
Shab, until my head be severed from my body. The Chohans and the 
Muhammadans have been and are often at war with one another. Prithvi- 
raj slew the saints Miran and Kwaja with their 180,000 men. The great 
Ajaipal had paramount power. Bisaldev brought many a monarch to his 
feet. Biramdev Sangrana made a great havoc among the Muhammadan 
ranks at Jhalwargarh ; he never consented to give his handsome daughter in 
marriage with an emperor and thus preserved, in spite of great difficulties and 
temptations, the honour of his house inviolate. Prithviraj drove away 
Muhammad Ghori seven times to the mountains of Ghor, after having 
subjected him to the ignominy of wearing women's bracelets (churis) 
on his arms. When the latter again attacked Dehli, the brave Chohan 
died exulting on the field. You, weak in intellect, do you think that 






1879.] or a History of Hamir , prince of JRanthambof. 209 

the truthful Rajputs will b&'deterred by adverse circumstances from doing 
what they consider to he their duty ? Do you think that they fear death 
and destruction ? Never give place to such a thought. I am a descendant 
of the heroic Chohans. Rather than live to see my words fall to the 
ground, I will die a glorious death with my sword drawn on my bosom. I 
have determined and made it a point in my life never to leave undone 
what I am resolved upon. I will never go to you and bow down at your 
feet with proposals of peace, it matters not with how many furies you may 
be attended. If the Sesh leave supporting the earth on its broad head, 
if the mountains leave their fixed places and begin to move, if the waters 
of the Ganges flow from her mouth to the source, if the sun rise in the 
West and the polar star move in the sky, if the ocean violate the truth 
by which he his bound to keep confined within his dominions, if the sati who 
burned herself with the body of her husband rise from her ashes and begin 
to live together again in the world, then and yet then I will never break 
through my resolution. The sky may not bear myriads of stars on its 
broad bosom, and the beams of the morning sun hide them from the face 
of the earth, yet Hamir, brave Hamir, will never violate his sacred promise. 
I assure you, I will never let any one, be he the strongest of all mortals— 
a saint or a demon — to pull a hair out of Muhammad Shah's head as long as 
I am alive. 

" Do not forget, Emperor, the truth I point out to you — that lacs of 
Ala-uddins have been turned to dust on the surface of this frail earth. 
Do you think yourself the only hero ? Never for a moment give place 
to such a thought. Nothing has been, and will ever be, stable on earth. 
Do not blow your own trumpet, Ala-uddin. If it has pleased God to make 
you a monarch, you are one, and who calls you a slave ? "Who knows what 
will be your condition in the fort of Ranthanibor ?" 

Chaptee VII. 

Hamir came to the temple of Mahadeva, worshipped the god in various 
ways, burnt incense and thus prayed : — 

" I bow down at thy feet, thou Omnipotent, thou wearer of matted 
hair, holder of the pindk spear. O thou, that hast three eyes and fire 
burning and the moon shining on thy forehead ; that hast a gai'land of human 
heads around thy neck ; that hast Bhavani on thy left side, and the Ganges 
murmuring on thy head, hid amidst the knots of thy hair ; that hast Gauri 
as a part of the body, and devils and serpents attending thee — O thou 
whose throat is blue with poison, whose son is Ganesa and servant Bir-. 
bhadra, O thou mighty lord, have mercy on me, help me in this dire extre- 
mity and make me fearless now, when Ala-uddin has come at the head of 



210 B. Bandy opadhydya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

270,000 horse to fall on me and conquer my fort. I depend only on thy 
mercy. The sinner has his sins forgiven him by thy benign power. I have 
come to thee to ask thy protection. Defend the fort ; defend truth and 
the glory of the Rajput virtues. O thou, the lord of Uma, bless me, help 
me, support me and encourage me. The fort is being drowned and swept 
away by the mighty ocean of the Muhammadan army. Keep the honour 
of my words inviolate. O god, assist me that thy name may be glorified 
here on earth." Then Hamir closed his eyes and became lost in contem- 
plation. 

The heavens opened and a sound issued — " Hear, son, the glory of thy 
deeds shall remain untarnished for ever. Fight the Muhammadan forces : 
thou hast nothing to fear, even if the siege last for 14 years. On 
Saturday the eleventh after the full-moon in the month of July (the moon 
being on the sign Pushya), there shall be a great final massacre. Thy name 
and heroism shall be immortal both here and hereafter. Draw thy sword 
for the glory of thy words, because such is the virtue of the Kshatriyas." 

With great joy Hamir prostrated himself at the feet of the god. He 
was coming out of the temple, when he heard the following words : " Hear, 
Rao, this is certain — if a thousand warriors of thy ranks fall on the field, 
they shall fall killing a lac of the infidels." 

Hamir called a council of war. His friends and ministers all assem- 
bled. There were present warriors, heroes, Ravvats and formidable Bhars — 
men who regarded their lives as pawned for the safety and cause of their 
liege-lord. They were not given to sensual pleasures, and, therefore, 
their limbs were as strong and hard as rocks. The world and the flesh had 
no influence on their minds. Their lips dropped honey, and they were ready 
to cut off their own heads for the interest of others. Their glory and 
heroism were sung by the minstrels. They held jdgirs which gave to 
each of them an annual yield, worth a lac of Rupees. Rao Randhir of the 
fort of Chhan, uncle to Hamir, was at the head of these heroes. He, having 
bowed to the Rao, thus spoke, " Hamir, see my dexterity in using swords. 
I shall do what our uncle Kan did when he fought with the Kamdhaj 
Rattors of Kanauj." " Listen to what I say, my valiant uncle," replied the 
Rao, " your heroism is not unknown to me. You are the defender of my 
fort, fort -wall, town, my forces and all that I have in my possession. 
Hear, I have said to the emperor, that I shall fight with him in an open 
field of battle ; see that my words do not fall to the ground." 

Hamir strengthened the defences of the fort. Large cannons were 
mounted on the bastions ; soldiers armed with bows and arrows were seated 
beside the battlements. The gates were well guarded by very powerful sen- 
tinels. Every pass, every entrauce, every gap was very carefully shut up, and 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of RantTianibor. 211 

defended by bodies of strong heroes. Then marched the great Chohan, riding 
on an elephant, followed by many other warriors armed cap a pied each seated 
on his own charger. The elephants were so tall that the heads of their 
riders touched the sky. Such an impetuous rush they made, that it seemed 
as if a host of devils ran forward to fight, having been awakened from 
sleep. Then followed bodies of horses all brisk and fleet, well-dressed 
and mailed. Young and powerful heroes rode on them and began to 
pour down in parties. The head of the mighty Eandhir was seen promi- 
nent among the Rajput ranks. The valleys rang with the loud and thrill- 
ing sounds of trumpets and drums. Eandhir, with his warriors, pressed on. 
The large number of horses and elephants, coming forward, looked as if the 
waters of an ocean rolled on sweeping everything before them. 

Ala-uddin, on seeing the hostile troops before him, drawn up in bat- 
tle-array, ordered, in great anger, to besiege the fort very closely. The 
Rajput forces and the ranks of the Muhammadans met. Many a hero 
rushed hither and thither, uttering shouts of war-cries at the top of 
his voice. Arrows flew whizzing through the air and pierced the massive 
bodies of elephants, as pass numbers of enraged serpents to their dens on 
the sides of mountains. 

There was a sharp play of swords held in determined hands. 
Randhir rode out in front, brandishing his steel very cleverly. Azmat 
Khan and Muhammad Ali, at the head of 80,000 veteran soldiers, fell upon 
him. The engagement was very fearful and lasted steadily for a long 
time. " Hold fast your bows, Muhammadan," cried out Randhir. Mu- 
hammad Ali rushed at him, furious like a tiger. While both the heroes 
were engaged, Azmat Khan bent his bow and shot an arrow at the breast 
of the Chohan, who, slightly hurt, thrust his lance on the former so 
cleverly that it went right through his head, and down dropped the body 
on the ground. " Think not, Chohan, that thou hast won the victory" 
exclaimed Muhammad Ali, " I shall show thee my skill in the use of 
swords, and the next moment thou shalt fall a prey to it." No sooner did 
he say the above words than his flashing sword fell on the head of Randhir. 
The helmet was cut off, but the wound on the head was very slight. The 
brave Chohan then despatched the Muhammadan by one stroke of his sword. 
When their brave commander fell the troops gave way. They shrank in fear. 
Many veterans dropped down dead on the field ; sharp daggers were run 
through many a breast. Heads began to roll on the ground, their teeth 
grinding and eyes darting fire. Legs and hands were cut off, and yet the 
stumps fought. A panic seized the Muhammadans, and they fled away 
in confusion. The total loss on the Muhammadan side was a very great 
number of soldiers, besides Muhammad Ali and Azmat Khan, Mirs of the 



212 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Itasd, [No. 3, 

emperor of Balkh, while that on the side of the Chohan was 10,000 only. 
The goddess Kalika danced and laughed, and her attendant she-devils 
feasted on the flesh and blood of the slain. All who fell on the field were 
translated to heaven. 

When the troops fled away from the field, when " Fly away for life" 
was the only expression heard, the emperor burst with anger. He said 
" Fy ! Fy ! cowards, why do you leave the field ? Is it for this act of 
shame that I allowed you the enjoyment of many comforts ? Is it for 
this that you have eaten my salt ? Now the love of life overcomes faith- 
fulness. Come, come along to me, I shall cut you to pieces with my own 
hand." The scattered soldiers became united, and again they rushed to 
the field. Their shouts were heard to a great distance. Badat Khan, the 
principal Mir of Ghazni, bowed down to Ala-uddin. He said, " See my 
dexterity and military talents, Royal Master, see how I fight and kill the 
hostile troops one and all." 

Badat came to the field with great fury ; so great were his bravery and 
ferocity that it seemed as if the fire of death and destruction shone forth 
from every pore of his body. The air resounded with the high peal of 
drums. Colours were unfurled. Clad in mail and armed with all the 
weapons of attack and defence, the Muhammadan Mir thought himself 
invulnerable. The enraged emperor gave orders, and a second battle was 
fought. Again the martial music of sdndhis (pipes), trumpets and drums was 
sounded ; shouts and cheers were heard from all sides. Cannons roared, and 
thereby the earth shook, the waters of tanks and wells became dry, and 
women miscarried. Arrows flew fast in large numbers. Darkness spread 
over the field, so that the hands of the archers could neither be seen nor dis- 
tinguished. Badat Khan and Randhir met. They seemed as if two mighty 
Rudras came face to face. The Muhammadan was at the head of 20,000 
soldiers who surrounded the Rajput. The troops of the latter rode for- 
ward. Swords clashed, and the Chohan warriors, by a masterly feat of 
arms, failed not in cutting the bodies of their adversaries in ten thousand 
pieces. There was a play of sharp spears. The heroic Randhir commenced 
a wholesale massacre, and almost all the Muhammadans were put to the sword. 
With a wild hurrah, out rushed Badat Khan and fell on the great Chohan. 
He raised a guraz (a club with a ball of steel at one end) on the head of his 
enemy, who shifting wisely warded off the blow by his shield. Then Randhir, 
furious with rage, struck Badat Khan dead by one stroke of his sword. 
The head dropped down, but behold ! the body rose and rushed at the Rao, 
who immediately divided it into two equal parts. 

The emperor became greatly sorry at the fall of Badat Khan and that 
of his 20,000 men. Mihram Khan having joined his hands, thus spoke : 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthanibor. 213 

" Did I not tell you, that Hamir will never come to you and return you 
the exile, Muhammad Shah. When he has drawn his sword against you, 
he will stand by his resolution ; you can never get the body of the refugee. 
The promise of that greatest of all heroes is true, and true to the letter." 

Ala-uddin became greatly displeased with the Vazir. He said " Cursed 
coward, do you not know my might ? Do you not know that in the 
twinkling of an eye, I can destroy the fort of your valiant Rao, burn him, 
his sons and wives, and bring the exile Muhammad Shah trembling to my 
feet ?" Taking a copy of the Koran in his hand, he bowed down to the 
great Alia. He cast his eyes from one flank to the other of the numerous 
host arranged on his side. Then with a secret pride he gave vent to his 
thoughts — " The lines of my forces are as thick and dense as dark clouds on 
the autumnal sky. Hamir, foolish Hamir, can expect to live only a day or 
two more." 

The Yazir's reply. — " O Emperor, who on earth can have even a slight 
glimpse of futurity ? A stubborn insect persistently flitters about the 
strongest fire, although it falls singed on the flame." 

In the camp of Hamir, RandMr said, — "The emperor has come to 
Ranthambor, having conquered the four sides of the earth. It behoves us, 
therefore, to fight both day and night." 

Hamir. — " Mighty uncle, at night how shall I be able to distinguish 
heroes from cowards ? Besides, the principal virtue of the Kshatriyas lies 
in fighting in the presence of Surya (the sun), Bhairav, Mahadeva, and 
Kalika ; and the vultures do not come to the field but in day-light. I will 
never fight the Muhammadan forces at night, because I consider it a decep- 
tion." 

Two thousand large cannons were kept steadily engaged in pour- 
ing out volleys of fire towards the fort. The fearless Hamir sallied forth 
from his hills and committed dreadful massacre by day, while by night 
descended the troops of Randhir all of a sudden from the defiles and 
declivities of the mountains of Chhan, and brought certain destruction 
on the Muhammadan ranks. Thus did the two heroes cut off the heads of 
many Mirs and Amirs and those of many horses and elephants. The blood 
of the slain flowed as rivers. Ah ! what a terrible sight it was to look 
upon. 

Ala-uddin, seeing the hopeless state of things, is said to have invoked 
the saint Khwaja of Ajmir and the saint Miran of Taragarh in the following 
words : " I will go barefooted to your shrines, mighty Pirs, if you deliver 
the fort of Ranthambor into my hands." The latter sent nine Sayyads to his 
assistance. They cut off their own heads and holding them by their hands 
made a desperate rush at Hamir, when lo ! four gods descended from 

D D 



211 E. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

heaven — Gananath, Sambhu, Dinakar and Kkethrapal. There followed a 
violent contest between them. Exulting and angry, they sprang on the 
heads of each other. Now they roared, now darkness covered the face of 
the earth making everything look terrible, now it rained very fast, now 
they rode on the clouds and exchanged angry words with one another. Now 
they poured down fire, now they hurled each his enemy into the air. Now 
the earth shook with their fury. Gananath wielded his pindk with great 
skill, and Bhairav his mudgar. The Pirs fell. Their bodies remained on 
the earth while their souls were put into prison. Here are their names : 
Abdal, Hassein, Rahim, Sultan Mekki, Abul Hakani, Rassu), Jakhki Ali, 
Hayar and Himmat. Ala-uddin drew a heavy sigh at the sight of their 
bodies strangled and scattered in a forest. In a desponding tone he remarked : 
<; Victory belongs to Hamir, alas ! not to the great follower of the 
crescent." 

Then the emperor called a council of war. The Vazir Mihram Khan 
thus addressed his Imperial Majesty : " Nothing now can be of any avail 
but one thing. Let us besiege Chhan. If the fort of Randhir fall, we 
shall succeed in creating a panic in that of Ranthambor. Rao Randhir 
will come to you with the Sheik, and thus will the pride of Hamir fall to 
the ground." 

Emperor. — " Then let us carry the fort Chhan at once." A purivanna 
was instantly written to Rao Randhir. 

Firman. — " Rao, the emperor, being angry with you at your haughty 
conduct, has determined to besiege your fort. Take care and be humble, 
for his 5000 Arabic cannons are so strong that they, when fired, can split up 
huge mountains to pieces. Once fire flowed from their mouths as rain 
from clouds, at whose fearful report the lions fled from their dens in dismay. 
Ala-uddin the Great, with his 250,000 horse, comes in full parade to justly 
punish you for your pride." 

Reply of Randhir. — " Do not delay, Emperor, in besieging my fort, now 
that your repeated efforts to take that of Ranthambor, which you boasted 
to capture within the shortest possible period, have gone for nothing. Be 
patient, Ala-uddin, I will fight with you bravely in an open field. Has India 
no heroes ? Are her brave sons all gone that you are so over-bearing and 
vaunting ? I have made every preparation for war. My soldiers are 
singing in sweet notes the marching song. Of my 31,000 troops, 10,000 
heroes, gay like flowers, are promenading in the battle-field. They can 
defeat and scatter the forces of their enemy, being safe themselves." 

The imperial troops were encamped on the plains of Chhan. 

Then sallied forth the Chohan troops from the hill-tops of Chhan, 
headed by the warlike Randhir. On the Muhammadan side Abdul Khan 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of RanthamDor. 215 

and Karim Khan -were made commanders of the battle. Both the parties 
met. Showers of arrows fell, swords clashed, and rings were flung. Very 
great was the bravery displayed by the 10,000 heroes of the Chohan chief. 
The heads of 10,000 Habsbis rolled on the ground. 500 Rajput warriors 
were slain, ou whose bodies sat vultures and jackals and feasted on their 
flesh and blood. Then, swift like a flash of lightning, Eandhir, like a 
hungry lion, fell upon both the commanders and cut off their heads with 
great dexterity. A massacre ensued. The imperial troops were driven 
four miles behind. " Behold, emperor," exclaimed the Rao, " see how your 
brave soldiers fly away. Pity their poor souls ! Why do you number their 
days by pushing them on to the great furnace of Rajput might ?" 

Randhir's letter to Ala-uddin. — " Why delay, emperor, in taking my 
fort ? The few days, in which you said you would capture it, have passed 
away. Why do you not rase my fort ? Shall you ever be able to do so ? 
No, never. Why then sacrifice the lives of your poor soldiers ? Though 
you should besiege my fort for five years, you would not succeed in pulling 
a stone out of it, nor out of Hamir's, if the siege were to last for twelve 
years." 

Although an enemy, Ala-uddin could not forbear commending the 
military talents and prowess of Randhir. He said " Glory to Randhir, glory 
to his bravery. See, amidst a forest of our men, he, at the head of a few 
troops, rushed in and darted like lightning, carrying the palm. Let us no 
more fight with swords except in special cases, for in the use of swords the 
Rajputs have, I am inclined to believe, no equal. Let us try to blow up 
the fort by planting batteries all around." 

The Rajput officers and soldiers, with one voice, said to Randhir, 
" Continue fighting, invincible master, we will never show the enemy our 
backs. Fight without fear, trusting in our faithfulness. We shall die 
glorying in our death, thereby glorifying the name of the Chohans, and 
thus ascend that world of felicity which is far above the earth and the 
sun." 

At the instance of Rao Randhir, Rao Hamir called together the Ksha- 
triyas of thirty-six different clans. The troops assembled and seemed as 
numerous as clouds which overcast the sky. They stood in front, with their 
hands joined, and were thus addressed " Listen, ye friends, listen with atten- 
tion ; since we have drawn our swords against the emperor of India, we 
shall fight to the last drop of our blood. Come and side with us, ye who are 
brave, who dare sacrifice their lives for our sake. Let him who fears to die 
go away from our ranks." 

The vassals replied — " Royal Master, we have eaten your salt, and shall 
eat it as long as we live. How can we in this extremity leave your cause ? 



21G B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa. [No. 3, 

We promise that we will not only defend the fort, but with hearts un- 
daunted meet the emperor, your enemy, in an open field. However great 
may be the odds in his favour, we will cut his men to pieces and scatter 
them in flight." 

Flames of fire burst forth from every hill-top, and illuminated the 
country to a great distance. 

On the receipt of Hamir's letter, the two princes of Chitor, Khan and 
Balansi, proclaimed the fact of their going to Bantbambor, at which all 
the citizens, male and female, came and fell down at their feet, beseeching 
them to change their resolution, and not to sacrifice their interests for those 
of their uncle — Hamir. The princes replied — " Listen, ye citizens, those who 
are born must die, for it is so ordained by God. In this corrupt age none 
are immortal, and none will ever be so. If we fall in battle, we shall die in 
glory, and our praises will be sung by the immortal Urvasi, the fairy-queen 
of heaven." The Ranis, their mothers, looked pale, but they would not yield. 
Having saluted their superiors, they, with 3,000 brave Battors, 5,000 
Puaiirs and 8,000 Chohans, marched for Banthambor. When they arrived, 
they encamped below the hills. Then they went to the fort. 

Hamir gave the princes a very warm reception, embracing them 
tenderly. Great rejoicings were made in honour of their coming to Ban- 
thambor. " I leave the burden of government upon you, princes," said 
Hamir, " take it. I leave all in your charge." " Glory to you, uncle," re- 
plied they, " for keeping the houseless under the shadow of your protec- 
tion. You have thereby become famous in this world. None are to live 
for ever here below, but deeds, glorious deeds, are lasting monuments of 
men's lives. Our bodies are frail. As long as we, your slaves, are alive 
you need not go yourself to the field. We must fight the imperial legion 
and show you our skill in the art of war." 

Both the brothers stood up in great excitement. Bravery and courage 
beamed forth from their faces, which looked like two rising suns. Their 
helmets and breast-plates glittered, and the spirit-stirring peal of trumpets 
made them restless. 

" Brother Khan," exclaimed Balansi, " let us take the Muhammadans 
unawares, swoop down upon them at once, and cut them to pieces. We 
are resolved to die gloriously on the field. Batan shall reign on the 
thrones of Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar. (To Hamir), If the provisions 
of food fail, care not at all, uncle, for your life ; go, fight the Muham- 
madans, commit a massacre and fall on the field of glory, but never break 
your word." The bold words of the ])rinces made the heroic Rao weep at 
the thought of parting with them, alas ! for ever. 

Princes. — " Nothing is stable in the world, nay, not even the moun- 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 217 

tains, the earth and the hills. Why weep at the thought of parting, dear 
uncle ? If we be separated from you, we are sure to meet you in yonder 
heaven." 

The Rao kept quiet. The two brave heroes went to the females' 
apartments. They bowed to Rani Asa. All the females, including the 
maids of the princess burst, out a-crying. " It is time now, dear sons," 
said Asa with tears rolling down her cheeks, " when we shall rejoice to 
see you married." The princes laughed. They cried. " Then fasten on 
our heads the marriage- crowns, gracious queen, and we shall fight with 
greater detei'mination." The crowns were tied to their foreheads, and 
holy threads wound round their arms. Then she blessed them. 

Afterwards the princes entered the temple of Siva. They worship- 
ped the god and his son Ganesa ; prayed to them and touched their feet. 

When they returned from the temple, drums were beaten and colours 
unfurled. The earth and heaven echoed. They then went to the Eao, 
touched his feet, and exclaimed, " We shall meet you, dear uncle, no more 
here on earth, but surely there in heaven. We shall die, certainly 
die, but never be false to the virtues of our clan. Better far to give up 
the love of life and kingdom, home and children, than to violate the honour 
of one's own words. Farewell, Chitor, farewell ye hills and fort of Ran- 
thambor, farewell this world of woe ; welcome victory, welcome glorious 
death, and welcome eternal life and happiness." 

The princes and their train descended from the hill-fort. The beauty 
of the Rajput shone forth ; and their spears glistened in the sun. Energy 
was visible on every countenance. The god Siva forgot his contemplation, 
and broke out into a wild fit of laughter. Many a handsome nymph and 
frightful Jogini (she-devil) descended from the air to follow the troops. 
Vultures and other birds, which feed on flesh, hovered along in thick 
numbers. Many a devil, who dwelt on land and air, moved forward to 
assemble there. The gods alighted for the protection of the princes and 
remained with them unseen and unknown. The procession came to their 
encampment. Drums gave the warning that within a few minutes there 
would be fought a terrible engagement. 

Emperor. — " What rejoicings are being made in the hill-fort ?" 

Vazir. — " Two young princes, sons of Hamir's younger brother, have 
come to fight with us. They are strong-limbed, fully armed, blood-thirsty 
and desperate. Both wear crowns of victory on their foreheads." 

Emperor. — " Then those of our ranks who can fight with a lion can 
venture to meet the princes face to face." 

Vazir. — " On our side the Mirs of Arabia are unequalled in bravery 
and other martial talents. Their teeth are like those of a monkey, eyes like 



218 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 

cats, bodies like monsters, and ears like a winnowing fan. Their ancestors 
captured Prithviraj and took him to Ghazni. They can easily seize the 
young princes and bring them to your feet." 

The emperor thanked the Vazir for his valuable advice. Instantly 
he sent for Mir Zamal Khan. 

Emperor. — " Brave Mir, I leave the present work entirely with you. 
Your ancestors imprisoned the great Prithviraj Chohan. So go you to the 
Rajput ranks and capture the two princes of Chaturang, newly come to 
the assistance of Hamir ; but see you do not kill them." 

Mir Zamal Khan twisted his whiskers, touched the feet of the em- 
peror and said, " Gracious Majesty, the work you have been pleased to give 
me is beneath my dignity as a warrior. What a trifle is to me the cap- 
ture of two young boys. I can bring all the Hindus pinioned to your feet, 
cut all in pieces if they venture to make head against me, and level their 
bodies in the dust." He bowed before Ala-uddiu. 

The Rajputs and the Muhammadans marched in great excitement. 
They came face to face. Then all of a sudden, like a flash of lightning, out 
rushed the Mir of Arabia. On both sides the warlike peal of martial music 
stirred up all to action. The blue and the white colours were unfurled. 
There was a clashing of swords for hours. The battle raged very furiously. 
A steady fire of matchlocks was kept up. There was also a brisk play of 
lances. The bold, warlike spcarsmen managed their spears with so great skill 
that every one of them stabbed two soldiers with one stroke of his weapon. 
Never did a sword fail in cutting the head, upon which it had been struck, 
clean out of the shoulders. A wild laughter separated the lips of the 
goddess Kalika. There was a continuous raining of heads. Here fell a 
hand, there an arm, here some fingers, there some palms, here dropped 
the head, there with vehemence rose the body of many a warrior. Then 
with a shout, which thrilled every heart, outrushed Zamal the Mir of 
Arabia, while from the Rajput side rode forth the prince Kanh to meet 
him. The Muhammadan shot an arrow which pierced the horse of the 
Rajput. The horse dropped dead, and instantly a second horse was moun- 
ted. The fighting continued with unabated fury. Kanh drove a lance 
into the body of his adversary, who for a moment fell senseless on the 
ground. With redoubled energy and violence the Muhammadan was on 
his legs again. The brave feats of arms of both the warriors were seen with 
admiration by the troops of both sides. At last the wise Hamir, thinking 
that the old Muhammadan was more than a match for the young Hindus, 
called Saukhdhar. " Go you, Saukhdhar, the bravest of all heroes, skilful 
in the art of war, go at once to the field to aid the Chitor princes. 
They are very heroic, but very young, and their antagonist is a monster in 



1879.1 or a History of Hamir, prince of Rantltanibor. 219 

human shape. It is written that the woman, who, having determined to be 
burned alive with the body of her husband, shrinks back in fear at the sight 
of fire, is condemned in this world and loses her place in heaven. You 
know that nothing is immortal but the soul. You are wise, and so I need 
not instruct you in these well known rules. Glorious are they who con- 
quer both this world and the world to come. Your mother bore in you a 
hero ; think of these things and fight. Go with all speed to the field and 
assist the young princes." 

With a wild hurrah rode forth Saukhdhar as swiftly as an arrow. 
The troops of Zamal Khan were also reinforced by a body of 200,000 
Arabian soldiers. Cannons boomed, and balls rushed out, uplifting many 
a horse and elephant in the air. Swords clashed, and heroes hollood. Heads 
dropped on the muddy earth, muddy by the incessant shedding of blood. 

" Fight, fight my brave soldiers," exclaimed Kanh at the top of his 
voice, " fight the Muhummadans, and be glorious ; fight to the last drop 
of your blood that your name may be noised here below, and salvation won 
there above. See, none is able to live for ever in this frail world." The 
prince Balan spurred his elephant to meet Zamal Kanh. All of a sudden he 
struck the Mir with a sword, which cut off the helmet and wounded his head. 
Again a combat ensued. The dagger of Balan went right through the 
heart of Zamal, who fell down dead on the ground. Then outrushed his 
attendants, and they succeeded in killing the prince. Kanh made a des- 
perate rush at the enemy's line and killed all he could ; but his days 
were also numbered. With wild fury sprang amidst the ranks the brave 
Saukhdhar. Many Arabians were put to the sword, and more were stabbed. 
From every wound blood issued in jets and flowed in torrents. The reek- 
ing weapons flashed fire, and heads rolled hither and thither on the 
ground. The beheaded rose with vehemence and rushed at any that 
chanced to fall within their grasp. The victory belonged to the Rajputs, and 
the remainder of the Arab forces fled away in confusion. Many handsome 
nymphs descended from heaven and carried above the two brave princes 
and the mighty warrior Saukhdhar. On the Rajput side the loss was 8000 
Chohans. 3000 Rattors, and 5000 Puarirs— 16,000 in all, and three great 
heroes ; while that on the Muhammadan side was 70,000 foot, 5000 horse 
and elephant — -75,000 in all, and Zamal Khan, the Mir of Arabia. 

Rao Randhir, with his sword drawn, spoke face to face with Ala-uddin. 
" Emperor, the time has come when my fort shall be destroyed. Hear, 
with attention, Hamir will never break through his resolution. Know 
this as truth, and nothing but truth. Consider very maturely, and then 
act. The fort of Ranthambor will never come into your possession. Leave 
your pride therefore. It behoves you to do so." 



220 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 

"Why not," replied Ala-uddin, " make Hamir understand what I say ? 
Why extend the flame of war which feeds on many Rajptits and Muham- 
madans ? He may reign in the territories of Ranthambor. I am not 
averse to that, if he will only bring the exile Muhummad Shah to my feet : 
else sure as my name is Ala-uddin I will curb his pride. If I break through 
my resolution while Hamir is glorying in the firmness of his, I shall never 
be worthy the name of ' Emperor.' It is certain that of two contending 
parties one comes off the gainer. Listen, Randhir, listen to my word. I 
know every creek and corner of the dominions of Hamir. By whose orders 
has he been authorized to enjoy to this day the possession of the four forts — 
Ranthambor, Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar ? He has never served me ; 
neither has he ever so far condescended as to make me an obeisance. 
Mountains may move, the sun may rise in the West, and many such other 
unnatural things might happen, but I, mighty Ala-uddin, will never return 
to Delhi without the exile. If I do so, I shall be a coward and emphatically 
the greatest of all cowards, not worthy to sit on an imperial throne." (Turn- 
ing to his ranks), " Press hard the seige, my brave warriors, and carry the 
fort." 

Randbir bade farewell to the fort. He gave alms to the Brahmans, 
bowed down his head before the sun and joined his hands as if he awaited 
his orders. Then, bending at the name of Hamir, he rushed forth very furi- 
ously at the head of his heroes, warriors and soldiers. His 10,000 veterans 
were in the front line. Then followed the horsemen, the riders upon 
elephants. Cannons boomed from the fort. Hurrah ! hurrah ! hurrah ! 
shouted the Chohan troops. Then, swift as flashes of lightning, they 
fell upon the Muhammadan ranks, as fell the mighty Raghava upon the 
rdkshasas of Ceylon. The heroes looked ferocious in anger. Steady in 
fight, all of them vowed to abide by the virtues of their clans. There 
was a standing cannon fire from both sides. The fort and its walls were 
breached. On the earth it rained terrible showers of flame. Dark clouds, 
produced by the smoke, hung on the atmosphere. Wherever there was a 
circle of men, shots came in that direction. 

" Come, fight with us, ye Muhammadan wrestlers, if any of you be wor- 
thy the name," cried out the brave veterans of Randhir, elated with pride. 
They fell to wrestling. The battle raged, horse fought with horse, foot with 
foot, and elephant with elephant. There was an incessant shower of shots. 
Some lost their bodies, while others their heads, some their hands, while others 
their legs. So profound was the darkness spread over the field, that it could 
not be known whether it was day or night. Arrows flew fast piercing many 
a horse and elephant. The strong steel mail was no protection from 
their sharp points. Some soldiers were stabbed by the violent strokes of 



1879.] or a History of Ilamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 221 

daggers. From the wounds caused by them the blood flowed in torrents as 
from roofs the rain water flows in the month of August. Numberless heads 
dropped on the field and rolled like so many water-melons. The Muhamma- 
dan forces shrank back. At the brave feat of arms of Randhir, even the 
Emperor, although an enemy, could not forbear to exclaim, " Praise to 
you, praise to your valour, mighty warrior," and at the same time, looking 
at his dispersed troops, he frowned and then rebuked them, saying, " Why 
fly, ye cowards, from the field, while I am still alive ?" 

Then bowed down the Bakhshi of the imperial legion. " Make me the 
commander of the battle," said he exulting, " and I will with 100,000 
Rumanians fight the Hindus and scatter them as flakes of cotton before 
the wind." With a drawn sword in his hand he rushed out at the 
command of Ala-uddin. Randhir, holding a lance, rode forward. The 
warriors came face to face. The Muhammadan aimed a guraz (an iron 
club) at the head of the Chohan. The latter warded off the blow 
with his massive shield. Then a lance was darted at the former. It pierced 
his body and that of his horse too, and the next moment he fell senseless 
on the field. Fifty Mirs rushed forward, but all of them met the same 
fate. Then came out a fierce Mir of Rum. A fearful engagement raged. 
A dagger was run through his breast down to the hilt ; he dropped down, 
and in a few minutes all his struggles subsided in the stillness of death. 
The sword of a Balkhan fell on the shoulder of the Rao. The throat was 
cut through, but behold the body rose with vehemence. It made a rush at 
the murderer. It got him within its grasp and pressed him heavily. Down 
they dropped and instantly the dagger of the Moslim went right through 
his breast. 100,000 Rumanians fell. The body of the brave Chohan lay 
on the field like a tall palm, with blood gushing out of the neck. The 
Joginis (she-devils) regaled themselves with his blood, filled their cups, 
drained them, and danced.* 

On Saturday the 9th before the full-moon in the month of Chait, 
30,000 Rajputs fell for the defence of the fort, and 10,000 women burned 
themselves on pyres with their husbands. The loss on the Muhammadan 
side was thousands of Muhammadan soldiers, including the mighty Bakhshi, 
who held &jagir of 5 lacs, and other officers, holding from 10 to 20,000 
Rupees' worth of land. 

When the intelligence of the capture of the fort of Chohan by Ala- 
uddin reached Hamir, he became the more resolved to fight the Musalman 
forces. He exclaimed, " Glory to you, uncle, glory to your uncommon 
bravery. The death of a Kshatriya is both a glory and a blessing. You 
have done, mighty hero, what uncle Kan did for Prithvirij at the battles 
* It was a belief among the Rajputs that Joginis like the blood of mighty heroes. 
E E 



222 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 

of Kanauj." He felt glad and sorry at intervals : glad at the heroic death 
of his uncle, and sorry at the loss of so great an ally. He continued, " You 
have killed GO elephants, 200,000 horses and 26 Arnirs ; glory to you for 
ever, invincible hero of heroes." 

So numerous were the men slain and wounded in the Musalman ranks, 
that it took Ala-uddin full six months to have them buried one by one. 

" Imperial Majesty," said a herald to Ala-uddin, " it is said that Maha- 
deva, the lord of tigers, is Hamir's ally. He has blessed the brave Rao, 
telling him, ' Fear not, child, your fort can never be taken, even if the 
siege last for fourteen years.' " 

On the third day after the full-moon in the month of Asaj (Septem- 
ber), the emperor marched to break down all the temples at Alanpur. On 
this, there followed a great commotion among the devils of Mahadeva. 
Sixty-four Joginis and fifty-four Bbairavs (he-devils), armed with tridents 
and kliappars (cups for holding blood) danced a horrible dance. They, with 
Sheoji at their head, rushed at Ala-uddin, playing on delieru and singing 
through sanhh (shells) many fearful, soul-stirring, martial airs. A Bhairav 
was close at the heels of the Emperor, exclaiming : " I will slay thee, wretch, 
knock thy head and make a grand feast of thy blood." The terrified emperor 
fled with haste, praying, " Defend me, Alia, defend me now that I am about to 
be eaten up by this dreadful monster." Then the goddess S'akti, taking her 
various shapes with bows, arrows, rings, swords, daggers and spears in her 
hands, and the gods armed with hal, mushed, anJcus, mudgar, each his own 
weapon, fell on the Musalman troops. 100,000 of the infidels fell. Ganesa 
bewildered the brains of many Khans, Mirs and Amirs who began to cut 
off: the heads of their friends, mistaking them for foes. All was confu- 
sion. Heaps upon heaps of dead bodies lay here and there and made the 
roads quite impassable. Ah ! what a dreadful sight it was to look upon ! 
Seven Mirs, being totally hopeless of victory, went away from the imperial 
ranks. The Emperor was struck with great astonishment at seeing the 
corpses of 200,000 of his forces, and those of two very able chiefs Himmat 
Bahadur and Ali Khan among them. He thus thought within himself — 
" What destroyer of gods is ever happy ? We hear that Hari killed hun- 
dreds of Asurs or devils in ancient times. Man can match with man, 
gods with gods, and devils with devils." He called many Brahmans very 
eagerly, and told them to do whatever they could in the way of appeasing 
the anger of the incensed gods. 

He gave orders to march from Alanpur with all expedition. 
Emperor. — " Although I am Hamir's enemy, I cannot but admire the 
way in which his men fight. They arc quite at home with the sword. 
While many in our ranks fell, they fought very manfully, fearing none and, 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranihamhor. 223 

glorying in death. Their heroic contempt of life is the grand secret of their 



success. 

Miliram Khan. — " Do not be sorry, Emperor, although you have come 
in spite of my prohibition. Be patient and do not lose heart. Press hard 
the siege. Hamir shall no more be able to hold out." 

Chapter VIII. 

The imperial tents were removed from Alanpur and pitched on a hill 
at Rang. Having taken a view of the fort of Ranthambor through a 
telescope, the emperor consulted his vassals and ministers, and sent a herald 
to Hamir. He said, " Tell, herald, tell Hamir to deliver into my hands 
the exile Muhammad Shah and to come and fall down at my feet." 

When the Rao heard this message his blood boiled. He replied, " I 
care not at all for your words, Emperor, I care not for them. Hamir is not 
a child, that threats and flatteries can move him even an inch from his 
resolution. So far from giving you back the Sheik Muhammad Shah, I 
will not give you even any of the birds and beasts of Ranthambor. The 
heads of such valiant heroes as Baldev, Ranjit and Randhir Singh have I 
sacrificed on the field. What ! to give you back our refugee. Did you not 
feel ashamed to write me the firman f" (To the herald.) " Go and give the 
emperor what I have written, and come no more even if you be ordered 
to do so by your master. Take as much gold as you wish for. Tell Ahi- 
uddin that he is my enemy, and not a friend, and so where is the use of 
such a firman. Tell him that I will never, never deliver into his hands his 
exile Muhammad Shah. Tell him that I have resolved never to meet him 
but on the bloody field of battle." 

" How foolish is Hamir," remarked Ala-uddin, when he was informed 
of all particulars by the herald. According to the advice of the Vazir 
Mehram Khan, he secured the possession of the hill of Rang. Large cannons 
were mounted upon it, and their mouths directed towards the fort. " Let 
us blow up the cannon which lies yonder on a bastion of the fort," said the 
emperor to his Vazir. 

A monstrous cannon was fired, but the Rao's cannon could not be 
silenced. When Hamir heard this intelligence, he ran forward to the can- 
non. He saw it perfectly safe. " Is there any one among my cannoniers 
who can burst the largest cannon mounted on Rang ! If any, I shall 
reward him amply and make him very rich." One stepped forward, and, 
having bowed to the Rao, fired his cannon, and the next moment the imperial 
cannon was broken to pieces. 

Emperor. — " What means are to be taken now for the capture of the 
fort?" 



221 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamlr Rasa, [No. 3, 

Mihram KJian.—^" Hear, your Majesty, there is a tank outside the walls 
of the fort which, if bridged over, can give a passage direct to the fort." 

Every arrangement was made for the building of a dam, and it was 
finished after prodigious labour. 

" We can no longer defend the fort" said Hamir drawing a heavy sigh. 
"It is lost, alas! the dear fort of my father is lost." In the dead of the 
night Padam Sagar in the guise of a man appeared to him in his dreams. " Do 
not be sony, my bold son,"* said he "my waters are fed by springs issuing 
forth from 7 oceans and 900 rivers. Be sure I will overflow the dam with 
the greatest expedition. Be happy and live secure within your fort." At 
break of day, Hamir saw to his astonishment a vast sheet of water rolling 
over the site of the erected dam. The emperor felt greatly disheartened. 
He said in despair : "Alas, the fort baffles all our attempts." 

Great rejoicings were held within the fort. There was dancing in the 
darhcir of Hamir. Chandrakala, a fascinating dancing-girl, the harmonious 
mridang, bina (flutes), shitar sdndyi, kJianjwi, hartal, srimddal, sur, 
ialtarang and such other musical instruments were bewitching the heart of 
every one of the audience. Chandrakala had perfect knowledge of 6 Bagas 
and 36 Baginis. The following airs were being sung. (Here follow a list of 
the tunes which we omit.) The Bao was sitting in state reclining on his 
pillow, and cliamars were being fanned about him. 

When Ala-uddin saw this pomp and splendour of Hamir, his heart was 
cut to the core. He said " Lo ! Hamir is enjoying pleasures like the rich 
Indra of heaven. He does not break through his resolution and meet with 
me, neither does he give me the Sheik, nor understand the consequences of 
his inveterate pride. See, how he laughs with the dancing-girl who darts 
quick glances at him, while she cares not at all for me. When the music calls 
her for dancing, she bows her head to the Bao, while she shows her heels to 
me. She insults me very greatly. See, how she laughs and makes her 
feet as if she would kick me. Is there any one among my archers who, by 
shooting her, could curb her pride and that of her master? I would give a 
very handsome prize to that hero." Mir Gabru joined his hands and prayed, 
" It is not becoming for heroes, oh mighty Emperor, to hurt a woman." " Do 
not shoot her dead, noble Mir," replied Ala-uddin " but wound her foot." 
Fast flew the arrow of Mir Gabru whizzing through the air. It pierced a 
foot of Chandrakala and fell in the midst of the Chohan Council. 

All the audience were struck dumb with surprise. Hamir looked 

dejected and became full of cares. " Singular !" he remarked. " How can 

an arrow come over such a distance ? Who is the archer? a saint indeed." 

He looked around in confusion and was lost in astonishment. In utter 

* Padam Sagar was a largo tank inside the fort of Ranthambor. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 225 

hopelessness, he gasped : " How many such skilful saints are there in the 
ranks of Ala-uddin ?" "Do not be alarmed, mighty Eao," said Muhammad 
Shah. " I know the archer, he is my younger brother : none amongst the 
troops of Ala-uddin can equal him in archery. Devotion can never be made 
but by a devotee, neither can heroism be displayed but by a hero. May it 
please you to order me, and this very moment the head of the emperor 
shall I pierce, sitting as I am in this place. All your troubles will be over 
and his troops dispersed." Hamir replied, smiling, " Never be guilty of 
regicide, great hero, for an emperor, whatever his merits may be, is next to 
God. Shoot away the state umbrella which is put up above his head." 
The swift-winged arrow of Muhammad Shah shot the umbrella with such 
a force that it fell on the ground. An Analpank's (eagle's) keen eyes mis- 
took it (umbrella) for an elephant. The bird swooped down upon it and was 
disappointed. 

The Vazir Mihram Khan having joined his hands, said to the emperor, 
" Praise be to God that your life has been saved owing to the consideration 
of eating your salt in former years. Be sure that if the skilful archer shoot 
a second arrow, it will be aimed at your life. How can that fort be captured 
wherein lives such an expert hero ? As a serpent that has caught a mole is 
on the two horns of a dilemma : if it swallows it, it dies, and if it vomits the 
part eaten, it becomes blind. Such, exactly such has been your case, impe- 
rial Majesty. I hear that the heroic Muhammad Shah asks for orders 
daily to shoot you dead, but the kind Hamir does not consent to do so. If 
he be ever given orders, he will put you in fetters, set his protector on the 
throne of Dehli and proclaim his rule there. It behoves you, therefore, to 
leave your determination and go back to the capital safe and sound, with 
your head on your shoulders. On the other hand, if Hamir be victorious 
and you fly away from here, your honour will be greatly hurt." 

The disappointed emperor, although very angry, had to withdraw his 
camp backwards to Mullarna. 

Chapter IX. 

Sarjan Shah, a lania (merchant) of the Sharaoji sect of Buddhists, 
made up his mind to avenge the death of his father. " The blood of my 
father cries out ' Vengeance,' " said he, " and so I must forthwith go to the 
imperial camp and by any means possible give Ala-uddin the possession of 
the fort." He presented five mohurs to the emperor and bowed down at 
his feet. He then joined his hands and thus addressed his Majesty : " I will 
enable you, mighty monarch, to capture the fort. Only promise to give me 
in return the territory of Eandhir." 



226 B. Bandyopadhy&ya — Hamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 

The emperor replied, smiling, " Come forward, dear Seth,* I will give 
you not only the Raj of Randhir, but that of Hamir. I will make you 
a great Umrao ." Sarjan took an oath by chewing a betel-leaf and attached 
himself privately to the cause of Ahi-uddin, who removed his tents and 
pitched them on his former position near the fort. 

The false mind of Sarjan devised a good plan. In the dead of the 
night, he managed with the greatest secrecy to throw dry hides into the 
deep under-ground stores of grain named Java and Bliord. At break of 
day he came to the clarhar of Hamir and with a profound bow said to the Rao : 
" My lord, we are really in a great extremity. The supply of provision 
has failed. The only resource now left us is to meet with the emperor and 
make friends with him." Hamir was at first indifferent to what he said, 
but when Sarjan repeatedly pressed his point, he could no longer keep his 
passion within bounds. His eye-balls darted fire. He roared, " Be- 
gone, vile coward, begone from my sight. Dost thou propose to shake my 
resolution ? Understand, wretch, if I bow down my head at the feet of the 
emperor, my mother will be ashamed of having borne me ten months in 
her womb." He softened and then continued, "What is the motive of thy 
request ? If I go to Ala-uddin with proposals of peace, my meeting with 
him will go hard against me and against my virtues as a Rajput. Listen, 
thou fool, the basest of all mortals, mean and timid, listen ; I am a Ksha- 
triya, and if I break through my resolution, I shall no more be worthy of being 
called by that glorious name. How do you know that our stores are empty ?" 
" If it please you, lord," replied Sarjan, " to go to the stores, you will see 
with your own eyes the reality of what I speak." Then he took Hamir 
to the stores and threw stones into them. How great was the Rao's dis- 
appointment to hear them resound. He was now convinced of the truth 
of Sarjan's words and could not find out that the real cause of the rever- 
beration were the hides, thrown some hours ago by his perfidious store- 
keeper. 

Seeing the Rao very sad, Muhammad Shah with joined hands, thus 
prayed, " Do not be sorry, my generous patron and protector. Permit me, 
I humbly implore you, to permit me to go to the presence of Ala-uddin. 
The moment he will get me, he will, I have no doubt, march back for his 
capital. You have given me house and have suffered so much. Do not 
stake your life and throne, Rao, but reign secure in your dominions. 
Wherever I shall go, your praises shall be on my lips for evermore." 

Hamir replied, smiling, " What on earth is stable, Sheik ? How can a 
being endowed with reason desire for a thing which, taken at its utmost 



*6 



Seth is a title of respect given to a wealthy merchant. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamhor. 227 

length, is but frail and transient. Glorious actions outlive their doers. I 
have drawn my sword against Ala-uddin for the honour of my promise. Let 
me die a glorious death. There are many friends in prosperity, but in 
adversity very few. Know that the firmness of Hamir, the pride and 
stubbornness of Havana, the truth of Raja Harischandra, and the skilful 
archery of Arjun are unequalled in their potency, superior to the fear of 
death, to the love of life and kingdom. Is death to be feared when it brings 
an endless glory both here and hereafter ? Shall I break through my resolu- 
tion and thereby be meaner than the tiny clwkar which picks up fire and 
never refrains, although its bill is burnt to ashes ?" 

At night-fall, Sarjan Shah went in haste to the emperor's camp, his 
countenance beaming with joy. Having joined his hands and bowed down, 
he informed his Majesty of the success of his device. He said " The supply 
of grain is still large enough to last twelve years more. Now the fort is 
yours, its strength of position and Rajput bravery will avail it nothing. It 
is yours, now, emphatically yours. May it please you to demand of Hamir 
(1) Chandrakala the dancing-girl, (2) Dewal Kimari (the virgin daughter 
of Hamir), (3) Paresh the philosopher's stone, (4) Muhammad Shah the 
exile. 

A firman containing the above demands was instantly written and 
sent to the Rao with an order for prompt execution. 

The emperor's firman made Hamir 's blood boil. He wrote, " I care 
not at all for you, Ala-uddin. As long as Hamir's head is on his shoulders, 
he will never allow you to get any of your demands. Take care, villain, 
take care, beware of your life, otherwise you are a dead man, and the throne 
of Dehli is without its emperor. Send me without delay (1) Begum Chim. 
na (the favourite queen of Ala-uddin), (2) Chintamani (a philosojmer's 
stone), and (3) the four devils who are at your command. Send them, for 
so the great Hamir demands of you." 

"Where lies the truth, knave," said Ala-uddin to Sarjan Shah on 
receiving Hamir's reply, "where lies the truth of thy abject flatteries ?" 

Sarjan. — " Wait, and you will see how things go on within the fort." 

Chapter X. 

Sorry and crest-fallen, Hamir went to the zenana. The princess Asa 
stood up, bowed down her head, joined her hands and anxiously inquired, 
" What ails you, lord ?" "Noble queen," said he with a heavy sigh, " our 
provision has fallen short. What is to be done now ? what means to be 
taken in this dire extremity ? Shall I give the Sheikh back and break my 
word? Alas! the very thought stings me to death." "Never do so," replied 
the Rani in a firm and decided tone. " With heroism unequalled, you the 



228 B. Bandyopadhyaya — ILtmi'r Bdsd, [No. 3, 

great Rao, have fought for twelve years and many times driven the emperor 
from the wall. Who has put such a vile idea in your head ? What accursed 
devil has got possession of you that you are uttering such base words ? 
Understand, my lord, that the greatest glory of man lies in speaking 
truth and standing by it at any cost. It matters not whether his body 
be severed to pieces, wealth lost and brothers, sons and wife sacrificed. 
Know that wealth and kingdom are for a few days only, while glory lasts 
for ever. Fight manfully to the last and keep the glory of your word 
intact. See, Dasaratba was bound by a promise which he had given to 
his bewitching Kaikayi, and so he was obliged to banish his dearest Eama, 
whose separation broke his heart and he sank and at last succumbed. What 
is fated to be must happen, and you can never avert it. Consider, 
Malm Rao, Muhammad Shah cannot come twice to our door, neither 
can Ala-uddin twice fall on the fort. If a man fear death, is he worthy 
to be called a Rajput ? If you break through your resolution, your father- 
land Ajmir, the seat of your heroic ancestors, will be ashamed of you. 
Sacrifice your throne, life and fort, but never give our refugee back." 

" See, Rao where is the pious Jagdev Puanr, who cut off his own head 
and offered it to his tutelary goddess ? Where are the learned Vikram and 
Bhoj, who relieved the distress of the poor ? Where is the generous Karan 
who used to give in charity every morning, on rising from his bed, one hhar 
(weight) and a quarter of gold ? Where are all these monarchs ? Alas ! 
they are all gone, all swept away by the grim -looking sweeper, death. 
None can escape from his all-grasping hand, neither the holy sages, nor the 
emperors, nay not even the gods. There have been many Chakravarti 
(paramount) rajas on the surface of the earth, whose sway extended to the 
shores of oceans, but where are they ? All lost in the deep abyss of time. 
Wealth, youth and the condition of man do not ever remain the same. 
The moon even is subject to change. She wanes to nothingness and again 
waxes to her fulness." 

" You cannot leave the Sheikh, because you have promised him safety. 
Abide by your word and resolution and never move from it and be cowed 
by adverse circumstances. Tho final massacre, as foretold by Siva, is at 
band. Fight, fight with the Muhammadan odds, holding your sword with a 
more determined hand. Be regardless of your life and interests. Birth, 
death and union come from God. None born in this world can be immor- 
tal. That which grows must perish, is a universal law of nature which 
no power can annul. Nothing is stable, neither man nor tree, neither 
mountain nor village. You have reigned over the territory of Ranthambor 
as long as your virtues enabled you to do so. Where is Rao Jait, your 
father, who laid the foundation of the fort ? Where is your grandfather 



1S79.] or a History of Hamir , prince of Eantltamlor. 229 

Sur Singh ? Where is the valiant Prithivraj who imprisoned Muhammad 
Gori ? Think on all these things, Maha Rao ; none can undo the 
decree of fate. Union and separation go hand in hand." Full of emotion 
she cried out, " We must now part, dear husband, we must now part from 
each other !" 

Hamir's reply. — " Glory to you, jewel of women, and glory to your 
ancestors. Is there any other woman on the face of the earth who can say 
such free and stimulating words ? If I deliver the Sheik into the hands 
of Ala-uddin, it will leave a foul stigma on my race. Keep your honour 
inviolate, commit a massacre within the fort, and die if you see blue colours 
come. . I have tried you and found you equal to every emergency, and fit 
to glorify the virtues of the Kshatriyas. You are very firm in your resolu- 
tion, noble princess, and I have confidence in your words." 

" Why do you doubt, lord," said Asa angrily, "why do you doubt 
our chastity ? Need I tell you that we do not look even at the face of 
any other man ? Can we go with others and be living when your fort is 
taken, and you killed ? Let us perish first, that you may have confidence 
in our chastity in your dying moments." 

Hamir. — " I do not doubt your chastity, noble queen. I know you are 
a flower of female virtues. Listen to my request. Wait till you see the 
issue of the next battle." 

Hamir gave alms to all the Brahmans and minstrels of his town. To 
do honour to the virtues of the Kshatriyas, he engrossed his mind and drove 
away the thoughts of self-interest which bind us to the world. He felt 
greatly affected. He bade adieu to his wife, went to the darbdr and called 
a council of his officers, soldiers and ministers. 

" Listen, brave Chaturang," said he, " look after Ratan Singh, now 
that he will be fatherless. You are wise and so I leave everything entirely 
to your discretion. Keep under your protection my servants and others 
who will go to you, strengthen the fort of Chitor and rule over your raj 
with a golden sceptre. The virtues of a king are specially four — for- 
bearance, courage, scrutiny and justice. Follow them, because none can 
be a good ruler without them." 

Chaturang. — " I will never leave you, Rao ; if you live, I will live ; 
if you die the death of glory, why am I to be deprived of it ?" 

J£amir. — " Your life is specially necessary, Chaturang. See, where 
will our subjects go to, when they shall be, as a matter of course, oppressed 
by the Muhammadans ? To Chitor certainly. There will the inhabitants 
of Ranthambor flee to live in peace and plenty." 

Chaturang Mori and the prince Ratan marched for Chitor, accom- 
panied by a strong guard of 5000 Rajputs. 



2P»0 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

Chapteh XI. 
Hamir assembled the remainder of his forces in a grand darhdr and 
thus spoke : " My friends, if a man live, he will continue enjoying the plea- 
sures of the world, and if he fall in glory on the battle-field, he will be 
translated to heaven. "What do you prefer, my brave warriors ? the enjoy- 
ment of the world, or the enjoyment of everlasting happiness ? if the 
former, then do not come to me ; if the latter, then make yourselves ready 
to fight the emperor." 

Muhammad Shah rose from the council and went with haste to his 
palace He drew a sword and cut off the heads of his dearest relatives, his 
own kith and kin, even his own flesh and blood, lest Ala-uddin should insult 
them after his death. Soon afterwards he hastened to Hamir. In vain 
did he struggle to repress his feelings. Tears rolled down his cheeks, when 
he stood before the Rao and informed him of the massacre. 

Hamir said — "Do not be sorry, Muhammad Shah ; nothing is lasting in 
this world ; none can escape from the jaws of death. In the various trans- 
migrations which a man goes through, he remains subject to that grim 
monster. There is none on the surface of the earth who wishes his death, 
but would gladly extend his clays. The death of a Sati, that of a hero, 
and that of a virtuous man are truly glorious and pi'oductive of much 
good." 

(Turning to his Omrao.) " Wear clothes dyed with saffron, my vassals, 
because such a golden opportunity of attaining salvation and glorifying the 
names of our noble clans will not twice present itself. I, Rao of Rantham- 
bor, intend dying on the battle-field and abiding for ever at the feet of our 
Mahadeo. Ala-uddin cannot fall twice on our fort. I will distribute 1000 
cows among the poor and fasten the mor, the crown of marriage, to my 
forehead." 

Drums were beaten, and at their sound the Chohan colours were un- 
furled. Joy and the extreme thirst for glory knew no bounds and could not 
be contained in the hearts of the Rao, his officers and soldiers. 5000 able 
Rajputs were kept for the defence of the fort, and 80,000 became ready 
to fight the Muhammadans on the open field. None loved their lives 
and interests, and all were impatient of delay in rushing at their enemy. 
Here are the names of some of the thirty-six clans to which his vassals and 
soldiers belonged.* 

Then went to arm himself the brave Rao Hamir, the hero of minstrels' 

* Kamadhaj, Karam, Gaur, Tumar, Parihax, Piiraj, Pandar, Chohan, Jadav, 
Gohil, Gehlot, Sagar, Puanr, and Bhils with Bhoj at their head. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Rantliambor. 231 

songs, the defender of the glory of the Bajpiit power, very skilful in 
the art of war, benevolent, beautiful, strong-limbed and unwearied in 
fiohting, even though he should be engaged continuously both day and 
night and wounded in every part of the body, for the sake of keeping fihe 
honour of the virtues of his illustrious fathers. His vassals went each to his 
tent to put on armour. They were so many lions in battle, no danger could 
daunt them : no obstacle, no difficulty, however great it might be, could 
move them in the least from their deliberate resolution. Their foreheads 
were smeared with streaks of the red sandal. With the names of the great 
Surya on their lips they began to prance and rush like athletes. All were 
intent and resolved on doing something very terrible, they bathed, gave gifts 
of cows and gold to the Brahmans, and worshipped the Sun, Siva and Vish- 
nu. The honour of the virtues of the Kshatriyas occupied their minds and 
made them glad and exulting. They were descended of noble ancestors 
whose glorious actions are the subjects of many a minstrel's songs. Elated 
with pride, with their heads erect, and energy beaming forth from their 
countenances, they made themselves ready to march with Hamir. They 
were steady in fight, regardless of life and interest, very charitable, brave, 
noble-minded, immovable from their resolution, and devoted to the worship 
of Hara. 

Very brisk, active, fleet horses, well-caparisoned and guarded from head 
to foot from the weapons of enemies, were given eacli to his competent rider. 
16,000 horses were equipped, of which 5000 were Turki, good at trotting, and 
11,000 mild and well-trained Tdji. All were of noble breed and very beau- 
tiful, catching the eyes of even a monarch. Their saddles were covered with, 
ornamental embroidery and brilliant diamonds. Bunches of lace were upon 
their heads. Pairs of chamar hung by their sides, hiding the legs of the 
riders. Their necks were adorned with garlands of pearls, their manes were 
braided and their saddlery was made of rich silk and velvet. They seemed a 
thick flight of locusts. They were swifter than the wind. When they pressed 
their hoofs on the ground, fire came out instantly. They used to go through 
water as easily and swiftly as on the dry land. Biding on a horse of such 
mettle, a tolerable huntsman could put his bow around the neck of a deer 
while running fast in a jungle, and shoot a bird while in rapid motion. 
Each of these steeds was got for an equal weight of gold and diamonds. 

The Katchi horses fled after the birds, the Iraki were very patient and 
and mild, the Kanddhdri very beautiful, the Kdbuli very attractive, dressed 
in silk and satin saddle ly, the Kdtiwdri very fleet and nimble, and the Ara- 
hi could be compared with elephants. 

The horses were divided into various groups according to their colours. 
500 elephants, whose bodies were like mountains and whose roar like the peal 



232 B. Bandyopadhyaya — llnmir Rasa, [No. 3, 

of thunder, were taken with the Chohan army. The drivers could not control 
them but by charms. At first they went to their feet, bowed to them, and 
then unloosened their chains, but all their endeavours could not make them 
move. Then they amused them in various ways. They bathed them and 
rubbed their bodies with oil and vermilion. The moon was painted upon 
their foreheads. The red streaks of vermilion looked like flashes of light- 
ning, dancing amidst the clouds of the wet season. Haudds were mounted 
upon them. When they, fierce and frantic with rage, rushed out, it seemed 
as if large masses of dark clouds came on rolling in the air and striking 
each other. Their huge tusks looked like herons flying about on a rainy 
day against sombre clouds. The exudation from their temples was like 
drops of rain. Massive shields were fastened to their heads. With an 
impetuous rush they marched as if the grim monarch of death ran forward 
to seize his victim. Men with discuses, arrows and pointed sticks ran all 
about them. They were spurred on by the pricking of goads. Sometimes 
they would stop in the way, and nothing could move them. Little drums 
were then sounded, and their sweet and soft strains induced them to pro- 
ceed. The cliamars, fanned on the riders, glittered in the sun. 

All the chief Kajput warriors bowed down to Harnir, who instructed 
them in various ways. 

The heroes as well as celestial nymphs became elated with joy. The 
former put on their breastplates, while the latter their corsets. The former 
wore helmets, while the latter drew their veils on their heads. The former 
wore weapons of attack and defence, while the latter ornaments of diamonds. 
The former took their swords, while the latter applied unction to their eyes. 
The former put on their shields, while the latter their earrings. The former 
took their daggers, while the latter pressed the. tilak on their fore- 
heads. The former took betel, while the latter applied cliup (a kind of 
golden teeth-ornaments) to their teeth. The former bent their bows and 
pulled the strings, while the latter darted sidelong glances. The former 
took knives in their hands, while the latter coloured theirs with myrtle. 
The former took up their spears, while the latter wreaths of flowers. The 
former bound their turbans tight with pieces of rich silk, while the latter- 
pinned jewelled lockets (shishful) on their foreheads. The former pranced 
and leaped with exultation, while the latter displayed their fascinating 
manners. The former wore shell (silken threads worn on the neck like the 
sacred thread of investiture), the latter their necklaces. The former 
smeared their foreheads with streaks of the sandal, while the latter combed 
their hair. The former took in their hand the tulsi rosaries, while the 
latter handled garlands of flowers. The former spurred their horses, while 
the latter drove their cars on the aerial way. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Banthamlor. 233 

The elephants were ranged foremost, then followed the horses with 
flying colours. There was a peal of trumpets, drums, cow-mouthed pipes, 
chang and sandyi. The minstrels went on singing praises of the glorious 
exploits of the Chohans and accounts of the Rajput chivalry, thereby in- 
flaming the minds of all the warriors with an eagerness of displaying their 
military talents and becoming illustrious for ever, both here and hereafter. 
Very swift camels followed the troops of Hamir for the speedy despatch of 
messages. 

Many cannons were taken to the front of the army. They were painted 
with vermilion. Their muzzles, with red colours streaming on them, seemed 
as if many terrible monarch s of death had opened their mouths and were 
showing their tongues. Sometimes the cannons would stop in the way, when 
wine and mutton were offered to them, and immediately they moved on. 
Matchlocks, small guns and several mitrailleuses,* followed in their 
wake. 

At the singing of the martial air of sindhu all the troops set out, and 
celestial nymphs ran forward with garlands of flowers in their hands. 

On the Muhammadan side all the Khans and Urnraos made good pre- 
parations for the capture of the fort of Ranthambor. 

The two parties met. Brave and warlike heroes rushed forward from 
both sides and came face to face. Each of them was a terrible messenger of 
death. The battle raged with such fury that it seemed as if two mighty 
oceans, bursting over their conlines, had come on striking against each other, 
bringing destruction and devastation in their train. The Rajput heroes 
ran forward. The brave and powerful Muhammadan Mirs met them. 
Columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. The martial 
music was sounded. The cannons boomed ; the earth shook as well as the 
heavens. Flames burst forth on all sides. Dark smoke filled the air. 
There was a continuous shower of fiery shots which poured with violence 
like so many balls of gold. Heaps upon heaps of horses and elephants roll- 
ed on the ground, writhing in the agony of death. The ravage of fire-arms 
was so terrible that it seemed as if the cloud of death hung on the sky, 
pouring destruction everywhere. Blood began to flow from wounds in tor- 
rents. Large balls went through the bodies of elephants, making the wounds 
so open that vultures sat in them tearing and pulling out the flesh from 
within. They seemed as if numbers of devotees were engaged in contempla- 
tion, sitting in the caves of mountains. Many a horse was blown up. The 
cannons roared, and the volleys of fire emitted from their muzzles came on 
like flashes of lightning that attend thunder. Many mitrailleuses were fired at 

* These were called chaddars, and were made by so fixing several gun barrels on 
an iron frame, as to admit of their being fired at once. 



231 B. Bandyopadhy&ya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

once. The continuous succession of the sounds of these fire-arms was like 
the sounds emitted from the fiery oven of a grain-baker. Thousands of 
guns were discharged all at the same time. The showers of their bullets 
were like the showers of hail-stones. Rockets of iron (ban) flew, circling 
with a great noise, and fell amidst the hostile ranks. 

Heavy showers of arrows rained incessantly. Away they flew piercing 
many horses and elephants. There was a brisk play of tomars (sticks pointed 
at both ends). Many a lance was driven into the bowels of the Muham- 
madan soldiers amidst loud shouts. The swords began to flash fire. Even 
the massive heads of two elephants were cut off by one stroke. The blood 
of the slain flowed in torrents. When a sword was raised on the head of 
a Muhammadan, it failed not to cut through the helmet, the head, the breast- 
plate, the breast, the belly, the waist, the saddle and the horse. There 
danced and laughed Sambhu, the lord of tigers. With great glee he 
presented necklaces of human heads, one to every hero. Daggers were 
run through the breasts of the hostile soldiers. Their sharp points, seen 
outside the backs of the wounded, were like red hands of women stretched out 
of the windows of a balcony. The sharpest knives stabbed many a warrior, 
and kanjars (battle-axes) despatched many more by opening large wounds in 
their chests. Here and there the heroes of both sides fell to wrestling. The 
din of the battle was deafening. Many bodies rose without heads and fled at 
their adversaries with a rush. The bowels of the slain were scattered all 
around and drawn hither and thither by the greedy vultures. The wounded, 
made desperate by the deep scars on their bodies, began to rave. The Joginis 
filled their cups with blood and feasted on flesh, and the Bhairavs danced 
with mirth, eating the hearts of the fallen. The infidel heroes were taken to 
heaven by the black-eyed Houris and the Hindu by the Apsaras. The 
goddess Kali opened wide her jaws and laughed, grinning at the Muham- 
madans. 

The imperial forces withdrew in fear. The emperor, in an angry tone, 
thus exclaimed — " Where will ye fly to, ye fools ? Wherever you may go, 
you can never escape from the fury of Hamir." 

Ala-uddin to Mihram Khan. — " See, Vazir, see how my cowardly 
troops prize their lives and fly away, while the Chohans are fighting 
bravely, regardless of life and interest. All the Kshatriyas are very 
faithful to the virtues of their clans. See, how they fight fearlessly 
and never show their backs to the enem} 1- . See their bold determination, 
their unflinching courage, their noble resignation to fate, and lastly their 
heroic contempt of life. See, with what skill they are cutting our soldiers 
to pieces, never leaving for a moment the field of battle. On the other 
hand look at our forces. They, including the Mirs and the Amirs, love the 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Runthambor. 235 

world and withdraw in fear. What is to be done now, able minister, what 
means shall we take in this dire extremity ?" 

Mihrdm Khan. — " Gracious Majesty, there is one means. Let us divide 
our forces into four corps, each under an able general. Give the Diwan 
the command of one, the Bakshi the other, me, your Vazir, the third, 
and yourself take the fourth. Let us then all unite in the field and fight 
very bravely ; Hamir Rao will never be able to withstand us." 

This arrangement having been made, the Muhammadan troops came 
to the field. The crescents were raised aloft. Many able heroes, frantic and 
dreadful, riding on horses and painted elephants, surrounded the Rajputs. 
They gave out a thrilling shout and went on very cautiously. 

Both the Hindus and the Muhammadans rushed out, exulting, to the 
fight, puffed up with pride and courage. Then a massacre ensued. The 
cannons boomed. The fury of the shots drove the heroes to some distance. 
Again they ran forward and met. The field rang with the peal of the 
martial music, and the battle continued with unabated fury. The four- 
headed arrows of warriors went right through the hearts of soldiers, causing 
instant death. The forests of lances, darted with vehemence, repelled a 
body of hostile troops for a moment. The latter rushed forward, vaunting 
of their might. Their reeking swords cut down a large number of horses 
and elephants. Many warriors were struck dead, and their heads dropped 
down on the ground. Daggers were driven with determined hands. Thus 
battled both the parties, each exulting and glorying to win the victory. 
Heaps upon heaps of the slain lay scattered on the field — a dreadful 
spectacle ! — on which vultures sat and feasted. The jackals licked the 
blood, and the she-devils filled their vessels, danced and sang with merri- 
ment. They wished for such another battle. They took pieces of flesh 
and bone into their bloody mouths, drained their cups, sucked their clothes 
steeped in blood and searched for more flesh. The superior archery of the 
(Jhohans secured the victory. The Muhammadan ranks, seeing that the 
day was against them, fled away in confusion. 

Then exclaimed Bahadur, the Mir of Abdal, curling his whiskers. 
" Order me, Royal Master, and this very moment I will, like a lion seizing a 
sheep, bring Hamir to your feet. Only give me in return the Raj of Ran- 
thambor. I will drag him into your presence, placing my bow around his 
neck." Abdal was placed at the head of 20,000 horse, determined to fight 
the emperor's cause. With a wild outcry rushed the brave Mir to the 
field and came in front of Hamir, and with him 20,000 troops and 30 
elephants ran forward, mad and frantic with rage. On the Rajput side 
Hamir ordered a hero to march forward and meet the Muhammadan 
commander. 



230 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

Botli met, each vaunting of his own might. Elephant fought with 
elephant, horse with horse, and foot with foot — all engaged in the work 
of destruction. Drums were beaten and trumpets sounded. Cannons 
boomed and blew up many a brave young warrior. Swords falling on heads 
split the bodies into two. Their sharp blades were like the bloody jaws of 
the grim Yam. Many a wrestler and athlete fell. Heaps upon heaps of 
corpses lay in a confused mass. Men on elephants and elephants on men, 
all huddled together very rightfully on the field. Horses writhed and 
rolled in the agony of death. Behold ! bodies without heads dance and 
wrestle, their heads send forth a shout which thrill every heart, to 
the horror of the living. Hillocks of bowels were formed, which falling 
one upon another, seemed as if the elephant and the tortoise mentioned in 
the Mahabharata were again fighting with violence. The kites and vul- 
tures swooped down upon them and flew away with them. The bowels 
suspending from their talons looked like lines of kites in the hands of 
playful boys. Pieces of flesh were pinched out of many a living body, 
and blood issued in jets. Arms and legs dropped off, and heads began to 
roll like so many water-melons. Tanks of flesh and blood were formed. 
The goddess Kalika laughed, the Khetrapals danced and surfeited them- 
selves with great glee. Siva leaped and, full of joy, wore new garlands of 
heads. 6000 Khorasanis fell and were taken to heaven by the black-eyed 
Houris. 30 elephants were cut to pieces and lay scattered on the field. 

Muhammad Shah bowed his head, joined his hands and asked for 
orders. Hamir remained silent. Then the Shaik exclaimed — " See, Rao, 
see my skill in managing swords." No sooner did he say the above words, 
than he flew in haste to the field. Seated at ease on his horse, he thus 
spoke out : " See, emperor, how good am I in the art of war. Why are 
you silent ? Here stand I, your wrong-doer. See, here do I stand. Seize 
me if you can. I have come before you on an open field ; now seize me as 
you used to vaunt, or if your words be false, you are no longer worthy the 
name of ' emperor.' " 

At the command of Ala-uddin 30,000 Khorasanis, with the Mir of 
Saduki at their head, rushed forward, exclaiming : " We will catch the 
Shaik, give us in return the dominions of Hamir." Drums and the high- 
sounding trumpets stirred them all to action. 10,000 heroes, the flower of 
chivalry, were with Muhammad Shah. Besides, there were 23,000 soldiers. 
The famous Shaik spurred his horse and drew his sword in the teeth of the 
hostile army. 

" Seize the villain, seize him alive, noble Saduki" exclaimed the angry 
emperor at the top of his voice. " I will give you a jdgir wor.th 12,000 
a year." At that very moment the Mir came forward, vaunting of his 
might. The Shaik bowed to Hamir and began to flourish his sword. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Rnntliamlor. 237 

" Victory to the Crescent" was shouted hy the Muhammadan ranks 
and " Victory to Hamir" by those of the Chohan. " Hear, Emperor," cried 
Mir Saduki, " hear what a trifle is Hamir to me who have subdued 
' Tatta Bhakar.' " With these words on his lips, he rushed out in wild 
fury, taking with him a detachment of 6000 picked Khorasanis. Some 
soldiers advanced with flying colours. Heroes met with heroes, all brave, 
stalwart and proud. They bent their bows, pulled the strings, adjusted 
arrows with joy and shot them, each boastful of his own skill. The great 
Shaik began to fight very furiously. Swords flashed fire, and a dreadful 
massacre ensued. Hands and feet, arms and legs, heads and bellies dropped 
down. Many warriors fell on the ground and rose again with redoubled 
rage. Their bellies were cut, and the bowels came out, full of wind. All 
was a confused mass of flesh and blood. The 6000 soldiers were put to the 
sword ; not a single man escaped. Their banners and drums were snatched 
away and presented to the Rao. 

A stronger body of Muhammadan heroes rushed to capture Muham- 
mad Shah. " Glory to you, valiant Chohan," exclaimed the latter, " your 
bravery, courage, truth and other manly virtues have won you a universal 
fame which will last for ever. You have staked your life and kingdom, 
wealth and property for the honour of your words. Glory to your decision 
of character, glory to your firmness. Your praises will be sung for ever- 
more." The thought of parting with his noble patron crossed his heart 
and drew tears from his eyes. He continued, " When my future mother 
will give me birth, then shall I meet you, my generous Rao." 

Hamir replied. — " Warriors do not display soft feelings on the field. 
They do not love life, thinking it frail and transient. Union and separation 
go hand in hand. That which grows must perish ; so it is taught by the 
Vedas. Do not be sorry, hero, do not lose heart. If you be separated here 
by death, be sure that grim monarch cannot separate us there in heaven. 
We shall all meet with one another, you, I, your wife, children, brother and 
the emperor too, the moment we leave our bodies. Leave interest and love. 
Nothing have we brought with us, and it is certain we can carry nothing 
away. This frail body is turned to dust, while good deeds live for ever in 
glory. Hear, Shaik, nothing is stable on the earth. What is our flesh ? 
It is but a compound of dust, perishable at a slight accident. Why then 
love it ? love virtue and glory and drain the last drop of your blood in 
order to have them." 

Muhammad Shah rushed headlong to the fight. Mir Gabru ran out 
from the imperial ranks and bowed to him. 

Mvr Gabru. — " I eat the salt of Ala-uddin, brother, and you that of 
Hamir. Let not our relation make cowards of us. Let us stand by our 
virtues at the peril of our lives. Although we shall part here from each 
6 a 



238 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

other, we shall surely meet and live together there in everlasting happi- 
ness." 

Ald-uddin said, smiling. — " Hear, brave Muhammad Shah, your words 
have come to pass to the very letter. You have never bowed down your 
head to me since you left the gates of Dehli. Give up your anger, and let 
us shake hands with each other and be friends again from this moment. 
Come and side with me. I give you the woman with whom you kept com- 
pany, and besides, the province of Gorakhpur." The Shaik, smiled gently, 
and thus replied : " Remember, Emperor, the words you told me while in 
Dehli. Keep your promise to yourself. My mother has not borne in me so 
mean a son as to take what you give. Far from siding with you, I will, 
if God spare my life, try my best to have Hamir seated on the throne of 
Dehli, and his rule proclaimed through the length and breadth of India. 
I will never leave my generous patron and protector, but will worship his 
feet for evermore." 

When Hamir heard this news he sent a body of troops to the aid 
of Muhammad Shah with the following message — " Do not care for 
your life, Shaik. See, for the honour of my words, I have drawn my 
sword against the emperor of all India. Do not betray weakness now that 
I have staked so much for you. Do not fear to die ; if you do so, Muham- 
mad Shah, then women are better than you. They keep their words, al- 
though they cost them their lives." 

" Let us draw our swords, brother," exclaimed Mir Gabru, " and obey 
the orders of our masters. Our death is imminent." 

Muhammad Shah felt pleased. Both the brothers, glad and exulting, 
rushed at each other with drawn swords in their hands. They embraced each 
other. Mir Gabru falling at the feet of the Shaik asked for orders. 
" Brother," said the Mir, " we are killing each other for the sake of loyalty 
we bear to our masters. We shall never be blamed therefore." Fraternal 
affection yielded to the all-absorbing feelings of fidelity. The brothers 
rushed at each other, They shouted, their helmets touched the sky. They 
began to fight as if two monarchs of death encountered each other. They 
fell a-wrestling, brother with brother dying for their masters, an affecting 
scene indeed ! There was a clashing of swords, which flashed like the flashes 
of fire seen, when woods and villages are burning on a summer night. Both 
fell, fighting bravely. Their hands, legs and heads dropped, and yet their 
trunks fought rolling against each other like two massive elephants. 
Celestial nj'mphs descended to marry both the heroes, and their dead faces 
wore a shining appearance. 

They went to heaven amidst the cheering shouts of both the Hindus 
and the Muhammadans. The dying words of Muhammad Shah were as 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of SantJiamlor. 239 

follow : " Hear, Emperor, you need no more kindle the flame of war. Re- 
turn to Dehli." (To Hamir.) "Mighty Chohan, your deeds will be 
immortal in this sinful Kali Yug, while the lives of others are as 
arrows shot, that leave no trace in the air. Master of my body, Rao Hamir, 
you have fulfilled your words, you have brightened your house and family, 
you have no equal in this world, you have not read the Koran, while Ala- 
uddin invoked your gods. We have not, we two, bowed down to him." 
His quivering lips uttered ' Glory to Hamir.' 

Chapteb XII. 

Ala-uddin was for effecting a reconciliation. He said, " Listen, warlike 
Hamir, the bravest of all heroes, listen with attention to what I tell you. You 
need not draw your sword again, for I have made up my mind to return to 
Dehli with the living remainder of my forces. I not only forgive you your 
offences, but give you fifty-two pargands in addition to your territories. 
Reign undisturbed on them. I swear by the Koran that I will never assail 
your fort again. As is Dehli the capital of the Muhammadan govern- 
ment, so is Ranthambor that of the Chohan. 

Hamir replied. — " Listen, Master of Dehli, and consider with attention. 
Who can avert the decree of fate ? What is fated to be must happen, and 
no power, whether human or divine, can make it void. Whose are the terri- 
tories that you are so presuming enough to give me ? Did you give us 
our lands ? No. Who sat you on the throne of Dehli ? Your ancestors ? 
No. It was destined. Then, where lies the use of your wise words ? How- 
ever powerful and cunning you may be, you can never avert predestination. 
Nothing is stable on the earth but deeds of glory. Conquer time. See, 
where are the cruel Duryodhan and the mighty Dashaskandha (the ten- 
headed Havana) ? They have all been levelled in the dust. Whose is the fort, 
Emperor, and whose the throne of Dehli ? They have been given to us by 
God. We were both parts of the great Padam Rishi. I have been born a 
Hindu, and you a Musalman according to our virtues. You offended the 
gods, and so have been degraded to be an infidel. Leave enjoyment and 
hunger for land, and let us both go to heaven to live there, clad in ever- 
lasting glory. See, I have left my fort and come in your presence. I 
have kept my word. My companion and refugee has been blessed with a 
heavenly life. Let us follow him. Draw your sword, draw it, and do not 
delay. Love not the world. All earthly possessions are but husks of grain 
before a strong gust of wind. Fall with glory on the field, and let vultures 
and jackals feast on your flesh that you may be a sharer of eternal enjoy- 
ment, there in the world of felicity." 



210 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Bdsd, [No. 3, 

Ala-uddin's blood boiled. He sent forth troops to the field. All the 
soldiers and officers became ready, and another battle raged with such fury 
as surpassed that of the war, waged by Partha on the famous plain of Kuru- 
kshetra. 

80,000 Rajputs and Bhils, armed with swords, bows, and arrows, were 
drawn up in battle-array. The line of elephants looked like thick clouds 
of autumn. Numbers of horses ran faster than the air. The swords flash- 
ed like lightning. The arrows seemed as if showers of rain were falling fast 
with violence. The war-minstrels sang martial airs. The drums sent forth 
their soul-stirring peals. Messengers darted hither and thither. 

On the Muhammadan side Mir Sikandar took an oath, bowed his head, 
and received orders. He said in a vaunting tone, " I have captured the 
fort of Birjapur, so what a trifle is to me this fortress of Ranthambor. In 
vain have you, Emperor, pushed so many souls to death. Now see and 
admire my skill in fighting." He took with him all the regiments of Kan- 
dahar and marched with fury. 

From the Hindu ranks came out a Bhil, named Bhoj, and asked Hamir 
for orders. 

" Allow me, noble lord, to fight the Kandaharis." "I can never do 
so," replied Hamir. " Do you remember, Bhoj, that two brave Bhils were, of 
their own accord, beheaded near the foundation of the gate-wall of the 
fort ? of them One was your father. Raja Jait promised you protection. 
You were bred by him, so how can I push you on to death ? You are wise 
and valiant. Go to Chitor, there to serve under the prince Ratan. Take 
this fleet horse and go there with all speed." 

Bhoj. — " This head is devoted to your service, mighty Chohan. I am 
old and as long as I live, I will serve you. I consider my life as a pawn 
only for the cause of you, my master. If I lose this opportunity of show- 
ing my fidelity I shall never be able to gain it." 

He bowed down to Hamir, took with him his regiment and rode for- 
ward. There was a forest of bamboo bows, arrows and daggers on the 
field of battle. 

Mir Sikandar rushed out and met them. The valleys rang with the 
soul-stirring peals of drums and trumpets, and banners flew aloft. The 
battle raged, the arrows whizzed. The two wings of the opposite parties 
met each other. The Mir commanded the riders on elephants to go 
forward. The Bhils pulled their clothes tight over their breasts and rush- 
ed headlong to the fight. They, savage and ferocious with rage, held 
bows in their hands. As the sound of drums inspires an athlete with cou- 
rage, and he springs and jumps, so leaped Bhoj at the sound of war-songs. 
Arrows were shot, and daggers driven into the bodies of enemies. An ele- 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthanibor. 2-11 

phant rushed with fury and was the next moment torn into two pieces by 
two Bhils named Moria and Bhuria. This was followed by a fierce out- 
rush of all the Bhils. They fell on the ranks of Ala-uddin and seemed as 
if angry legions of bears and monkeys were destroying the golden fields 
of Ceylon. 

There was a play of daggers which stabbed many a warrior to death. 
" Behold, Vazir," said Ala-uddin to Mihram Khan, " behold how the Bhils 
fight. They are making a rush at our men like so many enraged bears." 
Bhoj and Sikandar met. " Raise your sword, Mir, raise your sword at 
first," exclaimed the brave Bhil. " Pity, pity, old man, I pity your old 
age," replied the Mir. Bhoj burned with anger. He ran a dagger with 
violence into the bowels of Sikandar. The latter laughed and struck the 
former dead in an instant. Down dropped the head, but lo ! the body rose 
and made a fearful rush, committing a great massacre. Sikandar fell, and a 
beautiful Houri came down and took him up to Paradise. Innumerable 
soldiers of Kandahar fell with him. The trunk of the brave Bhil danced 
on the field and yet stopped not its work of destruction. It rushed and 
rushed on with unspeakable fury. The imperial forces withdrew. 

The loss on the Muhammadan side was 25,000 soldiers of Kashmir, 
30,000 Kandaharis with Sikandar at their head, and ten Mirs headed by Ali 
Sher, while that on the Hindu was 2000 Bhils with Bhoj. 

The troops of Ala-uddin ran away in confusion. Hamir alighted from 
his elephant and came to the corpse of the brave Bhoj. He could not sup- 
press his feelings ; he wept ; he said : " Who can measure the agony of 
my heart? Bhoj, my dear companion, is dead. You were unsurpassed in 
bravery, mighty Bhil, and are now glorious in immortality. Oh ! that I 
could follow you to that region of felicity whose gates have been open to 
receive you with honour. Glory to you, bravest of heroes, faithful to the 
salt." 

While Hamir was lamenting the death of the Bhil, Jayan Sikandar 
came unawares and rushed at the Rao to seize him. But he was dis- 
appointed. The Chohan troops arrived in time, and Hamir mounted on his 
elephant. 

The emperor's blood boiled at the sight of his men flying away from 
the field. " Why fly away, cowards, why fly away from the field ? You 
have all been fed on the richest food and have enjoyed many blessings under 
my rule. What ! to fly away and love life and interest at this critical 
moment and to heap shame on my head !" 

All the heroes were stimulated. They rushed again to fight with Ha- 
mir. 200,000 of Kandaharis with Jayan Sikandar at their head marched, 
while Hamir, for the sake of truth and religion, made his soldiers ready for 



242 B. Bandyop;idhy;iya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

another battle. Cannon and other fire-arms were no longer made use of, 
and swords only were taken in hand. 

Rao Hamir pulled the string of his bow and away flew shafts of arrows 
whizzing through the air. It seemed as if the mighty Arjiin was fighting 
again on the field of Kurukshetra. Many elephants were jtierced. Down 
they fell and rolled, roaring with agony. The mails of the horses were 
run through, and the fire-headed arrows flew away with violence from the 
bodies of many noble steeds, carrying their lives with them. They rained 
like the showers of the rainy season. Tbe Mirs and Rawats met. The 
latter rushed out from their ranks. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron, with 
the marriage-crowns fastened to their heads, many fierce warriors ran for- 
ward with thrilling shouts. The war-minstrels began to sing their praises, 
as they darted flashing like meteors. The hair of their erect whiskers 
touched their eyes, and all their hairs were erect, being inflamed with rage, 
energy and pride. 

A thick array of elephants was set in front of the imperial force. The 
Rajput heroes made at them with sword in hand and fire in their hearts. 
Hamir roared, standing on the field. The earth and the heavens shook with 
the peals of the martial music. Banners streamed. Some elephants were 
hurled in the air, others were struck dead. Some were torn into two, the 
trunks of others were cut off so swiftly, as if they were so many plantain trees. 
The tusks of some were broken, and the poor elephants instantly fled, roar- 
ing and writhing in pain. Others were caught by the tails and tusks and 
thrown suddenly on the ground. Heaps upon heaps of carcases were scat- 
tered on the field, and blood began to flow from wounds in torrents, as jets 
of water flow from a fountain. Many good horses rolled hither and thither, 
with their legs and bodies cut in pieces. Again the swords flashed. 
Heroes fought with heroes, while cowards fled away. The heads of some 
dropped, the legs of others, the arms of some and the breasts of others. 
Down came many warriors with a sound like the crash of falling timbers. 
The reeking swords fell on the heads of some, and the heads fell down and 
uttered forth a horrible scream, while their bodies began to dance on the field. 
Aitows whizzed, swords flashed, they sounded as the axe of the wood-cut- 
ter when at work in a jungle. The sharp lances went through many 
bodies as enraged serpents go to their dens. Daggers stabbed many, knives 
were run through, whose points looked on the other side of the body like 
tails of the cobra de capello. The bisdti was driven with force, and 
breasts were rent into two. 

The athletes commenced wrestling. Some were hurled in the air. The 
hands of others were sprained and plucked out. Some lost their heads, and 
others their legs. The earth was unable to drink the blood of which a river 



1879.] or a History of Ha>mir, prince of Ranthambor. 243 

flowed from the field. The huge carcases of horses and elephants, piled in 
heaps, formed its banks ; the wheels of war-chariots caused currents. The 
hows driven by a gentle wind looked like waves, the hands and legs like 
serpents, and fingers with rings on them like shoals of shrimps, the heads 
surmounted by red turbans like lotuses, the shady eye-brows like the 
black-bee, and the hair like mosses. The bathing-places were where the 
heroes were vaunting each of his might. The Yoginis, filling their basins 
with the red liquid, looked like a troop of beautiful women filling their jars 
and pitchers, and Bhairavs, Sambhu and Kalika, dancing with great glee, 
like persons coming to bathe in the sacred months of Bysak and Kartika 
(April and October) . 

The living remainder of the troops of Ala-uddin withdrew in fear and 
shame. Standing on the field, the mighty Hamir roared like a lion. Many 
jackals, vultures and kites flew hither and thither, feasting on flesh and blood. 

The flashing sword of Hamir fell on the head of Shah Sikandar 
Jahan. Down dropped his enormous head with a crash. 125,000 Kanda- 
haris were put to the sword. Besides, 100,000 of Ala-uddin's own troops, 
500 elephants and 10 Mirs fell. Here are the names of the last-named. 
Shesh, Mahesh, Murad, Muhabbat, Muzaffar All, Niir, Askar Ali, Nizam 
Ali, Sikandar Shah, Nur-uddin. 

The wounded heroes raved here and there, quite furious and blood- 
thirsty. The bright car of the sun stopped as if its majestic rider would 
take a view of this dreadful spectacle. Even gods were taken aback. They 
wondered at the military prowess of Hamir and looked with admiration at 
the field of carnage. The gates of heaven were opened, and all the slain 
were taken above, the Hindus by handsome Apsaras, and the Muham- 
madans by black-eyed Houris. The loss of the Chohans was four heroes 
only. 

" Hara, Hara, Hara" shouted the bold Hamir and, mounted on his 
elephant, rushed at the emperor. His reeking sword flashed in his hand. 
He exclaimed, " Come on, Ala-uddin, come and fight with me, draw your 
sword, fight with me, come along." The emperor became greatly enraged. 
Full of anger, he rushed to go in front of the Chohan prince. But his 
troops would not advance a step. The mighty Bao was a lion in fight, 
therefore they feared to come before him. Some Mirs and Vazirs only 
were with Ala-uddin. 

" How is this, Vazir," said the emperor to Mihram Khan, " where 
are my forces ? On whatever side I cast my eyes, I see none but the mass- 
es of the Chohan army." 

Mihram KMn replied. — " The best counsel, I can offer your Majesty, 
is to make friends with the Chohans and live in peace." 



244 B. Bandyopadhyaya — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

The emperor sent a herald to the Rao with proposals of peace. He 
wrote, " Pardon my faults, brave Chohan, and effect a reconciliation. En- 
joy undisputed your land and territory in the heart of Rajputana. I have 
made up my mind to return to Dehli." 

When Hamir got the letter, he thus replied, " We are both on the 
field ; we have come here to fight, and not to sue for peace. I cannot grant 
this request. He who uses humble words, words of weakness before an 
enemy clad in mail, is a coward, and nothing but a coward ; or if you have 
any other motive, Emperor, be sure, it will bear no fruit." (To the herald.) 
" Go, herald, go to your emperor, and tell him that I am ready with my 
troops and will never go away without fighting with him." 

Haviir to his vassals. — " My brave Sirdars, do just as I bid you. The 
Rajputs fight with thirty-six arms ; but mind, in this battle, we will use four 
only — swords, daggers, khanjars and bisans. Be glorious by fighting the 
emperor with these weapons, leaving aside the use of fire-arms — cannon, 
ban, chaddar, hathndr,jainbhur, muskets, pistols and guns. Fall on the Mu- 
hammadan forces ; but see, you do not kill Ala-uddin : if you die, you are 
sure to go to heaven and live there with handsome Apsaras for evermore." 

The Sirdars obeyed his orders. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron and 
fastening the crowns of marriage on their heads, they attacked the Muham- 
madan ranks. 

There was not a single fire-arm, neither were there any bows and ar- 
rows. Swords only were played. The emperor came to the field, full of 
rage. Both the parties met. Throats, hands and legs dropped on the 
ground. Bodies were cut off in the middle, as the sharp edge of a saw divides 
a block of wood. Many a head fell, but the body rose and danced horribly 
on the field. The headless trunk of a Chohan made a rush and drove 
the trunk of a Muhammadan away. The severed heads shrieked and 
shouted, and their shouts sent a thrill to the hearts of the living soldiers. 
Daggers were run through, held in determined hands. Khanjars (bat- 
tle-axes) opened large wounds on the chests, and bisans (short poniards 
firmly attached to the fist) stabbed hearts of adamant. The field wore a 
very gay appearance, being ornamented with five different colours. The 
Bakshi was put to the sword. The moment he fell, the troops of the 
emperor ran away in confusion. There was a terrible din on the field. It 
seemed as if the dead rose and shouted with fury, opening their bloody 
jaws and extending their hands to fight. At the fall of the Bakshi, 
Ala-uddin himself reined his elephant aside. Only his Vazir was with him. 
A body of Chohan soldiers surrounded the elephant. 

" Do not slay the emperor," exclaimed Hamir at the top of his voice, 
" do not slay him, for such is not the virtue of the Kshatriya. It is a sin 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 245 

to kill an emperor because he gives food to thousands of souls. Besides, 
Ala-uddin calls himself ' master of the world.' " 

Then was the emperor taken into the presence of Hamir, who said 
" Emperor, return to Dehli safe." 

The next moment Ala-uddin, with the remainder of his forces, encamp- 
ed four miles behind his former camp, in the direction of his capital. Con- 
siderable booty fell to the hands of the Chohan troops— tents, furniture, 
ensigns, weapons and money. All the wounded, irrespective of their caste, 
were taken special care of, and their wounds dressed. They were then sent 
each to his own country. 

The sweet peals of Dundhavi sounded the march. Full of joy Hamir 
started to return to his fort. He was too glad to remember what he had said 
to the princess A'sa, his favourite wife. Some soldiers in the front line had 
the imperial colours in their hands. The eager princess saw them from the 
fort, and, thinking that victory had gone to the Musalmans, committed a 
dreadful massacre and killed one and all, preferring death to ignominy. 

When the Eao entered the fort, he heard of the massacre, and the next 
moment he saw before him the lifeless body of his dear queen, that of his 
daughter Dewal, and those of the maids lying on the ground, with streams 
of blood gushing out from the wounds. Then he called to mind the words 
of Siva. He resolved to cut off his own head and offer it at the feet of 
the god. He informed his Vazirs, officers and Hdwats of his determina- 
tion. 

" Patience, patience, royal master" prayed a hero. " Do not shorten 
your life. What was fated to be, has come to pass. Long live you in 
glory under the protection of Mahadeva. Grant our prayer and request. 
All your warriors join their hands and entreat you. Do not, mighty Eao, 
behead yourself." 

Hamir exclaimed. — " Hear, my brave heroes, partners of my labours 
and pains, hear with attention. The lion enjoys carnal pleasures but for 
once. The word which has once come out of the mouth of a virtuous 
man can never be withdrawn. The plantain yields its fruit only once. The 
oil which is rubbed over the head of a woman on the occasion of her mar- 
riage can never be rubbed again in her life. And the firm resolution of 
Hamir of doing what he has once said can never be shaken."* 

Hamir bade adieu to all present, ordering them to go to Chitor to the 
service of the prince Eatan. All alone the great Eao stood before Maha- 
deva and offered his own head to the god. The apsaras descended from 

* f%> fTO?, *jam •sttpt, if <st -qr# w*tc i 

H H 



210 B. Bandyopadhyays — Hamir Rasa, [No. 3, 

heaven, singing hymns of praise. Urvasi, the fairy-queen, threw garlands 
of flowers on his head and rubbed it with nectar. In heaven the gods sans 
' Glory to Hamir,' and on earth all men did the same. Great rejoicings were 
made in the golden city of Amaravati on the grand occasion of the great 
Chohan's entering into Paradise. Glory, glory, glory to the brave and 
generous Bao of Banthambor ! 

Punishment of Sarjan SJidh. — After the death of Hamir, Sarjan Shah 
called Ala-uddin to the fort of Banthambor. The emperor was struck 
dumb by Hamir's resolution. He gave vent to his feelings of admiration 
in the following words : " Glory to you, Bao Hamir, glory to your mother 
who bore in her womb such a heroic son. Your words are true. You are 
a perfect pattern of disinterestedness. You have left life and interest for 
the cause of one, a foreigner by birth, creed and nationality. The earth " 
■will never see such a hero again. You are unequalled in bravery, Hamir. 
I offered you terms of peace continually for fourteen years, but you were 
immovable from your purpose and resolution like a, mountain. May your 
name be glorious from one end of the world to the other. Glory to you, 
valiant hero of heroes." 

Turning about, the emperor said to Sarjan Shah : " Listen to what I say, 
now. The Bao is dead, go and get me a hair of his head." Mahadeva frowned, 
and the following words were heard to come out. " Take care, thou vile 
monster, thou ungrateful wretch, if thou advance one step to execute thy 
foul purpose, thou art a dead man, and thy head severed from thy body." 

Sarjan was frightened out of his wits. The emperor laughed, looked 
at him, and thus exclaimed, " Basest of all mortals, thou faithless to thy 
salt, thou hast no equal in villainy. In return for thy black deeds take this 
deserving reward." His head was cut off, and his body tied to the tail of an 
elephant and dragged all about the camp. 



APPENDIX. 

Chaturbhuj, the first Chohan, sprung from the Analkund, had two 
wives, Chakramati and Anatrambha. 

Chaturbhuj by Chakramati. Chaturbhuj by Anatrambha. 

Bhunal. Sekand Eaja. 

Bhunal worshipped Jin Mata, and Baja Sekand worshipped Asa Purf,J 
built the fort of Jinor. finally called Sambhano Mata and 

built the fort of Jailor. 



1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 



247 



(1. 


1 Jfnawal < 


(2- 


1 Dadrora 


(3. 


) Kam Kbani 


(4. 


) Dak 


(5-: 


Raksbiya 


(6-: 


i Bbakshiya 


(7.; 


Narbechba 


(8. 


1 Jaricbba 


(9.; 


1 Tak 


(io.; 


) Dori 


(ii.; 


Mman 


(12. 


i Daiman 


(is.; 


i Marwal 


(14.; 


1 Dal 


(is.; 


i Sachoda 


(16.; 


Dbacboda 


(17.; 


1 Chayel 


(ia; 


Moyel 


(19.; 


i Gul-i-basb 


(20.) 


Charar 


(2i.; 


Bishutra 


(22.] 


Deshutra 




Sekand Baja 



His clans. 

Chohans (12 tribes). 



His clans. 



Sbubatsba. 



Cband. 

_J 

Bana Rikb. 

_J 

Brabma Bikh. 

_J 

Indrasaen. 

_j 

Bacbb Bikb or Batsba Rikb. 



Maba Rikb. 



Mul Rikb. 



Jabin Rikb. 



(2.) 
(3.) 
(4.) 
(5.) 
(6.) 



(11.) 
(12.) 
(13.) 
(14.) 
(15.) 
(16.) 
(17.) 
(18.) 
(19.) 
(20.) 
(21.) 



Daora 
Saugrava 
Kbincbi 
Balicba 
Hard 
Hul 
(7.) Ch6ka 
(8.) Dbanarayal 
(9.) Bbagaria. 

(10.) Sbacbora 
Dbacbora 
Alnot 
Minawat 
Bidunsia 
Tbiimia 
Koli 
Babala 
Cbabela 
Baleta, 
Jabella 
Sabella 

(22.) Sipat 

(23.) Bbagravat 
Jabin Rikh. 



Cbobans. 



Ayan Rikb. 

_J 

Mabat Rikb. 

I 
Muni Rikb. 



Bom Rikb. 



Rup Rikb. 

_J 

Bhoj Rikb. 

_J ^ 

Sbyam Rikb. 



Sbuvan Rikb. 



Kbauk Rikb. 



248 



B. 

Khauk Eikh. 
1 


Bandyopadhyay 


a — Hamir Rasa, 

Bam Dit. 

1 


Anant Eikh. 
1 


Gang Pal. 
1 


Bhao Eikh. 
1 


Bhiipal. 


Showan Eikh. 
1 


Ajai Bhiipal. 


Jaman Eikh 
1 


Min Pal. 

1 


Dev Eikh. 
I 


Udai Pal. 
1 


Chahi Dit. 
1 


Bijai Pal. 
1 


Nara Dit. 
1 


Yagh Pal. 
1 


Daya Dit. 
1 


Lauk Pal. 
1 


Ean Dit. 
1 


Preja Pal. 
1 


Hara Dit. 
1 


Bishwa Pal. 
1 


Nag Dit. 
1 


Mantra Pal. 
1 


Chakra Dit. 
1 


Baran Pal. 
1 


Sur Dit. 

1 


Budh Pal. 
1 


Shiinya Dit. 
1 


Bhog Pal. 
1 


Narendra Dit. 
1 


Gau Pal. 
1 


Khem Dit. 
1 


Brahma Pal. 
1 


Shyam Dit. 
1 


Dhum Pal. 
1 


Dhom Dit. 
1 


Trayan Pal. 
1 


Shiivan Dit. 
1 


Eai Pal. 
1 


Karan Dit. 
1 


Chandra Pal. 
1 


Dhaii Dit. 
1 


Eajendra Pal. 
1 


Bam Dit. 


Kul Pal. 



[No. 3, 



1879.] 



or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthamlor. 



249 



Kul Pal. 
1 


Bijai Chandra. 
1 


Abhay Mandab. 


Hamir Cbandra. 
1 


Kara Mandab. 
1 


Bai Chandra. 
1 


Shuvan Mandab. 
1 


Mahi Chandra. 
1 


Chabi Mandab- 
1 


Bal Chandra. 
1 


Eikb Mandab. 
1 


Gobind Chandra. 
1 


Batshaya Mandab. 
1 


Omi Chandra. 
1 


Goal Mandab. 


Narayan Chandra. 
1 


Suian Mandab. 
1 


Manik Chandra. 
1 


Cbakra Mandab. 
1 


Trisiriha Dev. 
1 


Shur Cbakra Mandab. 
1 


Hem Dev. 

1 


Mara Mandab. 
1 


Hara Dit. 
1 


Kumbha Mandab. 
1 


Meg Pal.* 
I 


Baran Jang Mandab. 
1 


Eaj Pal. 


Dirang Mandab. 
1 


Karlas Eaj a. 


Kblinwar Mandab. 

1 ' 


Bhawak Dev. 
1 


Gahu Eaj. 
1 


Jadarth. 
1 


Bbringdeo Bai. 
1 


Bhimarath. 
I 


Ariir Cbandra Eaj. 


Shukmal. 
1 


Eaj Cbandra. 
1 


Amarmal. 
1 


Shyam Cbandra. 
1 


Jaman Bhim. 

1 


Bijai Cbandra. 


Samant. 



» Meg Pal wrested the white umbrella of Indra. Hence the white colours of the 
Chohans. 



250 



Samant. 

_J 

Nara Dev. 

_| 

Bhum Dev. 

\ 
Shur Rao. 

_J 

Anka Kao. 

I . 
Abhai Rao. 

_J 

A jag Rao. 

Bom Rao. 

_J 

Dham Rao. 

I 
Shubudhi Rao. 

_J 

Cbbatrapat Rao. 

I 
Pur Rao. 

I 
Riip Rao. 

_J . 

Shunyajit Rao. 

_J 

Ayan Rao. 



B. Bandyopadhyaya —Ilamir Rasa, 

Kumbh Pal. 



[No. 3, 



Ranjit Rao. 

Araniit Rao. 

I , 
Prajapal Raja. 

I 
Chandrapal Raja. 

Bijaidit Raja. 

Yogendra Pal. 



Ami Pal. 



Kumbb Pal. 



Dhum Pal. 

_J 

Antra Pal. 

_J 

Mahi Pal. 

_J 

Vatsa Pal. 

_J 

Ratan Pal. 



Rai Pal. 

_J 

Karan Pal. 

_J 

Sewant Pal. 

_\ 

Hara Pal. 

_J 

S'io Pal. 

_J 

Jamand Pal. 



Ijj Pal. 

I 
Indra Pal. 



Lun Pal. 



Udai Pal. 

_J 

Vatsba Dev. 

_J 

Cbakra Bbiip. 

Aiai Chandra. 

_!j 

Chiman Dev. 

_J 

Anal Dev. 



Vatsa Raj. 
Matsya Raj. 



1879.] 



or a Histonj of Hamir, prince of Rantliambor. 



251 



Matsya Eaj. 


Gahu. 
1 


Hara Dit. 
1 


Nara Dev. 
1 


Shur Dit. 

1 


Basu Dev. 

1 


Jana Dit. 
1 


Manik Eao, reigned in Sa- 
[mar. 


Trichhanna Dev. 
1 


Maliagar. 
1 


Arak Dev. 


Malayasi. 
I 


Daud Nares. 


Krit Bimb. 

1 


Dhaol. 
1 


Sawant Shi. 
1 


Anna Mahi. 
1 


Narendra. 
I 


Biiai Mahi. 
1 


Big Baj. . . 

1 /"founded Ajmir 


Chand Baj. 


Aiii Rni J in 34iJ (Sambat) 
Aja jsaj j and bu . lt the f ort 


Bil Dev. 




1 


Ajay Pal.* 


Kabilas. 


1 


| 


Prithviraj I.f son of Bisaul 


Bichitra. 


| [Dev. 


1 


Alan Dev. 


Gahu. 




* Ajay Pal. 
1 


Chatak Dev. 

1 


Bijay Pal. 

1 


Bit Balau Dev. 

1 


Chandan Dev. 
1 


Bi'sal Dev. 

1 


Chatak Dev. 


Prithviraj I. 



t Prithviraj I, had 9 sons. 
(1.) Alan Deo — father of Alnat Chohans who reigned in Ajmir. 
(2.) Prithviraj II. 



Suraj Mai father of the Shangra Chohans, who built the fort of Shangra. 



(3.) Dev Raj 

(4.) Khi'm Karanji 

(5.) Udai Karanjf 

(6.) Bfram Devji 

(7.) Hulji 

(8.) Har Paljf 

(9.) Chatur Ghal 



Deora, Chohans, who built the fort of Deora. 

Khinchi Chohans, who built Eaghogarh. 

Balecha Chohans of Madhugarh. 

Khamicha Chohans of Suratgarh and Bhadaria Cho- 

Hiil Chohans of Jeyatgarh. . [hans. 

Hara Chohans of Kota and Bundi. 

Chokha Chohans of Chatshu. 



252 



B. Bandyopiidhyaya — Hatmr Rasa. 



[No. 3, 



Alan Dev. 

i 










A r* 




Gandu Raid. 
1' 




Indu Pal 
1 




Amar Gangayaji. 




1. 

Someshwar. 
1 2 | 3 


2. 

Hari Singh. 

1 


3. 
Bir 

Singh. 


4. 
Durs 
Kao. 


5. 

Kan 

Samant. 


Prithvi. Har Raj. Chaharde. 
1. 


Shiir Singh. 

1 




Bahujuth. 


Kao Jait. 
1 




Biiai Bam. 

1 


Hamfr. 

1 




Lakhan Shi. 
1 


Ban a Batan 
Sen. 




Raja Shankat 





1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5&6. 



8&9. 
10 & 11. 



21 sons ruled in Etgarh. 
Harsha Rajji ruled in Dhunoti. 
Sains Malji „ „ Bigota. 

Biram Chandji „ „ Kumayu. 
Trilok Chandji (Khayir Jartoli ka, Raja). 
Sheo Ram and Binaya. Ram ruled in Sheopiir, Kangra in the 

Panjab. 
Gyan Chandji ruled in Etawa, Jalpi, Kalpi, Bagha, Mainpiiri 

and Patiwari. 
Bam, Bariam ruled in Kala, Pahar, Sonkar, Sonkari. 
Gaher, Baher (Kashika Chohans). 



12, 13, 14, 15, 16. Naulji, Gusainji, Cliifc Baj, Bambh Raj, Barshi, ruled 
in Pachevvara, had 500 villages, and 6 towns — Kahu, 
Lalsot, Lewala, Bigo, Lanka and Baraundo. 

17. Ajja — Shri Mai Bunniyas descended from him. 

18. Bijja — father of Sheo Banjat clan. 

19. Kalas Raj — father of the Chita. Minas. 

20. Mir. 

21. Ramu — father of Khola Ahir. 



CONTENTS 

OP THE 

JOURNAL, Pt. I, foe 1878. 



No. 1. — Lyall, The Mo'allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with 
an introduction and notes. — S haw, On Stray Arians in Tibet. — 
Rajendralala Mitra, On Representations of Foreigners in the 
Ajanta Frescoes. — R ajendralala Mitra, A Copper-plate Grant 
from Banda. — Walker, Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations. — 
Smith, Notes on two ancient Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the 
Hamirpur District, N. W. P. With a note byPrannath Pandit. 
— B everidge, The Antiquities of Bagura (Bogra) . 

No. 2. — G r o w s e, Mathura Notes. 

No. 3. — G r i e r s o n, The Song of Manik Chandra. — T e m p 1 e, The Loka- 
niti translated from the Burmese Paraphrase. 

No. 4. — Irvine, On the Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad — A Chronicle, 
(1713— 1857).— Rajendralala Mitra, On the Pala and Sena 
Rajas of Bengal. 



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CONTENTS. 



Page 

Pali Derivations in Burmese. — By H. L. St. Baebe, b. c. s., ... 253 
A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining 

countries. — By S. E. Peal, Sibsagar, Asam, 258 

Bulandshahr Antiquities. — By P. S. Geowse, c. s., m. a., Oxon, 

c. I. E., with a note by De. Rajendbalala Mitba, Bai 

Bahadtje, c. i. e, (with three Plates), 270 

The Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of Kashmir. — By C. J. 

Rodgees, (with two Plates), 277 

The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. — By C. J. Rodgees, 

(with a Plate), 282 

Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. — By V. A. Smith, 

b. a., c. s., and F. C. Black, c. s., (with six Plates), 285 

Index, 297 



JOURNAL 



or THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 






Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c. 

No. IV.— 1879. 

Pali Derivations in Burmese. — By H. L. Sx. Bakbe, b. c. s. 

The Burmese have borrowed their alphabet, religion, literature and a 
large portion of their language from the neighbouring continent. The 
alphabet was no doubt introduced at a very early period. It has never 
been analysed with any care, but its square variety approximates more 
closely to the Asoka and fifth century (B. C.) inscriptions than any later 
Indian modifications. It was adopted en bloc, though the Burmese have 
never themselves found any use for 12 out of the 34 consonants and have 
altered several of the sounds, notably the 2nd varga from " ch" and " j" 
to " s" and " z", the vowel " ai" into e (pronounced more or less like the 
" e" in there) and " o" into " 6" (like the " aw" in " law"). To express 
the sound of an " o" and "ai," they invented a new compound, which I 
propose calling " ui" fi'om the symbols it is apparently composed of. The 
remaining characters, for my present purpose, will be more conveniently 
designated by their Indian equivalents.* 

The earliest date mentioned in the national chronicle is the foundation 
of the Sarekhettara kingdom (B. C. 482). Previous to this, lengthy lines 
of kings with Indian names are mentioned at Sangassa and Pancala, as the 
old capitals of Tagoung and old Pugan were denominated. There is no 
adequate reason, so far as I can see, for rejecting the Indian origin of these 
early kingdoms. The country was in much the same state as Karen- 
ni or the Kachyen hills are at present ; inhabited by a number of petty 

* A paper on Burmese Transliteration was contributed by the writer to the E. A. 
Society and published in their Journal for April 1878. 
I I 



254 H. L. St. Barbc — Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4, 

tribes witb scarcely a sbred of order, civilization or authority among tbem. 
Tbe advent of an Indian prince (be be real or the reverse), witb a little band 
of refugees, would have much tbe same effect as tbe advent of a Burmese 
" mintba" among tbe Karen Highlanders. He may be tbe sole element 
required for order, coherence and organization. The separate clans become 
a nation, the separate states a kingdom, a dynasty is established, and his- 
tory commences. The rulers will introduce as far as possible their own 
language, usages and religion. Their sons and cities will have sonorous 
Indian titles, and they will import astrologers, sages and as many represen- * 
tatives of their native Pantheon as their subjects can comfortably digest. 
A hundred years or so, and these will remain tbe sole testimonies to their 
foreign extraction. This is exactly what has happened in Burma. Tbe bulk 
of the Aryan element, no doubt, found its way into the language hundreds 
of years later through a Pali channel, when Anorahta in the eleventh cen- 
tury A. D. brought the " Three Baskets" from Thahton and bad them 
translated into the vernacular. But Sanskrit words had entered the lan- 
guage before this, witbout any connection with Buddhism. The names 
for the days of the week are derived from a Sanskrit source, though dis- 
torted at times beyond recognition. Ariga, Buddbahu :, Sokra :, Krasa- 
pate :* and Cbane are identifiable, but Tananla and Tananganve have as yet 
defied analysis. So too the signs of the zodiac, such as priccha, karakat, 
prissa, more nearly resemble tbe Sanskrit ; while such words as khyanse 
a lion, rasse a rishi, athwad (S. thud to cover) a pinnacle, hura : (S. bora) 
astrologers, pritta (S. j)reta) tbe dead, missa (S. mesa) a ram, prassad (S. 
prasada) a tower, seem to point to a time when the foreign vocables were 
written down as they sounded in Burmese, without reference to their 
etymology. The presence of the " r" also in such words as samuddara, 
krattika, amruik (amrita), kramma, drap (darpa), gruib (graha), chakra, 
aggirat, bhumirat, indicate an earlier source than Pali. As time went 
on, the importations vastly increased, and an estimate of words of Indie 
extraction as constituting one-seventh of the whole Burmese vocabulary 
would be rather under than over the actual proportion. Many, no doubt, 
are cor-rupted and contorted beyond all knowledge. Captain Latter 
remarks in his grammar that there is no such thing as orthography in tbe 
Burmese language, and no doubt the existence of 12 superfluous characters 
and tbe slurred enunciation of final consonants have led to a good deal of 
confusion. Such forms as vibbak (vipaka), puppa (pubba), pbotbappa 
(pbotlhabba), ku (guba), bhavak (bhavaggain) are typical instances of 

* The change of an initial labial into a guttural is raro in Burmese. The only- 
other instance I know of is pattard into IcuUard. The change of t into * is common 
enough. 



1S79.] H. L. St. Barbe — Pali Derivations in Burmese. 255 

common errors, and many others will be noticed arnong my examples. Nei- 
ther Dr. Judson in his Dictionary nor Dr. Mason in his Pali Grammar can 
be relied on, and I regret to state that the provincial government is among 
the worst of offenders. Besides countenancing the most frenzied methods 
of transliteration, it had the temerity to allow the Education Department 
to publish a collection of popular Burmese texts with but the scantiest 
acquaintance with the language. Pali MSS. were exclusively relied on, 
the result being that it is almost impossible to conceive more orthogra- 
phical errors being included within a smaller space. 

The process of engrafting Aryan vocables on a Mongoloid stock must 
be more or less clumsy and inadequate. Gotama would scarcely understand 
ten words together of his own doctrine as recited by a phungyi, and most 
certainly could not make himself intelligible to a Burmese audience. The 
character must always be a most unsatisfactory one to adopt for any new 
dialect or language. In reducing Karen to writing, the American Mission- 
aries had a grand opportunity of introducing tbe Latin alphabet (with the 
necessary additions) which was just as intelligible to their converts as any 
other, and which would have led easily to a general scheme of vernacular 
transliteration. They were misguided enough, however, to employ Bur- 
mese, the consequence being a series of appalling hieroglyphics incompre- 
hensible to all but the contrivers. I hear that Kachyen is to undergo a 
similar treatment. This is the language spoken by all tbe Singphos on 
the borders of Burma and Assam and deserves a better fate than beinsr 
interred within an ingenious (perhaps) but inscrutable cipher. May I be 
permitted to record a feeble and, no doubt, ineffective protest ? Apart 
however, from a want of orthoepical precision (to use Dr. Wilson's phrase) 
there is a certain amount of method and uniformity observed in the appro- 
priation of Pali terms. I have been able to frame a simple set of rules 
which are tolerably comprehensive and which may be of some use in deal- 
ing with future importations. It will be noted (1) that anuswara and 
the nasals are freely interchangeable, (2) that visarga (which in Burmese 
is only used as a grave accent after long vowels and nasals) is added with- 
out any reference to the original. 

I. The word was imported whole. 

E. g. kala, sati, utu, gati, ussabha, ratha :, kula :, khana, upama. 
Often inflected or misspelt. 

U. g. asavo, upaddavo, pakate (pakati), chute (chuti), sare (siri) , yujana 
(yojanami),hansa (hamsa), ansa (amsa), parikkhaya (parikkkara),* milak- 

* Cf. also Tmchchhan for Timchchhana. There was evidently some false analogy- 
deduced from " viiiya" another importation. 



25G H. L. St. Barbe — Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4, 

khu (milakkho), nin'ya (nimya), magha (magha), naga (naga), akkobhani 
(akkkohini), kambulwe (kambulo). 

II. It was abbreviated, 

(a.) if the penultimate vowel was " a" or " i" and the last consonant 
uncompounded, by changing the vowel into " ui" and dropping the termi- 
nation. 

E. g. phuil (phalam), buil (balam), gruih (graha), naguiy (nagaram), 
makuit (makata), rakkhuik (rakkhaka), guin : (gana), kasuin (kasina), 
karuin (karanam), ganuiri (kananam ?), samuin (samaMa ?). But kuiy 
(kaya) is an exception. 

" T" was occasionally changed into " k." 

E. g. charuik (charita), amruik (amrita.) 

(b.) If the penultimate vowel was neither " a" nor " i," or if the last 
consonant was a compound, the final vowel or syllable was dropped. 

JE. g. adhippay (adhippaya), apay (apayo), dan (danda), dat (dtitu), 
upacha (upachara), upade (upadesa), alin (alinda), kannamu (kannamulam), 
cliban : (chhanda), dhutan (dhuttariga), pullan (jiullanko), nimit, (nimit- 
taan), kum (kumbha), van (vamsa), ekan (ekamsa), kan (karma). 

N. B. In " jani" (janika) and chheti (chhetivani) the i has been leng- 
thened to allow the operation of this rule. 

Occasionally the vowel was shortened. 

E. g. nam (nama), yam (yama), amat (amatya), dan (damam), bhum 
(bhumi), atit (atitam). 

2. In some cases more than one syllable is dropped. 

E. g. upad (upadanam), byan : (byaiijanam), navarat (navaratanam), 
pitakat (pitakattayam). 

3. " o" is changed into " u" in the words — 
anulum (anuloma), upus (uposatha), alup (alopa). 

4. The vowel is lengthened in the words — 
tii (tula), ku (guha), va (vassam). 

5. A penultimate y is often changed into ii or e. 

[As a final, n has 3 sounds in Burmese, the first nearly corresponding 
to " i," the second to " e," the 3rd (with an anusvara) to " in."] 

E. g. naii (naya), pachchaii (pachchaya), vinafi (vinaya), narc (niraya), 
sahe (sahaya). 

G. The letters ii (with an anusvara), ri and u are often employed 
anomalously. 

E. g. jan (jana), abhirian (abhinna), upaman (upamanain), uyyan: 
(uyyanam), sabhan (sabha), bhavaii (bhava), maggan* (magga), agum 

* Dr. Judson dorivca maggan from maggaiiga. This appears unnecessary and 
erroneous. 



1879.] H. L. St. Barbe — Pali Derivations in Burmese. 257 

(agamma), arum (arammana), nigum : (nigama), saranagum (sarana gama- 
nam), apud (apada), vevuch (vevachanam) , unnalum (unnalamba ?). 

III. Occasionally some other change occurred in the word, viz. — 

(«.) The Burmese substantive prefix "a" was given. 

E. g. arup (rupam), arasa (rasam), akhan (khandeti). 

(5.) The initial vowel was dropped. 

JE. g. pama (upama), larika (alarikara), dhittkan (adhitthanam), bhissit 
(abhisito), rahan : (araham), numo (anu modana). 

(e.) Some medial alteration took place. 

E. g. muigh (megha), adhwan (addhana), bhe : (bhaya), sabho (sabhava), 
galun (garulo), mahut* (muhutta), puthui (thiipo ?). For a similar inver- 
sion comjmre danchaku : for chandaku :, krapate for prakate, and perhaps 
rakkum for kharuiri. 

The above is a brief and imperfect summary of the methods employed 
in adapting Pali derivatives to the Burmese vernacular. Some of the 
changes and modifications were necessitated by the character of the lan- 
guage ; others were dictated by euphony. I have not here analysed the 
reasons for any change, nor have I noticed the specialities or alterations of 
meaning which many words have assumed in their transfer. Such terms as 
saribho (a ship), sarikan : (a chivara), sankham : (a hermitage), dhuvam 
(the north star), pariyay (artifice), charit (expenses), joti (a schismatic) can- 
not be found with such significations in any Pali or Sanskrit dictionary, 
and a long list of obviously Indie words could be made up comprising such 
common names as puuiia : (a Brahmin), muttho (a dagoba), rikkha (provi- 
sions), purapuik (a slate &c.),koja (an era), prakkadin(an almanack), which 
are not to be found at all. 

I should mention in concluding that some Pali words are to be found 
in several forms, such as kammam kam kramma, kaya kaiy, mag magga 
maggin, sarup rup rupa arup, mit metta, chit cheta, &c. The Burmese are 
fond also of using a Pali and Burmese word of the same signification to 
form a sort of aggregative compound. 

E. g. mit-chhue (friends), amin ana (an order), pum-santhan (appear- 
ance), amhu kichcha (business), arap-desa (a place), amyak-dosa (anger), &e. 

These well exemplify the way in which Pali has become interwoven 
with the common speech and thought of the people. A thorough knowledge 
of Burmese would necessitate some acquaintance with its Aryan ally, and 
one could wish to see a dictionary or grammar undertaken with some recog- 
nition of this fact. 

* This dropping of the " u" is very common in Burmese as pati :, pachchhui :, &c. 
for puti :, puchchhui. 



258 S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asctm. [No. 4, 

A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining 
countries. — By S. E. Peal, Sibsayar, Asam. 

Some years ago the prevalence of Di or Ti, as a prefix to river nan^s 
in Asam, induced me to draw up a list of such, in the hope that some clue 
might be found that would explain the frequent recurrence of it. 

It soon became evident that this Di, Ti, meant " water" in many of 
the hill dialects, and that the second part of the word was the true name 
of the river, in many cases descriptive ; thus, the Tisa of the Naga hills 
means, Ti = water, Sa = young, the " young river." 

Di and Ti was also frequently seen as a suffix ; thus, Ai ti = mother 
water, Rapti, Tapti, Kampti &c. ; occasionally softened to thi, as in 
Yung-thi, La-thi, Mii-thi. 

More extended search revealed the peculiarity in most of the countries 
adjacent, with traces of it as far as western India. In the Naga hills, there 
are several variations, Ti, Tsi, Di, Dsu, and Chi, among Kacharies, Doi, 
Lushais Tui, and over the Malayan peninsula Tsi and Si, as in Si-tang, 
Si-miin, Sigun, although both Ti and Di also are occasionally met with. 

In China we see it under various forms, as Tse, e. g. in Yang tse 
Kyang, and as Tsi, Tchi, Tchu, Sui and Chu, which latter is also so prevalent 
over Tibet, Chu being Tibetan for water. This latter is also common all 
along our northern frontier, " Lang chu" being in fact the upper Indus. 
Northwards, among the restricted Turanians, we get the Turki Su for 
water, and the Mongolian Us-su, no doubt related to the Tibetan Chu and 
Chinese Sui. 

Following the course of the great Turki Mongolian invasions, from 
the north-east, we find this same word for water, more or less attached to 
rivers through Persia (as Sui) and Asia Minor (Siai, Soui, Su), emerging 
in European Turki as Su (there are two Kara-su rivers alone, falling into 
the gulf of Salonica, kara = black and su = water). Obviously these 
names are more or less of a generic character, the black water, the white 
water, &c, being common in most countries. Returning eastward to 
Asam, where the Di is so very prevalent, it is noteworthy that the Doi of 
the Asamese Kacharies seems related to the Da and Dab of the aborigi- 
nals of western Bengal and Central India. Passing westwards from Asam, 
we see the Tista, Di-pok, Di-onai, &c. in Bihar ; Scti and Di-wa are also names 
of the Gogra ; and Di-ngrai, a branch of the Arun in Nipal, is an almost 
exact repetition of the Ti-ngrai of eastern Asam. 

Among the tributaries of the Ganges we have the Dioha, Rapti, and 
Gum-ti.* Again we have the Di-saun R. B. of the Bitwa (Jamna), the 
Narbada is the Kun-di, and we have the Tapti, Rapti, Dasti, Dire, &c. T 
* There is another Guruti in Hill Tippcrah. 



1879.] S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 259 

is again met witb, as the vernacular for water, among the tributaries of the 
upper Satlej and Indus, and used by hill tribes who do not seem to have 
had any communication, in the historic period, with the non-Aryans of 
Eastern Bengal. Jumna = Jamuna or Di-a-muna of Ptolemy.* 

In regard to the peculiarity under notice, it is evident that the Hima- 
laya has acted as a conspicuous speech-parting. Starting from China, 
where we have Tse, Sui, and Chu, we get, via, Tibet, Chu and Su alone, with 
their local variations, whereas to the south of the range, via Burma, Asam 
and India, we get the variations of Di, Ti, Tbi, Dzu, Dui, Dab, which are as 
absent north of the Himalaya, as tbe Cbu and Su are south of it, although 
to the east tbe two groups are connected by many intermediate forms. 

Tbe peculiarity in question gains importance from a knowledge of the 
fact that river names often survive the races who gave them. As Dr. 
Buchanan Hamilton has truly said, "the names of rivers and mountains 
" are those wbich are usually most carefully preserved among the changes 
" that take place in the languages of mankind." 

It is not intended that these few remarks should he taken as an 
attempt to group non-Aryan races through a single word, but rather to 
invite a comparison between this peculiarity, as attached to river names, and 
the languages spoken in situ at the present day. In many cases tbe race 
giving the name has evidently departed, leaving, as in Asam and parts of 
Bengal, little else but these river names as evidence of former occuj>ancy. 
This is specially noteworthy in a country quite destitute of architectural 
remains, like Asam and the hill country surrounding it. A careful study 
of such words as are likely to survive the races that originate them may 
lead to many unexpected proofs of that which is, so far, only surmised. It 
would also include the changes which such words or names systematically 
undergo at the hands of Aryan races, as where Su is rendered " Hu," or 
even " Eu," as in Eu-phrates.f The Indus is obviously tbe Ind-su, and we 
have it on many old maps as Ind-huh (Ji being s at each extremity of 
India) ; it is also rendered as Ind-sub. Non-Aryan names even seem to 
occur in Persia ; Ak-su, literally white water, is found common all over 
Central Asia and as far west as European Turkey. Tested by the above, 
it looks more than probable that this is the source whence we derive " Oxus," 
one of the tributaries of that river, near its source, being Ak-su. I am, 
however, informed by a good authority that it comes from Waksh, also one 
of its sources. Possibly there may be less difference actually between the 
" ak-su" and "waksh," than at first sight appears. 

* \JDi appears to be merely the Greek way of spelling the Prakrit / (jamuna) = 
Sanskrit y (yamundj ; see A. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 46. Ed.] 

t [The Assyrian hu (Greek eu) = Scythian hu " water" ; see A. Cunningham, 
Ancient Geography, p. 37. En.] 



2G0 S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4, 

" Kara-su," i. e. black water, is perhaps the commonest of this group 
of words (being also of a generic chai\acter). The name extends from the 
east of China to Turkey in Europe, and from Turkestan to the Arctic Ocean. 
A list of instances with Latitudes and Longitudes is given further on. 

In Longitude they lie mainly between 21° 50' east and 69° east, while 
in Latitude the name occurs mainly between 35° N. and 45° N, a very 
restricted belt, corresponding with the Mongolian invasions westwards.* 
Notwithstanding the fact that the whole of Central, Eastern, and Southern 
Asia, were probably originally peojtled by non- Aryans, apparently spreading 
from China westward, it is noteworthy how effectually the Himalaya stood 
as a speech-parting, dividing the races spreading south of it from those 
to the north, even when tested by this one word for " water." 

In studies of this kind much needless confusion has been caused by 
the very various modes of spelling adopted, ere the Hunterian system was 
introduced ; the real name being often so disguised as to be barely seen. 
Indeed, in many cases we have boldly changed the original name for ano- 
ther, as when Kennel turned the Ai-ti (mother water) into Barelly, simply 
because the former sounded to him absurd. The Amins also, who were 
with Buchanan, endeavoured to turn Tista into Trista or Tristota, and 
against the protest of the inhabitants. Carelessness has also had a great 
deal to do with the confusion we see, and the first mode of spelling that 
was chanced on remained, whether correct or no. Some rivers are spelt four 
or five different ways and at times as many as eight, and it is common to find 
the same river even on the same map spelt two different ways ; thus Ave 
have Dee, De, Di, Dy interchangeable. 

It must also be borne in mind that maps seldom give more than one 
name where there may be several well known locally to distinct tribes 
near. Thus Mbong-kha of the Singphus is the Ti-keng of the Nagas. 
Dinoi of the Singphus is Ning-thi of the Munipuris (the beautiful water), 
and it is Nam-tonai of the Shans and Kyendween or Thanla wati of the 
Burmese. Probably it has also Naga names. Many rivers therefore may 
not at first sight seem to fall into tLe following list, that are yet very con- 
spicuous, as the Dhansiri, but on investigation it turns out that the old 
name is nearly obsolete, i. e., the " Di-ma," whence Di-ma-pur. It is or 
was also called the Ti-mii. 

In some cases again the name of the river is obviously recent, as the 
Godadhur, its true name being the Machu, chu being the Bhutan varia- 

* I am not here in a position to follow out the word ' kara' (black) and trace its 
relationship to ' kala' ; possibly it has been done, but if not, it would seem to offer an 
interesting and instructive case whereby wo may possibly collate the non-Aryan lan- 
guages with the Aryan. On the other hand it may simply havo been imported from 
one to the other and modified lately. 



1879.] S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the rivernames in Asam. 261 

tion, as in Tan-chii, Tso-chii (the Sonkosh) or Wang-chu, Har-chu 
Par-chu &c. 

It is often difficult to spell Turanian words correctly and Tsi, which 
gives great trouble, is as common in those languages as it is rare in the 
Aryan groups. The river Tsik, tributary L. B. Namrup and Dihing, 
I find spelt by us as Chik, Chick, Seek, Tuseek, Ta-sheek, Cheek, and 
Tee-chick, and it is usually spelt Nam-chik, while on the spot it is clearly 
pronounced Tsik. 

Sanpu and Singphu also would be as correctly rendered by Tsanpii 
and Tsingpho. 

The difference between Di and Ti is often hardly perceptible, and at 
times nil, as Tirap, Dirap and Dihrap. 

It may appear to some that the second half of the name, if Ti is 
removed, is unpronounceable or difficult to realize as a distinct word, but 
such are common in these hill dialects. The western branch of the upper 
Irawadi is called by us Milee kha, but should be Mli ; and in Mbong, 
Rz'n, ngrai, there is no vowel or even pause between the first two con- 
sonants. 

As the names of rivers are probably the last to change in any age 
or country, being frequently retained long after the originating language 
is extinct, as in America, the subject is of special interest where Aryan 
and non-Aryan races have evidently overlapped in times past, and might 
well repay systematic investigation. The following is a contribution, to 
which I would invite additions. It will be seen that the position is often 
not given. This is the second list compiled, and in the original one when 
the names were first collected the sites were not recorded. 

LIST OP KIVER NAMES. 



Di-a 


near Diwangiri 




Di-alung 


L. B.* Kalang 




Di-bong 


N. E. Asam 


Up. Asam 


Di-buru 


N. Lakhimpur 


Up. Asam 


Di-bru 


there are 3 Dibriis 




Di-bru 


original name of the Kalang 


C. Asam 


Di-bu. or Tiphu 


near Samaguting 


Naga hills 


Di-bug 


near Phungmai or Shuemai kha 


Shan States 


Di-bi 


E. B. Dinoi 


Up. Barma 


Di-blai 




E. Bihar 


Diflu 


L. B. Brahmaputra, Mikir hills 


C. Asam 


Di-g 


L. B. Chenab, Lahore 


N. W. P. 



* L. B. left bank, R. B. right bank, trib. tributary, &c. 
K K 



202 



S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of tlie river names in Asam. [No. 4, 



Di-ga 


K. B. Dinoi 


Up. Barma 


Di-garu 




Asam 


Di-garung 


L. B. Dhansiri, Mikir bills 


C. Asam 


Di-gboi 


B. B. Dibing, Jaipur 


Up. Asam 


Di-gi 


E. B. Brabmaputra, 89° 


Asam 


Di-gli 


Jiri Forest 


Cachar 


Di-gmo 


E. B. Barak 


Silchar 


Di-grimo 






Di-giim 




Patkai 


Di-grindi 


a name of Dbansiri 




Di-ha 


Kbwaug 


Up. Asam 


Di-hanji 




Kasi bills 


Di-hang 






Di-hing 


Buri, and No. 


East Up. Asam 


Di-hong 




North Up. Asam 


Di-hanji 






Di-hri 




W. Bengal 


Di-joi 


L. B. Disang, Sibsagar 


Up. Asam 


Di-ju 


N. Lakbimpur 


Up. Asam 


Di-kalai 






Di-kar 


Lat. 25° 49' N. Long. 94° 6' E. 




Di-karu. 


E. B. Dialung, Mikir hills 


Asam 


Di-koi 


N. N. E. of Kapili and Direng 




Di-kori 






Di-krai 


N. E. No, Dwar 


C. Asam 


Di-krang 






Di-krengkong 






Di-kung 






Di-khou 


L. B. Brabmaputra 


Up. Asam 


Di-has 




Balk 


Di-hiri 


W. of Subansiri 


Up. Asam 


Di-kri 


trib. of Pisola 


Up. Asam 


Di-jung 


(Theobald's cat shells, p. 11) 




Di-khari 


Upper Dimo, Dihing 


Up. Asam 


Di-kling or Di- 


mra 


Kopili, Asam 


Di-khor 


W. Kamaikia 


C. Asam 


Di-kra 


L. B. Kora 


Up. Asam 


Di-khai 


L. B. Tingrai 


Up. Asam 


Di-khiim 


L. B. Sessa 


Up. Asam 


Di-khii 


Dyor, L. B. Dhansiri 


0. Asam 


Di-kroi 







1879.] S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 



263 



-lai 

-li 

-lih 

-li 

-ling 
Di-len 
Di-lkiri 



D 
Di 
Di 
Di 

Di 

D 

Di 

Di 

D 

D 

D 

D 

D 

D 

D 

D 

Di 

D 

D 

D 

D 

I) 

D 

D 

J) 

D 

D 

D 

Di 

Di 

D 

D 

Di 



-ma or Kali jan 

-ma 

-mal 

■mala 

mari 

mo 

mri 

nabi 

noi 

on 

oha 

lail 

mu 

•ngrai 

ndi 

•onai 

pha 

phi 



phlu 

•pling 

pota 

pta 

pole 

phu 

ra 

reng 

ri or bri 

ri 

ro 

rok 

roi 

rijmo 

sam 



trib. Manas 

name o£ upper part, Disang 

near Sibsagar 

Misbmi bills 

Mishmi hills, Brahmakund 

L. B. Indus 

L. B. Brahmaputra, name of Kaka- 

danga 
W. Duars 
a name of Dhansiri 
L. B. Kalang 



E. B. Disang 
trib. Manas 



No, Dihing 

L. B. Ganges 

B. B. Indus, Lat. 35°30'Long. 40° 74'E. 

N. Lakbimpur 

W. Branch, Arun 

Kistna 

Tista and Jamuna 

B. B. Brahmaputra 

Nau gaon 

B. B. Disang 

Gabharu, char Dwar 

E. B. Br. Tezpur 

trib. Sonkosh 

trib. Kunclil, Bram 

Kerim pani, Dihing 

B. B. Kapili 

into the Disola 

Brahmakund Up. Asam 

Jangi Naga hills 

No, Dihing Up. Asam 

B. B. Disang Up. Asam 

Miri country Up. Asam 

L. B. Dihing 



C. Asam 



Up. Asam 



Cabul 
Up. Asam 

Bhutan 

C. Asam 



Up. Asam 
C. Asam 

Up. Barma 
Up. Asam 
Oude 

Up. Asam 

NlPAL 
S. India 
Bihar 
L. Asam 

C. Asam 
Up. Asam 
C. Asam 
C. Asam 
Bihar 
Asam 
Up. Asam 



264 S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4, 



Di-san 



Di-sang 


L. B. Brahmaputra 


Di-pha 


tbe old Tista 


Di-ri 


Lat. 31°, Long. 66° 


Di-rju 


L. B. Subansiri 


Di-rju 


R. B. Ronga Nadi 


Di-rpai 


L. B. Subansiri 


Di-sang 


Up. Irawadi 


Di-sang 


Patkai 


Di-snoi 


Gabharu, char Dwar 


Di-soi 


L. B. Brahmaputra 


Di-sem 


R. B. Dhansiri 


Di-sarii 


L. B. Jamuna 


Di-saun 


R. B. Bitwa, R. B. Jumna 


Di-sola 


N. Sibsagar 


Di-su 


Brahmakund 


Di-sun 




Di-sura 


Tenga, pani 


Di-tori 


Dee-tu-ree 


Di-toru 


L. B. mouth Ealang 


Di-ula or Di-yula 


old bed Manas 


Di-wa 


the Gogra 


Di-yong 


Kapili, N. Cachar 


Di-yung 


trib. Dhansiri or Doiyang 


Ti-bai 


Naga hills, Sibsagar 


Ti-bi 




Di-soi 


R. B. Kundil 


Di-yak or Di-ak 


Mahanadi 


Ti-vai 


Naga hills 


Ti-ding 


Brahmakund 


Ti-dlum 


Yugli Patkai 


Ti-dlung 


Yugli Patkai 


Ti-groi 




Ti-keng 


the Mbongkha Tirap, Dihing 


Ti-ka 


Patkai 


Ti-ling 


Yugli Patkai 


Ti-lhu 


over Patkai 


Ti-loi 


L B. Dimo 


Ti-mok 


L. B. Disang 


Ti-mok 


several 


Ti-mu 


a name of Dhansiri 



Bundelkund 
Up. Asam 
Bengal 
Afghanistan 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Brama 
Asam 
Asam 
Up. Asam 



Bengal 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 

Up. Asam 

C. Asam 

Oude 
Cachar 

Naga hills 

Up. Asam 
Bengal 

Up. Asam 



Asam 



Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 



1879.] S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 2G5 



Ti-mun 


L. B. Disang 


Ti-mun 


several 


?Ti-ma 




Ti-nga 




Ti-ngrai 


E. B. Diking 


Ti-ok 


L. B. Disang 


Ti-ok 


L. B. Brahmaputra 


Ti-ka 


trib. Di-bru 


Ti-korai 


into Di-roi 


Ti-ki 




Ti-zi 




Ti-ok 


several 


Ti-pai 




Ti-pai 


L. B. Dhansiri 


Ti-pak 


Sibsagar 


Ti-ping 




Ti-pling 


Diking 


Ti-pkai 


Sankosh 


Ti-psi 




Ti-phu 


Tirap 


Ti-pu 


near Moran 


Ti-puk 


Sibsagar 


Ti-pam 


Wr. Jaipur 


Ti-rap 


L. B. Dihing 


Ti-re" 


Sadia 


Ti-reh 


Mikir Hills 


Ti-ri 


Sadia 


Ti-ri 


Tirap 


Ti-rok 


L. B. Dihing 


Ti-rdng 




Ti-ru 


L. B. Safrai, L. B. Disang 


Ti-ru or Cki-ru 


L. B. Jhanji 


Ti-sa 


trib. Tiok and Disang 


Ti-sang 


trib. Disang L. B. 


Ti-sing 


Disang 


Ti-su 


Tiok 


Ti-sung 




Ti-tulia 


the Menga 


Ti-wa 


E. B. Dinoi 


Ti-wang 


E. B. Dinoi 


Tsi-tsi or Si-si 


Abor hills 



Up. Asam 

Wrn. Hlassa 

Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Manipur 
Naga hills 

Cachar 

Up. Asam 

Up. Asam 



Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 

Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 



Up. Asam 

Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Up. Asam 
Naga hills 
Naga hills 
Naga hills 

Bengal 
Up. Barma 
Up. Barma 
Up. Asam 



26G 



S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4, 



Tsi-k or Tsi-klia 



(Sing.) Nam chik, {Kampti) Tsi-kbak 
(Sing.) Kyoung (Burmese) 



Tsi-ngkaii 


L. B. Irawadi 


- 


Bamo, Barma 


Tsi or Si-mim 




Siam 


Si-bangi 






Siam 


Si-gon 






Siam 


Si-binbum 






Siam 


Si-ngum 






Siam 


Si-tang or Tki 


tkaung 




Siam 


Si-la 


Lakhimpur 




Up. Asam 


Ai-ti 


Barelly, Up. Manas 




Asam 


Bag-ti 


Diyong-Dbansiri 




Asam 


Gar-ti 


K. B. Brahmaputra, 


89° 


Asam 


Ti-si 


into Tiok 




Naga bills 


Ti-sta 


Sikim 




Bengal 


Ti-shui 


Lat. 29° 20' Long. 11] 


Cbina 


Si-ki 


trib. of Tsu Lat. 26° 


27' Long. 


118° 


Si-kiang 


Canton Biver 




Cbina 


Ghal-ti 








Gum-ti 


Near Lakhnau 




Oude 


Gum-ti 


Hill Tipperah 




E. Bengal 


Gulum-tki 


Mishmi kills 






Das-ti 






Balucbistan 


Dind-di 


Kistna 






Dun-di 


Gulf of Katch 






Du-ti 








Jak-ti 


Bipii, Duar 






Kun-di 


L. B. Narbada 






Ku-ti 






N. W. Ceylou 


Kam-ti 


Nam Kamti, Kamti 


bills 


Asam 


Ku-ti 






Borneo 


La-tbi 


Misbmi bills 






Lan-di 


Peshawr 




Indus 


Ling-ti 






Ladak 


Milam-cki 


W. Kosi 




Nipal 


M-thi 


Brabmakund 






* Mu-thi 


Misbmi Hills 






Ning-thi 


tbe Dinoi 




Up. Barma 


Kap-ti 


L. B. Ganges 




Oude 



* Moochce or Ummpancc of Griffiths ! see p, 
to tho Hill Tracts between Asam and Burma." B. 



120 " Selection of papers, relating 
S. Press. 



1879.1 S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 267 



Ra-ti 




Runga-ti 




Shigol-thi 


Misbmi bills 


Sung-ti or thi 




Tap-ti 


Kandisb, western India 


Thi-kak 


L. B. Dialang, Mikir hills 


Se-ti 


Gbogra 


Ben-di 


Lake Van 


Bula-ti 


Lat. 26°, N. Long. 63° E. 


Cbider-fci 


„ 52° „ 73° 


Ulen-ti 


„ 52° „ 72° 


Ug-ti 


„ 14» „ 112° 


Di-jil-eh 


the Tigris 


Di-ya-la 


trib. L. B. Tigris 


Yeve-si 




s » is. 


the Ghogra 


Du-rla 


E. Monas 


Du-ba 


Sonkosh 


Dui-ola 




Rang-ti 




Ghar-ti 




Mur-ti 




Bai-fci 




Soi-ti 




Kal-ti 




Gal-ti 




Yang-tsi 


begins as Minac-chu 


Much-kun-di 


W. of India 


? Lau-tsa or tsu 


Cambodia or Mi-khong 


Washis-ti 




Yung-thi 


E. B. No, Diking 


Pi-ti 




Chom-tchu 


the Arun of 


Sabarma-ti 




Ay-ya-wa-di 


Irawadi 


Ingdi 


Sadia 


Bag-mu-ti 




Gangu-ti 


Alti hills 


Bhag-ra-ti 


the big water 


Shung-chu 


L. B. Upper Indus 



Bihar 
Surat 
Asam 
W. Nipal 
Asia Minor 



Lena L. B. 

Baghdad 
Siberia 



Bihar 



Lukhi Duar 

Bhutan 

Bhutan 

Bhutan 

Bhutan 

Bhutan 

Bhutan 

China 

S. of Bombay 

S. of Bombay 

Asam 

Haiderabad 

Nipal 

N. E. Baroda 

Barma 

U. Asam 
Nipal 

Catak 

Bengal 



2G8 S. E. Peal 


— A peculiarity of the river names in 


Asam. 


Ckampa-muti 


R. B 


. Brakmaputra tke Miiti 


Bbutan 


Lopra-cka-cM 


tke Subansiri 








Ha-su-ti 












Nari-cku. 


tke Sanpii 








Haut-mo-ti 












Huri-arius-arisu 










Herat 


Horing-o-ti 












Isa-mo-te 












Lai-mo-te 


near 


tke Champa 


-mute 




Bkutan 


Mar-ckang-di 










Nipal 


Mar-kun-di 


trib. 


Indravati 






Godavery 


Sam-po-na-ti 












Sa-lun-di 










Katak 


Surati 


Safcpura, Gunga 








Sur-so-ti 


Tonk 






C. India 


Zib-di 


S. E 


of Samarkand, trib. 


Oxus. 




Dyardanes 


Brakmaputra, as 


known to tke ancients 


Ckd 


Lat. 


33° 30' N. 


Long. 


1L5°E. 




Sin-skui 


» 


27° 


;> 


109° 




Tsin-ckui 


>> 


36° 


n 


112° 30 




Chi-chui 


» 


28° 


» 


106° 




Shwui E.. 


» 


38° 30' 


)> 


103° 




Tsing-ckooi 


» 


37° 


»> 


106° 




He-skui 


>> 


33° 


» 


105° 




He-shwi 


» 


32° 


» 


103° 




KuUckui 


» 


85° 


i) 


109° 




TsuR. 


» 


26° 


» 


119° 




Si-ki 


» 


26° 


» 


118° 




Si-ri 


» 


26° 


» 


112° 




Choo-chew 


» 


27° 


» 


110° 




Qui-skoo 


» 


26° 


» 


112° 30' 




Hong-chui 


>f 


25° 


>» 


10G° 




Pe-ski 


L. B 


Mikong or 


Cambodia 




Ho-Ti 


Lat. 


23° 


Long 


. 103° 




Skoo 


;> 


28° 30' 


» 


115° 





[No. 4, 



v 



1879.] S. E. Peal — A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 269 



Different forms of the Words, Tsi-chui-clm found in China, as per maps 

of recent date. 



Si 


Tchui 


"Soo 


Tsi 


Chui 


Tsu 


Chi 


Chooi 


Chu 


Shi 


Shwi 


Choo 


Tse 


Shui 


Shoo 


Tsze 


^Shwui 


^Chew 



List of "Rivers named Kara su "black tcater" and Ah su " tuhite water.''' 



Kara su, 


41° 


30' 


21° 


50' 


Gulf of Salonica. 


Kara su, 


40° 


20' 


22° 




Do. 


Kara su, 


41° 


30' 


23° 


10' 


,, Contessa. 


Kara su, 


41° 


20' 


24° 


30' 


„ Gagos. 


Kara su, 


38° 




37° 




Asia Minor. 


Kara su, 


46° 




34° 




Crimea. 


Kara su, 


38° 




40° 




Asia Minor. 


Kara su, 


38° 


30' 


48° 




Persia. 


Kara su, 


35° 




49° 




Persia. 


Kara su, 


45° 




53° 


30' 


Caspian East Bay. 


Kara su, 


37° 




54° 


10* 


Astrabad, Caspian. 


Kara su, 


45° 




68° 


72' 


Kirghis steppe. 


Kara su, 


41° 




69° 




Taskent. 


Kara su, 


37° 


30' 


28° 


30' 


Asia Minor. 


Kara su, 


45° 




35° 






Kara su, 


38° 


40' 


35° 


30' 


Asia Minor. 


Kara su, 


39° 


40' 


40° 


30' 


Upper Euphi-ates. 


Kara su, 


39° 




41° 


30' 


Upper Euphrates. 


Kara tsu, 










China. 


Kara su, 










Arctic Ocean. 


Ak su, 


42° 


40' 


27° 


30' 


West Coast Black Sea. 


Ak su, 


37° 




31° 




Gulf of Salatia. 


Ak su, ... 


37 e 


20' 


37° 




Upper Euphrates. 


Ak su, 


43° 




74° 




Into Chu River. 


Ak su, 


38° 




74° 




Upper Oxus. 


Ak su, 


42° 


30' 


78° 


20' 


Lake Issykul. 


Ak su, 


46° 




78° 


20' 


Lower Dengiz. 



L L 



270 



F. S. Growse — Bulandshahr Antiquities. 



[No. 4, 



Words for " Water" in 


the following Languages. 


Lusfaai 


Tui 




Sontbali (Pergs.) 


Dak 


Kumi 


Tui, or 


Tooi. 


Mundari C. N. 


Daa 


Mru 


Tui 




Juang, Orissa 


Dak 


Kuki of Cachar 


Tui 




Kol Singbhum 


Da 


Do. of Tipperah 


Tui 




Bhunuj 


Da 


Hamali of do. 


Tui 




Sontbali of Manbhum Da 


Do. of Cachar 


Tui 




Nimar 


Da 


Naga of Oboepore 


Ti 




Mehtu, Bilaspur, 


Dab 


Do. of Sibsagar 


Ti 




Mech 


Daee 


Do. of Haimong 


chu 




Cuch 


Tika ti 


Do. of Hatiguria 


a chi 




Magar, Nipal 


Di 


Do. of Miklai 


a chin 




Cbipeng „ 


Ti&Di 


Manipuri 


Ising 




Vayu „ 


Ti 


Singphu 


In sin 01 


Ntsin 


Gara 


si 


Auganu Naga 


Dzu 




Kachari 


Doi 


Dalia 


Esi 




Hojai 


Di 


Niiri 


a tse 




Turki 


su 


Abor 


a se 




Tibetan 


chu 


S. Mishmi 


M'ji 




Bhutea of Towang 


Sie 


D do. 


M'ji 




Do. of Lo, East 


echie 


Songhtu, Burma 


(H)tee 




Mongolian 


ussii 


Poi 

Telain of Pegu 


Te 
Dik 




Chinese 


( soi, shui 
( chui, chii 



Bulandshahr Antiquities. — By F. S. Gbowse, c. s., m. a., Oxon, c. i. b. 
With a Note iy De. Bajendealala Mitea, Eat Baiiadtje, c. i. e. 

(With three Plates.) 
The small town of Bulandshahr in the N. W. P. was selected in the 
year 1824 as the capital of a district, simply on account of its convenient 
central position. Since then it has thriven and increased greatly both in 
extent and population, though still of much less commercial importance 
than the flourishing mart of Khurja, some ten miles distant, which has 
the further advantage of being a station on the main line of the East 
India Railway. Its modern Muhammadan title of Buland-shabr (Higham) 
has been given to it in conseepjence of the great height of the artificial 
hill, on which stood the old Fort overlooking the stream of the Kalindi. 
Tbis river is a tributary of the Jamund and is commonly known by 
Munshis and European officials as the Kali-Nadi, the origin of the cor- 
ruption being, that the two words are indistinguishable from one another 
when written in Persian characters, and Kali Nadi or ' Black Biver' suggests 
a more readily intelligible meaning than the Sanskrit patronymic Kalindi. 
The older Hindi name of the town was Baran, which is still retained as 



1879.] F. S. Growse — Bulandshahr Antiquities. 271 

the designation of the Fargana. Of its early history there are no written 
records, and little or nothing upon which implicit reliance can be placed 
has been preserved by oral tradition. Gold coins, however, bearing Greek 
and Pali inscriptions of the Bactrian dynasty, used to be not unfrequently 
washed down in the rains among the debris from the high ground of the 
old city,* and sufficiently attest that the place at that remote period 
was one of considerable wealth and importance. 

According to tradition the founder was a Tomar Raja, by name 
Parmal, in whose time and for several generations later the town was 
called Banchati. One of his successors, Raja Ahibaran (' the cobra- 
coloured,' as his name is popularly interpreted), is said to have been the 
first to give his capital the name of Baran, intending thereby to perpetuate 
the memory of his own name. This appears to me very doubtful, or 
rather I might say plainly is obviously incorrect. Baran is certainly not 
the Sanskrit word variia ' colour,' but varana, ' a hill fort or enclosure ;' 
and Ahibaran might thus mean ' snake-fort' or ' Naga-fort,' in the same 
way as the more famous Ahi-kshetraf means ' snake-land.' No Raja 
Ahibaran, I should conjecture, ever existed, but the town may well have 
derived its name from being a stronghold of the Naga tribe. 

Another explanation is, however, possible. Some twenty-one miles to 
the north-east of Bulandshahr, on the right bank of the Ganges, is the small 
town of Ahar, which (according to local tradition) is the spot where, 
after Parikshit, the successor of Raja Yudhishthir on the throne of Has- 
tinapur, had met his death by snake-bite, his son Janamejaya, to avenge 
his father's death, performed a sacrifice for the destruction of the whole 
serpent race. Though still accounted the capital of a Pargana, it is a 
miserably poor and decayed place with a population, according to the last 
census, of only 2,414. It is evidently, however, a site of great antiquity. 
Part of it has been washed away by the river, but heaps of brick and other 
traces of ruin still extend over a large area, and I found lying about in 
the streets several fragments of stone sculpture of early date. The two 
best I brought away with me to Bulandshahr, as also a once fine but now 
terribly mutilated round pillar, which I dug up on the very verge of the 
high cliff overlooking the river. This is specially noticeable as having its 
base encircled with a coil of serpents, which would seem to corroborate 
the connection of the local name with the word ahi, ' a snake.' The prin- 
cipal residents of the town are Nagar Brahmans by descent, though — since 

* The side of the hill where they used to be washed down in the rains was not 
long ago built up with masonry, to prevent any further cutting away. [See note, 
p. 272. Ed.] 

t [Commonly Ahi-chhatra or " Snake-canopy," which appears to be the correct 
form; sec A. Cunningham, Anc. Gcogr. of India, p. 360. Ed.] 



272 F. S. Growse — Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4, 

the time of Aurangzeb — Muhammadans by religion, who believe that their 
ancestors were the priests employed by Janamejaya to conduct his sacrifice, 
and that in return for their services they had a grant of the township and 
the surrounding villages. Immediately after this event it is said that the 
Pandavas transferred their seat of local government from Ahar to Baran, 
and it may be that they then first attached the prefix alii to the name of 
the town — so making it Ahibaran — in order to commemorate the circum- 
stances of the migration. This would imply that the town was already in 
existence ; and it might with much plausibility be identified with the Varan- 
avata,* mentioned in the 143rd chapter of the first Book of the Maha- 
bharat. 

All this, however, is conjectural and refers to a period so remote, nearly 
1400 years before Christ, that no tangible record of it could be expected 
to survive to the present day. To come down to somewhat later times : 
the Bactrian dynasty, which flourished in the centuries immediately pre- 
ceding our era, and the Gupta dynasty that succeeded it, have both left 
traces behind them in their coins ;f the second also in a copper .plate in- 
scription that will be mentioned further on. When the Tomars of Kanauj 
extended their sovereignty over all Upper India, it may be that the 
legendary Parmal ruled under them at Baran ; but at the time of 
Mahmud's invasion, in 1017, when Kanauj was still the capital, and Delhi 
in all probability had not yet been re-built, Baran was certainly the seat 
of a Dor liaja, by name Hardatt, who — as stated in the Tarikh-i-Yamini — 
averted its threatened destruction by professing to be a convert to Islam. 
His dominion extended at least as far as Merath and Kol, for at each of 
those places he had a fort, for which he paid a large ransom in money and 
elephants. Indeed from traditions extant at other localities it would seem 
that the Dor Raja of Baran was the head of all that clan, which for about 
two centuries supplied rulers for the whole of the territory included in the 
present districts of Merath, Aligarh, and Bulandshahr, with parts of Murada- 
bad, Mathura and Eta. When Kol was finally reduced by the Muham- 
madans in the reign of Nasir-uddin Mahmud (1246-1265 A. D.), it was 
under a Dor Raja, and the tower, which was wantonly destroyed by the 
local authorities in 1860, is generally supposed to have been erected in 1274 
A. D. on the site of the principal temple of the old city. Among the 

* General Cunningham, however, proposes to identify with the Varanavata of the 
Mahsibharat a village now called Barnawa, in the Merath district. It has not yet been 
explored and it is therefore uncertain whether it is really an ancient site or not. 

t [Two copper coins of Su-Hermaous (Kadphiscs), ono gold coin of Chandra 
Gupta II, and one gold coin of a dynasty intermediate between the Guptas and the Indo- 
scythians, presented by Mr. Growse, and now in the Society's Cabinet, were found on 
the hill side, mentioned on p. 271. See Proceedings, A. S. B. for Juno, 1878. Ed.] 



1879.] F. S. Growse — Bulandshahr Antiquities. 273 

Hindus, however, the tradition is somewhat different. They ascribe it to 
the Dor Raja Mangal Sen, who gave his daughter Padrnavati in marriage 
to the heir of Raja Bhim of Mahrara and Etawa, who soon after his 
accession was murdered by his younger brothers. The widow then retired 
to Kol, where her father built the tower for her : and possibly the Mu- 
hammadans may only have altered and added to it, to make it suit their 
own requirements. At Noh-khera in the Jalesar Pargana, which is now 
included in the Eta district, there is a tradition of a Raja Bhim, who 
may possibly have been the person abovenamed ; and at Noh-jhil in 
Mathura are the remains of a temple, converted into a darjdh, which is 
said to have been originally built by one of the Dor Rajas of Kol. The 
capital had been transferred there, from Jalali, by Mangal Sen's father, 
Buddh Sen. This latter was the son of Bijay Ram (brother of Dasarath 
SifLh, who built the Fort at Jalesar) the son of Nahar Sihh (the founder 
of the Sambhal Fort) the son of Gobind Sinh, who was the son of Mukund 
Sen, the son of Raja Vikram Sen of Baran. 

In 1194, the last of the Dor rulers of Baran, Raja Chandra Sen, 
was killed while defending the fort against the army of Shahab-uddin 
Muhammad Ghori. Before he fell, an arrow from his bow had slain 
one of the leaders of the Muhammadan forces, called Khwaja Lai Ali, 
who is still reverenced as a martyr under the popular appellation of Lai 
Barani. The site of his tomb is shown across the Kalindi, some 900 yards 
from the town, and it is from there that I brought the stone bearing the two 
inscriptions shown in the accompanying Plates VIII and IX. It is a 
singularly shaped block, being 2 ft. 5 in. long, 10 in. broad and 10 in. thick. 
The inscriptions are opposite one another, on the two long sides. It could 
not have been intended to set up the stone anywhere as it is, for it is 
difficult to imagine a position in which the two sides could be conveniently 
read, and it is also evident that preparations had been made for splitting 
the stone at half its thickness into two slabs. As the letters are of 
different sizes, it could not have been meant to join the two pieces together, 
and it is possible that they may have no connection with one another. 
The one begins with the invocation, Om. Name Bliagavate Vdsudevdya, and 
in the first line may also be read the words Kavalo nidrayd militdksliah 
sendyah prabala-Jcala-Jcara. In the first line on the reverse is appa- 
rently given the date, 1133. I fear that the obliteration is too extensive 
to allow of much information being elicited from what remains, even if 
it can be read. But I send it for publication in the Journal, where anti- 
quaries may have an opportunity of seeing it ; and, as it may throw some 
light upon its subject, I have put together the above brief sketch of the 
history of the locality where the stone was found. 

As might have been expected from its nearness to Delhi, the Muham- 



274 F. S. Growse — Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4, 

madans have long since made a clean sweep of the district and razed to 
the ground every building, whether secular or religious, that had been 
erected by its former Hindu rulers. I have now been over every part of 
it, and the few fragments shown in the accompanying Plate X are posi- 
tively the sum total of all the antiquities that I have noticed. The 
six short pillars are of the mediaeval Hindu period and may be ascribed 
to one of the Dor Rajas, about the year 1000 A. D. They had been 
buried under the steps of a small mosque on the highest part of the old 
town of Bulandshahr. In digging the foundations of a house on the 
opposite side of the same street was found the curious stone sculptured 
with three miniature temples. These are of different design, and if found 
separately, I might have been inclined to refer them to different architec- 
tural periods. But similar forms may be seen in conjunction on the 
front of the temples at Khajuraho, which are known to be of the tenth 
century A. D., and the very archaic type of one of these designs must be 
attributed to religious conservatism. The high mediaeval column is one 
of a pair found a few years ago on the margin of what was formerly a 
large masonry tank outside the walls, said to have been constructed by 
Raja Hardatt, or one of his descendants. The companion column was 
sent off to Merath, 40 miles away, by the Muhammadan gentleman into 
whose possession it had come, to be worked up into a house he was 
building there. The one shown in the plate I rescued from his stables, 
where it had been thrown down on the ground and was used by his grass- 
cutters to sharpen their tools on. The circular pillar with the coil of 
human-headed snakes at the base is, as already mentioned, from Ahar ; as 
also the mediaeval door-jamb and the block, that supports it, carved with 
rows of temple facades in the style of the Nasik caves. This last is pro- 
bably the oldest of the group. The second door -jamb found in the court- 
yard of the mosque at Bulandshahr is comparatively modern. More 
intimate local knowledge may possibly bring to light a few other ancient 
remains, but they are not likely to be numerous ; for stone, which had 
to be brought from a considerable distance, has always been very sparingly 
used in the neighbourhood, while brick is a material, which however well 
worked must ordinarily cease to possess either interest or beauty when 
reduced to ruin. The only other ancient inscription, of which I have 
heard as belonging to the district, is the one of which a transcript and 
translation by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra were given in Vol. XLIII of the 
As. Society's Journal. This is dated in the reign of Skanda Gupta, in the 
year 146, which, if the Saka era is intended, would correspond with 
224 A. D. It was dug up at the village of Indor, in a khera of unusual 
elevation and extent, which adjoins the high road between Amipshahr 
and Aligarh, about 10 miles from the former town. In the inscription 



1879.] F. S. Growse — Bulandsliahr Antiquities. 275 

the name of the village is given as Indrapura ; and, by a curious coinci- 
dence, the very same Number of the Journal contained an article of mine on 
local etymology, in which I had demonstrated, by an application of the 
rules of the Prakrit Grammarian, Vararuchi, that a Sanskrit word, such as 
Indrapura must, in the natural course of phonetic decay, become Indor 
in the modern dialect. On the opposite, that is, the western side of the 
district, there is an almost continuous succession of deserted Jcheras, along 
the bank of the Jamuna, from the village of Begamabad to the town of 
Dankor, a distance of about 20 miles. The most southern of these is 
called Hastaur, which is strikingly suggestive of Hastinapiir, an off-shoot 
perhaps from that ancient capital ; while another, as Raja Lakshman Sinha 
informs me, goes by the name of Kiipsar. Begamabad is quite of modern 
origin, having been founded by the Begam Samru. of Sardhana ; but 
Dankor is an ancient site and is supposed to derive its name from Drona, 
the tutor of the young princes of Hastinapiir. He has a tank and temple 
in the town still called after him, Dronachar. In the course of the next 
cold season I hope to visit all these Icheras. 

Note by Du. Rajendkalala Mitea. 

The inscriptions are so extensively obliterated that it is impossible to 
deduce from them connected narratives. No. 1 comprises 10 lines, every 
one of which has two or three lacunae, and several doubtful letters, but 
from what remains the purport of the document is clear enough, a grant 
of land for the worship of a divinity whose name is not apparent. The 
land was bounded on the west by Chhandi — ? on the south by Bhijali- 

bhata ; on the north by a field named Mahardiva . The donors were a 

great commander (mahdsdmanta) named Sri Vadana, who was a Naga raja 
and son of Amrita raja, and one Narayana, son of a householder and banker 
named Bhashvika. The date is some undecypherable day in the waxing moon 
of the month of S'ravana (July — August) of the Samvat year 1180 = 1224 
A. D. of which the words as'iti adhikesliu "eighty above" are distinct. 
The first and second figures I read doubtfully. The last two lines contain 
imprecatory Puranic verses against resumption of grants of land. I annex 
a transcript of the portion legible to me. 

No. 2 is also a deed of gift and is dated on the 5th of the month of 
S'ravana of some undecypherable year. It was granted by an " Adhiraja" 
or paramount sovereign, but his name is lost. A transcript of the few 
words that are legible to me is annexed. 

Mr. Growse is quite right in supposing the two records to be uncon- 
nected with each other, though the month of the date is the same. The 
stone was not intended to be set up anywhere, but to be preserved in 
the archives of the temple as a title-deed. 



276 F. S. Growsc — BulandsJiahr Antiquities. [No. 4, 

No. 1. 



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1879.] C. J. Eodgers— The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 277 



The Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of Kashmir.* — By C. J. Rodgers. 

(With two Plates.) 

Some years ago General Cunningham wrote for the Numismatic Socie- 
ty of London, of which he is a most distinguished and worthy member, a 
Paper on " The Ancient Coinage of Kashmir." That paper is now out of 
print, and as it was written 36 years ago, the present generation cannot 
obtain it. It identifies " no less than 18 Rajas of Kashmir extending from 
Toramdna to Jaga Deva, who reigned from about A. D. 500 to 1200." In 
the present paper I propose to cover less ground and to start with Avanti 
Verma or Aditya Verma, the first Maharaja of the Utpala Dynasty, which 
commences from the year 875 A. D. The coins are all from my own cabi- 
net. In the majority of instances where I have duplicates I have chosen 
that coin for my plates, which has the greatest number of legible letters 
on it. The accessories which are very interesting have been made to give 
way to this, as I regard the identification of the coin as of primary impor- 
tance. 

As yet I have come across only two silver coins of any of these Maha- 
rajas. They are of Didda, who was a Maliardni, and of Kalasa. These 
two coins are of much finer execution than any of the copper ones. The 
reverses have different letters on them. Nothing but photographs of them 
would do them justice. I reserve them therefore for a separate notice. 
They are round, but thicker than the copper coins and are much less worn, 
The silver coins of the Sultans of Kashmir are square. General Cunning- 
ham informs me that he has two gold coins of Sarsha. I believe they are 
the only gold coins known to exist of any one of the old Kashmir rulers. 

The following is the list of the rajas as given in Prinsep's Tables. — 
(Those kings whose coins are in this paper are in italics.) 

Utpala Dynastt. 

a. D. 

875. Aditya or Avanti Verma. 

901. SanJcara Verma. 

922. Gopala Verma. 

* I am much indebted to General Cunningham for help in reading the coins of 
the Maharajas. My cabinet contains several not before published both in the Sultans 
and Maharajas. I have several older coins, such as Vasukal, Milukal, Pratapaditya. 
Vininya, Durlabacha. 
M M 



278 



C. J. Rodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 

Sankata. 

924. Sitgandha Hani. 

926. Partha. 

911. Nirjita Verma. 

942. Chakra Verma. 

952. Sura Verma 

953. fartha, a second time. 

954. Chakra, a second time. 
954. Sankara Verdhana. 

956. Chakra Verma, a third time. 

957. Unmatti Verma. 

959. Sura Verma, a second time. 



[No. 4, 





Last 


ok Mixed Dynasty. 


960. 


YasJcara Deva. 


1062. 


Harsha. 


969. 


Sangrama Deva. 


1062. 


Udayama Vikrama. 


969. 


Parvagupta. 


1072. 


Sankha Raja. 


971. 


Kshemagupta. 


1072. 


Salha. 


979. 


Abhimanyu. 


1072. 


Sussala. 


993. 


Nandigupta. 


1088. 


Mallina. 


994. 


Tribhuvana. 


1088. 


Jaya Sinha. 


996. 


Dhimagupta. 


1110. 


Paramdna. 


1001. 


Didda Hani. 


1119. 


Bandi Deva. 


1024. 


Sangrama Deva. 


1126. 


Bopya Deva. (?) 


1032. 


Ananta Deva. 


1135. 


Jasu Deva. 


1054. 


Kalasa. 


1153. 


Jaga Deva, &c. &c. 



The list goes on to 1298. But I have no coins of later kings than 
Jaga Deva. It will be seen, however, that out of these two lists 
alone I have given the coins of 19 kings. I have given another coin which 
reads Java Deva Deva. This must be a coin of a king who reigned near 
to the time of Jaga Deva. He must be either an usurper or a man who is 
known to history under some other name. I give with some diffidence ano- 
ther coin. I attribute it to Bopya Deva. Of this man it is written that 
his folly exceeded all bounds. The historians give us the following speci- 
men of his lack of sense, which after all might have come from the banks 
of the Shannon. One day Bopya was taking his ease on the river. Look- 
ing over the side of the boat he saw a reflection of himself in the water. 
He smiled. The reflection smiled. He grew angry. It grew angry. At 
once he threw a stone which I suppose disturbed the water and disposed of 



1879.] C. J. Rodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 279 

the mimic for the time. On looking at his finger Bopya discovered that he 
had lost his ring. Nothing disconcerted he took his stick and threw it on 
the running stream and ordered the boatmen to row home. Arrived there he 
ordered his servants to go and bring his ring telling them that he had put his 
stick on the water where it fell. One is reminded on reading this of the Irish- 
man who dropped the ship's tea-kettle overboard in Dublin harbour. He 
cut a mark in the side of the ship where it fell. When the ship arrived 
off Cork, he asked the Captain whether if anything were lost he knew 
where it was ? We may imagine the answer. Pat said, " Well, you know 
the tay kettle is at the bottom of Dublin harbour, and the ship's side has a 
mark on it to enable us to judge where it fell." 

I regret that up to the present I have seen no coin of Ratangiri who 
is said to have been the first Sultan of Kashmir. He was a second Solomon. 
One day two mares foaled. The foal of one died. The foal of the other 
took to both mares with equal affection. The owners could not tell whose 
foal had died and whose was the living foal. They came to Ratangiri. 
He ordered them to throw the living foal from a bridge into the water, the 
mare that followed it was to be adjudged the mother. 

Of Yaskara it is written that in his days thieves and highwaymen were 
nowhere to be seen. Shops and houses were left open at night. It seems 
a pity that this king, whose rule was as effective as that of our own Alfred 
who preceded him by only half a century, should have seen fit to leave the 
scene he had graced so long, to hide himself like a second Charles V. in a 
monastery, or rather I expect in some jungle as an ascetic. 

Now for a few words about the coins themselves. Both obverse and 
reverse have crowned figures on them. The figure on the obverse is proba- 
bly that of the king. But the face is in nearly every case more like that 
of an ass or bullock. There are large earrings in every instance. Round 
the waist are apparently two bands. The waist compared with the shoul- 
ders and chest is very thin. Mountaineers to the present day wear a rope 
round the waist. This figure is always seated, the legs being disposed of 
in a peculiar fashion. Sometimes they are hidden in the skirts, sometimes 
bare, and in one ease the ancles have anklets on them (see figs. 22 and 2i). 
The name comes on the obverse, and is generally divided into two parts by 
the figure. Sometimes Sri is present on the left of the figure and the name 
commences on the right. Sometimes Sri and part of the name are to the 
left and the remainder of the name to the right Sometimes Sri is omitted 
and the name occupies both sides of the figure. The figure has a canopy 
over the crown. This is shown very well in some specimens of Jaga Deva, 
lately obtained from a heap of about two hundred. (See figs. 23, 24.) 

The reverse has a figure crowned. But the earrings give way to four 
dots which may represent jewels in the ear as worn by women. This figure 



280 C. J. Eodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4, 

is standing. The skirts are arranged peculiarly. The drawers resemble 
the broad and flowing drawers worn by women. The skirts are about as 
high as the knee. The legs are in some cases 'visible, with ties of an im- 
mense size to the boots : in other cases the legs seem to he naked. The 
waist is supported by a cross belt. The right hand contains a wreath. The 
left hand holds a trident or lotus. The shoulders seem to he covered with 
a cape which sticks out very much like epaulettes. The left hand side of 
the coin generally has a circle of dots in it, over the right hand of the 
figure. On the right hand side of the figure the remnants of the titles and 
names are generally found, under the left arm, such as vermd, gupta, deva, 
raja, In one case the d of deva comes on the left hand side of the coin. 

I have not as yet been able to trace anything like a sign approaching 
to a date on any coin. 

In scarcely any case is there any difficulty about the identification of 
the coin ; the names are very easily made out. 

Many of the coins have several types. The coins of Gopala, Jaya 
Sinha, Sussala, Jaga Deva are of several kinds. The last mentioned, how- 
ever, has the most. In only one case have I come across a smaller coin 
than the ones in the plates. The coin I have is evidently a half of what- 
ever these coins were called. It is one of Kalasa's. 

Having given so much by way of preface, I now give a table of the 
coins represented in Plates XI and XII, showing exactly the inscription on 
each coin and its position, whether on the right or left of the obverse or 
reverse figure. In every case I speak of the right and left of the coin after 
the usual numismatic fashion. When speaking of the figure of course 
the right hand of the figure is on the left of the coin and vice versa. 



Ohas J.Rodgers.Joumal.As: Soc Bengal. Vol. XLVJU.Pt.l.fcr 1879 



Pl-.M 




W. 'NtMrrrvan. &; C<?,Ltf>i 



COINS OF THE MAHARAJAHS OF KASHMIR. 



Ohas. J.Rodgers.JournaLAs: Soc Bengal, Vol. XLVJII,Pt.l.fcr 1879. 



PhXLL. 




COINS OF THE MAHARAJAHS OF KASHMIR 



1879.] 



C. J. Rodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 



281 



Kings' Names. 



Obverse 
Inscriptions. 



Avanfci, 



Sankara, ... 
Gopala, . . . 
Sugandha, 
Yaskara, . . . 



Dikshema, .. 
Abhimanyu, 



Nandigupta, 
Tribhuvama, 

Bliimagupta, 
Didda Hani, 
San grama, ... 

Ananta, 

Kalasa, 

Harsba, 

Sussala, 

Jaya Sifiba, 
Paramana, ... 



Jaga Deva, . 
Java Deva,. 



Bopya Deva, .. 
Not identified, 

Jaga Deva, 

Jaga Deva, 

Jaga Deva, 

Jaga Deva, 



Left. 









31 



Right. 






fa *T 



fa f 
^^ 

31 

^^ 

3T ^ ? 
31 



Reverse 
Inscriptions. 



Left. 



Right. 



31 IT 

11 



5T ^? 

«i^ "ar 

51 K 

■ST 
^^ 

^^ 



Remarks. 



Duplicate. British 

Museum. 
Rare. 
Rare. 
Rare. 
Duplicate. General 

Cunningham. 
Common. 
Duplicate. General 

Cunningham. 
Rare. 
Tlie gift of General 

Cunningham. 
Rare. 

Common. 

Common. 

Common. 

Common. 

Rare. 

Rare. 

Duplicate. General 

Cunningham. 
Common. 
Duplicate. J. D 

Tremlett, Esq. 
*Perhaps. 
*Perhaps. 
Obverse only. 

Ditto. 
Reverse only. 
Ditto, showing cir- 
cle of dots. 



2^2 C. J. Rodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4-, 



The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. — By C. J. Rodgees. 
(With a Plate.) 

In nearly all the bazaars of the large cities o£ the Panjab large quan- 
tities of old coins of a peculiar stamp and bearing signs of much usage 
are obtainable. The obverse of these coins lias a bar, with central knot, 
running from right to left of the coin. This central knot is in some cases 
elaborate, in others it degenerates into a carelessly formed circle. Above 
the bar come the words jjle^l cHkLJi. The <y of Sultan is nearly always 
hung on the J of that word, while the a crosses the field completely. Be- 
low the bar the name of the king is written, occupying as a rule the whole 
space. In every case, except that of Zain ul-A'bidin, the word Shah is added 
to the name. The reverse is occupied completely with the words *i-» j^*» 
j^ j"h*^ hi/* 1 ! ar >d the year is added in Arabic words. Were these coins 
obtainable in anything like a legible form, they would be exceedingly 
valuable in settling the chronology of Kashmir. But hitherto, in spite of 
most extensive search, only poor specimens of most of the kings have been 
obtained. 

The silver coins of these Sultans are all, so far as I know, square. 
Two of them, Muhammad Ali Shah and Muhammad Yusuf Shah, were 
published by Mr. Delmerick in J. A. S. B., Pt. I, 1S7G, PL VI, figs. 24 
and 25. I have silver coins of the above Muhammad Shah, Ismai'l Shah, 
Zain ul-A'bidin, Nadir Shah and Akbar. General Cunningham has others, 
amongst which are Husain Shah and Humayun. In all, this prince of In- 
dian Numismatists has the silver coins of ten Sultans. They are all square 
and are exceedingly rare. 

The copper coins with which this paper has to do are common as a 
rule. But some of them are of necessity rare. Zain ul-Abidin was the 
only one who seems to have deviated from the track of the cross bar and 
central knot. The reverses of his coins exhibit also a divergence from the 
usual form. They have the word i-y* crossed by the word yt^^ and 
around these words is a quarterfoil lozenge with elaborate knots in the 
outer corners. Some of this king's coins conform to the bar and knot. I 
have not given specimens of these, as with so many other kings having them, 
they were not needed. Some of this king's coins are brass. See No. 2. 

After the time of Akbar the reverses contained the year in Persian 
instead of Arabic. The coins of Husain Shah and Yusuf Shah exhibit 
these peculiarities. One of the three coins I have of Akbar has on the 

reverse ^-^l^l^ ^j*>, where the year is Akbar's Ikihisan. I have said above 
that I have a square silver coin of Nadir Shah. Who this king was 1 do 



1879.] C. J. Eodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 283 

not know. But I have three copper coins of his, with the name on, beyond 
a doubt. On the silver coin too the name is unmistakeable. But history is 
silent about him, and no list of Kashmir kings that I have seen contains 
his name. Unfortunately the year is altogether rubbed off. Archaeologi- 
cal explorations in Kashmir should reveal something about this Sultan. It 
is possible that some of the Sultans may have rejoiced in several names, and 
that the one by which he is known to historians is not the one on the coins. 
We have several instances of this in Indian numismatics. I have not given 
this king's coins, though I possess three of them. I reserve them for fur- 
ther light, research may throw upon them. 

By me just now I have a coin of Dr. Stulpnagel's. It is of a Kash- 
mir Maharajah. It reads Sri Pesuta Jaya Sinha. This has not yet been 
identified. I have one of my own which reads Java Deva Deva. This I 
am going to publish though not able to identify the coin. Further study 
of these coins will give us fuller results. Hitherto numismatists have 
somewhat neglected them. They (the coins) are filthy looking, very much 
worn and being nearly illegible are too hard nuts for one to crack in leisure 
hours, inasmuch as the lines left are so hard to make out that only long 
study enables any one to feel any certainty about any point. The Kashmir 
Sultans as given in Prinsep's Tables are as follows : — 

Shams-uddin Shah Mir. 
Jamshed. 

Alisher Ala-uddiu. 
Shahab-uddin. 
Kutub-uddin, Hindal. 
Sikandar, Butshikan. 
Amir Khan, Ali Shah. 
Zain ul-Abidin. 
Haidar Shah. 
Husain Shah. 

/ Muhammad Shah and Path Shah were 

\ contending for the throne during these 

j years. 

V Muhammad Shah reigned four times and 

Path Shah three. 
Nazuk Shah. (Humayim.) 
Mirza Haidar Daghlat. 
Ibrahim. 
Isma'il. 
Habib. 



L H. 


A. D. 


715. 


1315. 


750. 


1349. 


752. 


1351. 


765. 


1363. 


785. 


1386. 


799. 


1396. 


819. 


1416. 


826. 


1422. 


877. 


1472. 


878. 


1473. 


891. 


1486. 


902. 


1496. 


911. 


1505. 


942. 


1535. 


948. 


1541. 


960. 


1552. 


963. 


1555. 


964. 


1556. 



284 C. J. Rodgers — The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4, 

971. 15G3. Husain Shah. 

9S6. 1578. Yiisuf Shah. 

997. 1588. Annexation of Kashmir by Akhar. 

Up to the present I have seen neither silver nor copper coins of one 
of the first five Sultans. The coins in our Plate XIII begin with Sikandar 
Shah. 

No. 1. This coin has the name and titles of the king with bar and 
knot on the obverse, and on the reverse the legend in Arabic of Zarb-i- 
Kashmir Ji shahur i sail. But the year is not legible. There are many 
features of the reign of each king which it would be interesting to notice, 
but I will confine myself to the coins. 

No. 2. Zain-ul Abidin. Obverse. Name and titles of king, with por- 
tions of a knot at the top. Reverse. The words Zarb Kashmir in a quar- 
terfoil, crossing each other. Date on obverse illegible. 

No. 3. Same king. Obverse. Name and titles of king, without bar 
and knot, in a doublecircle, surrounded with a circle of dots. Reverse. 
Zarb-i- Kashmir Ji Shahur i sail i ahel wa arbaiii wa Samdnmdita = 811 
A. H. 

No. 4. Same king. Obverse. Zain ul-A'bidin Sultan, no bar or knot. 
Reverse. Zarb Ndib i Amir ul Momanin. 851 A. H. 

This king was to Kashmir pretty much what Firoz Shah and Akbar 
were to India. He was a great builder and poet. He got the Mahabhara- 
ta translated into Persian and was a patron of learned men. The rulers of 
Mecca and Egypt, of Gilan, Fran and Turan kept up correspondence with 
him. He is the only Sultan who calls himself the Ndib of the Amir ul- 
Momaniii. 

No. 5. Haidar Shdh. Obverse. Name and titles of king with bar 

and knot and the year illegible. Reverse. Zarb .Ji sabain wa 

samdnmdita = 87 — . The 4 on the obverse is distinct ; this according to the 
tables, it ought to be 7. I have two coins of this king. The reverses give 
no help in solving this difficulty. The second coin has the year on the 
obverse worn off. 

No. 6. Hasan Shdh. Obverse. Name and titles of king, bar and 
knot. Reverse. The usual legend, but illegible. 

No. 7. Muhammad Shdh. This man began to reign when he was 
seven years old. Fath Shah the grandson of Zain ul-A'bidin came from 
India and took the throne. These two kings went on fighting for the 
supreme power for many years. Fath Shah gained the throne three times 
but Muhammad Shall at last drove him away and sat for the fourth time 
on the throne of his father. The coin has on the obverse the usual name 
and titles with bar and knot. Reverse. The year looks like 895. If so 
this coin was struck during the first period Muhammad reigned. 



Chas. J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc:BengaI. Vol. XLVIE.Pt.l.for 1879. 



Pl:M. 




W. NrH^nan <$- C°,LixK 



GaXcutLas 



COPPER COINS OF THE SULTANS OF K ASH M I R. 



1879.] V. A. Smith — Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 285 

No. 8. Fath Shah. Obverse. Name and titles with bar and knot. 
Reverse. Struck in Kashmir in year 897. There is some doubt as to the 
reading of the 7. 

No. 9. Ibrahim Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and 
knot. Reverse. All illegible, but date &c. 

No. 10. Isma'il Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and 
knot all in good preservation. Reverse. A complete muddle of remains of 
date illegible : remnants of Kashmir legible. 

No. 11. Susain Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and 
knot and probably remains of date. Reverse. Zarb Nuhsad wa haft wa 
haftdd = 977 A. H. This coin is in splendid preservation. 

No. 12. Muhammad Yusuf Shah. Obverse. Name, titles, bar and 
knot as usual, but titles illegible. Reverse. Nuhsad wa shash wa hash- 
tad = 986. This coin is very little worn, but it was struck on an irregular 
and ill-prepared piece of copper. 

I regret very much that the years of the coins are so unsatisfactory 
in so many instances. The names, however, afford no ground for dispute. 
They are all easily read, though in some cases at first sight they are not 
decipherable. I found I had several of Isma'il's coins when I could read 
one. One's power of reading progresses as one's acquaintance with the 
coins increases. I have still several which up to the present I have not 
made out satisfactorily. These together with the coins of Nadir Shah, a 
coin of Nazuk Shah (so I read it, I want others to help me read this one) 
and the coins of Akbar struck in Kashmir with the bar and the knot must 
stand over for another paper. 



Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. — By V. A. Smith, b. a., c. s., 
and F. C. Black, c. e. 

(With six Plates.) 

The careful and accurate descriptions of the Chandel remains at Kha- 
juraho and Mahoba, published by General Cunningham, might be supposed 
to have exhausted the subject of which he treats, and to leave no gleanings 
to be picked up by amateur hands. We have, however, in the course of 
several years' residence in the Hamirpur District, in which Mahoba is situa- 
ted, and after careful inspection of the buildings at Khajuraho, collected a 
few notes, which may, we venture to think, form a useful supplement to the 
more systematic record of the Director of the Archax>logical Survey. 



286 V. A. Smith — Observations on some Ohandel Antiquities. [No. 4, 

The zamindars of most villages in the small native state of Chhatar- 
pur, in which Khajuraho is situated, are said to be Kurmis, Kachlus, or 
Brahmans, but in Khajuraho itself we were surprised to find that Chandel 
Thakurs are still the zamindars. They comprise only a few families* and 
claim to be bhumiydn or aboriginal, stating, however, that their ancestors 
came from Maniya Garh,f which is the ancient fort of the town of liaj- 
garh, situated on the Ken, a few miles from Chhatarpur. 

We were informed that Chandels are not found as zamindars in any 
village except Khajuraho, though scattered families exist elsewhere. The 
Chandel zamindars who are part proprietors of M. Urwara in Pargana 
Mahoba came from Ajnar in Pargana Jaitpur, whence tbey were expelled 
by Lodhis and Brahmans in the time of Jagatraj Bundela (circa 1750 
A. D.) ; and the Chandels who have a share in Mauza Kaimaha of 
Pargana Mahoba immigrated at a late date from Sheorajpur in the Cawn- 
pore District. 

We know of no other Chandel proprietors in the Hamirpur District, 
and the zamindars of Khajuraho may therefore claim to be the only local 
representatives of the ancient ruling clan who still retain an honourahle 
position. 

At Mahoba we have been told that the Chandel royal house is now 
represented by Jaimangal Singh of Gidhaur and by other Hajas in the 
vicinity of Gya.J 

We have repeatedly made efforts to obtain specimens of the Chandel 
coinage, of which so few pieces have been found, but up to the present our 
enquiries, both at Khajuraho and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful. 

The rarity of the coins of a dynasty which flourished for four centu- 
ries may perhaps be plausibly accounted for by the hypothesis that the 
Chandel coinage was called in by the Musalmans. 

The native official with our camp told us that coins which he spoke of 
as dukri (the word apparently meaning simply ' old') had been found at 
Khajuraho and sent into Chhatarpur, but at the latter place, when we tried 
to get a glimpse of them, we were put off with various excuses. These 
coins were stated to have borne illegible legends, and were pronounced by 
the local goldsmiths to consist of a mixture of silver, brass and copper. 

* Eleven families according to General Cunningham who mentions their exis- 
tence. 

t Maniya Deo is the tutelary goddess of the Chandels. Vide J. A. S. B., XLVI. 
Tart I, p. 233, and Arch. Eep. VII. 44. 

X For a brief history of the Baj as of Gidhaur see Statistical Account of Bengal 
(for the Monghyr District) Vol. XV, pp. 71, 72. 



1879.] V. A. Smith — Observations on some Ghandel Antiquities. 2^7 

We also heard that minute leaflets* of gold had been found in the 
fields about Khajuraho on more than one occasion. They were described as 
being very small, and each pierced with a hole about the size of a barley- 
corn. 

The Political Agent at Nayagaon (Nowgong) informs us that he has 
never heard of the discovery of any coins at Khajuraho, but there can be 
little doubt that they must be found from time to time, though their dis- 
covery is naturally concealed by the finders who are afraid of being deprived 
of their prize. 

The buildings at Khajuraho have all been noticed by General Cunning- 
ham except a small flat-roofed temple, which now forms part of the dwell- 
ing house of a zamindar in the village. This edifice is of no special inter- 
est, and a defaced inscription on one of the pillars does not seem to be 
valuable. 

We did not succeed in bringing to light any other new inscription. 
The brief pilgrim's record on one of the pillars of the Ganthai temple, which 
is not mentioned by General Cunningham, is noticed in our remarks on 
that building. 

We were told that the fragment of an inscribed stone was lying in one 
of the zamindar's houses, but were prevented from seeing it. So many 
sculptures and other objects have been carried off from Khajuraho by visi- 
tors and pilgrims that the people are now very unwilling to show anything 
which is likely to excite the cupidity of an antiquarian or devotee. 

General Cunningham (II. 434) describes a ' magic square' cut on the 
right jamb of the door of the Jinanath temple and observes — " The figure 
" 8 is remarkable for an additional stroke on the left side, which I take to 
" be a mark of antiquity, as it is a near approach to the figure in my 
" Suhaniya numeral inscription." It is, however, perhaps worth while to 
note that this additional stroke is cut to a depth much less than that of 
the rest of the figure, and that it is scarcely discernible on the stone though 
clearly visible in a rubbing (Plate XIV). The other figures too of the 
square are almost identical with the modern forms, and the antiquity of 
the sculpture may well be doubted. 

It is much to be regretted that the short inscription of eleven lines on 
the left jamb of the door of the same Jinanath temple has not been pub- 
lished in facsimile and translated in full. 

General Cunningham has given two abstract translations of it (Arch. 
Kep. II. 433 and J. A. S. B. XXIX, p. 395), and its date,f on which doubt 

* Particles of gold-leaf are found among the ruins of Manikyala, (Cunn. Arch.. 
Rep. II. 170.) 

t For a rubbing of this date, see Plate XV. 



288 V. A. Smith — Observations on some Channel Antiquities. [No. 4, 

was at one time thrown, may be accepted as certainly being Samvat 1011, 
but the reading of the Raja's name is still unsettled, General Cunningham 
being in doubt whether the initial letter is Dh or Oh ; it looks quite as 
like Sh, and is certainly different from the ordinary Kutila form of Dh. 

Not only this short inscription, but all the leading Chandel inscrip- 
tions require to be carefully edited. Of the three great inscriptions at 
Khajuraho one only has been published at length, viz., that dated 1056 
Samvat, now built into the wall inside the entrance of tiie Vis'vanath tem- 
ple. This record was translated by Mr. Sutherland (J. A. S. B , for 1889, 
Vol. VIII, p. 159), but with many errors, some of which have since been 
corrected by General Cunningham. (Proc. A. S. B., for 1865 (1) p. 99.) 

The other equally large inscriptions, viz., that dated 1058 Samvat, 
now built into the temple wall opposite that above mentioned, and that of 
Raja Dhanga, dated 1011 Samvat, now built into the wall on the right 
side of the entrance to the Chatarbhuj temple, are referred to in the 
Archaeological Report (II, pp. 423, 426), but have never been published or 
translated, and we understand that other inscriptions of the Chandel dynas- 
ty, concerning which nothing has yet been made public, are in General 
Cunningham's hands. 

The main outlines of the Chandel chronology* have been established 
beyond dispute, but many details are still unsettled, and there is much 
difficulty in reconciling the statements of several of the inscriptions which 
have been given to the public in a more or less perfect form. Maisey'sf 
inscriptions from Kalinjar were translated a long time ago, when skill in 
deciphering inscriptions was a rarer accomplishment than it is now, and 
both the text and translation of the records published by him seem to re- 
quire revision by a competent scholar. 

The drying up of the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba this year has disclosed a 
large broken Jain statue of Sumatinath with an inscription, dated " in the 
victorious reign of S'riman Madana Varmma Samvat 1215 Pus Sudi 10." 
(Plate XV). % 

* By a recent attempt to settle the genealogy (J. A. S. B., XLVI1, Part I, p. 74) 
Dr. Rajendralala Mitra has added to the confusion. He reduces Samvat dates to the 
Christian era hy subtracting 55 instead of 57 as usual, and he ignores the two new 
plates published at p. 80 of the same numher of the Journal, and uses Sutherland's 
erroneous date of 1019 in the Dhanga inscription which was long ago corrected to 
1056. He also omits all mention of Raja Parmal or Paramardi and of the other in- 
scriptions of Madana Varmma, which show that the Dr.'s date of 1150 A. D. for the 
close of Madana Varmma's reign is much too early. 

f J. A. S. B., XVII, Part I, 171, 313 (for 1818). 

% General Cunningham (Arch. Pep. II. 448) mentions an image of Sumatinath 
at Mahoba, dated in 1213 Samvat. 



1879.] V. A. Smith — Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 289 

The form of the figure 5 in this inscription is almost the same as that 
employed in the Khajuraho inscription dated 1056. 

Madana Varmma evidently enjoyed a long reign, as is shown hy his 
numerous inscriptions. 

At the Gulawar Khera in the north of Mauza Chhikahra, Pargana 
Mahoba, a sandstone figure of Debi, found some years ago in a well, bears 
the following inscription (Plate XVI) in clearly cut characters — 

" Thakkura Sri Gangakena Devi Karayitam. 
"Samvat 1166." 

No Raja's name is mentioned, but the year 1166 probably fell in the 
reign of Prithivi Varmma. 

The people believe that in its palmy days Mahoba included 52 towns 
or bazars, one of them being Gulawar Khera. The latter was certainly the 
site of a considerable settlement, for the marks of foundations of buildings 
extend for about a mile. There are the ruins here of three small granite 
shrines, and a fourth is said to have formerly existed. 

The popular tradition about the 52 bazars perhaps indicates that 
Mahoba was the chief town in a Baoni or pargana of 52 towns and vil- 
lages. 

The drought this year has also brought to light a sixth life-size sand- 
stone elephant at the ruined temple known as Madari, (near the standing 
Kakra Marh temple*) in the Madan Sagar at Mahoba, where General 
Cunningham saw only five. 

We cannot accept his suggestion that these huge statues were ever 
" projected in mid air" from the spires, but from their size and present 
position it is quite plain that the alternative which he suggests is the true 
one, and that they were erected in pairs at each of the three entrances to 
the temple. 

The temple of Vis'vanath at Khajuraho has two half life-size elephants 
standing near it on the ground, which may formerly have been placed at 
the entrance. They are decidedly inferior in execution, as well as in size, 
to the Mahoba elephants. 

Two others, still smaller, are lying in the field near the temple dedi- 
cated to Surya, to the entrance of which they probably served as an orna- 
ment. 

On the temple of Vis'vanath several small elephants are to be seen 
projecting from the angles of the roof. Originally they seem to have been 

* The name Kakra Marh is said to refer to the worship of Siva (Arch. Rep. II, 
442). A ruined temple at Salat about 9 miles west of Mahoba, close to which Jain 
images of the 12th century A. D. have been found is also known as Kakra Marh. 



290 V. A. Smith — Ohservations on some Ohamlel Antiquities. [No. 1, 

fourteen in number, and live are still in position, supported on Hat brackets, 
which now look weak owing to the absence of the slender stone props which 
supported the outer end of the brackets, of which the inner ends rest on 
the boldly projecting eaves of the balcony roofs. The mortice holes into 
which the props were inserted are still plainly visible, and in the Kandariya 
Mahadeo temple, the steeple of which is also adorned with small elephants, 
one at least of these props is in place. 

The appearance of these little elephants, when the pedestal is perfect, 
is not inelegant. 

The subject of the construction of the Khajuraho temples has hardly 
been touched on in the published accounts, a few words on this topic may 
therefore be found of interest. 

In the Hamirpur District granite alone has been used for the con- 
struction of the religious edifices, sandstone being employed only for deco- 
rative purposes. At Khajuraho on the other hand almost all the temples 
are built entirely of sandstone, the only exclusively granite building being 
the so-called Chaonsat Jogini temple. 

We noticed, however, that several of the sandstone temples rest on a 
granite foundation, which is almost concealed from view. Judging from 
the number of granite pillars lying about, it is probable that at one time 
many buildings of the coarser material existed at Khajuraho. 

The silcharas or steeples of the larger temples are very graceful in 
design ; that of Kandariya Mahadeo is perhaps the best, but those of the 
Chaturbhuj and Vis'vanath temples are almost equal to it. 

The steeples, except those over the sanctum, which seem to be solid, 
are so constructed as to include many spaces or chambers, the intention 
evidently being to lighten the weight of the mass of masonry. We could 
find no trace of mortar in the joints of the stones with dressed outer faces 
which form the casing, but it has been freely used to bind together the 
undressed inner stones. 

Access to the roof of all the chief temples is obtained through a small 
square hole at the top of one of the side walls of the sanctum, which can 
be reached by climbing over the sculptures. 

The domes at Khajuraho are of course all constructed in the usual In- 
dian way with courses of overlapping stones. The architects seem to have 
felt a difficulty in spanning a considerable space with a self-supporting 
dome of this kind, and have accordingly in several of the great cruciform 
temples introduced four extra columns in the middle of the mahdmandapa 
to assist in bearing the weight. This arrangement has the advantage of 
giving an appearance of richness to the interior, and of giving additional 
facilities for a display of sculpture and carving, but is disadvantageous in 



1879.] V. A. Smith — Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 291 

depriving the building of the massive grandeur derived from the conquest 
of structural difficulties by bold and simple architecture. 

Two only of the Khajuraho temples have self-supporting domes. One 
of these is the unrestored temple of Kunwar Math, where the interior 
diameter of the dome is 14''9," and the other is the temple of Mritang 
Mahadeo,* where the architect has succeeded in spanning, without any 
extraneous support, a space with a diameter of 22 feet. 

The fine granite temple at Makarbai in Pargana Mahoba has a self- 
supporting dome 15 ,- 3" in diameter. With these three exceptions, we have 
not found any horizontal dome of more than 12 feet in diameter, built 
without central support. 

It is somewhat remarkable that the Indian architects should not have 
constructed larger domes of this kind, for the horizontal dome of the cele- 
brated ' Treasury of Atreus' at Mycenae has an internal diameter of 48 
feet.f 

The restorations at Khajuraho have been extensive both in the Jain 
and Brahmanical temples, so extensive indeed that arguments based on an 
examination of structural details recpuire careful scrutiny. 

The most extensive restorations of the Brahmanical temples in recent 
times were effected by Raja Partap Singh of Chhatarpur ; who died in 1854 
A. D. and who left directions in his will that five rupees daily should con- 
tinue to be spent on the repair of the buildings, directions which have not 
been fully carried out. 

The restorations carried out under the orders of Raja Partap Singh 
are, as a rule, judicious, and have maintained the general appearance and 
outlines of the buildings without attempting to add any features not in- 
cluded in the original design. 

The steeples (sikharas) have been repaired with brick and mortar work, 
showing a smooth surface, which does not correspond with the carving of 
the old stone work, but, inasmuch as the outline has been carefully preserved, 
and the plaster has got darkened by age, the repairs are seldom offensive to 
the eye. In the temples of Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis'vanath, and Chatur- 
bhuj they are scarcely visible till sought for, but in the temple of the Sun 
and some others they are more clumsily executed. 

Many of the carved stones belonging to the steeples have been built 
into walls and steps, though a little more care on the part of the masons 
might perhaps have found the places to which the stones originally belong- 
ed. 

* See Plate XVII for a plan of this building more detailed than that given by 
General Cunningham. 

t E. Dobson's Treatise on Masonry and Stone-cutting, page 8. 



292 V. A. Smith — Observations on some Cltanrfel Antiquities. [No i, 

The temples usually stand, each on a massive rectangular terrace, and 
the greater number of loose stones found lying about have been built into 
the walls of these terraces. 

The best preserved terraces are those belonging to the temples of 
Chaturbhuj and the Sun. When they were complete, a parapet, the upper 
portion of which sloped outwards, ran round the edge of each terrace, and 
inside this was attached a broad stone shelf suppoi'ted on small pillars 

The main pillars of the principal temples are no doubt in their original 
positions, but considerable irregularities occur owing to the insertion in 
many places of extra pillars to support cracked cross-beams. 

In the smaller temples which surround and are subsidiary to the great 
fanes, the pillars have been mxich changed about, and some have been 
brought in from inferior buildings. 

The flights of steps leading up to the entrances of the temples have 
been freely restored, and little attention paid to the original design, which 
evidently comprised only a single narrow flight of stairs leading to the 
door of the main building. 

On close inspection it is evident that the restorations are not all of 
one period, but that some are old, and in some cases the building has had 
time to fall to ruin again since the restoration. Examples of these early 
restorations may be observed in the Kunwar Math and adjoining temple 
■which were not repaired by Raja, Partap Singh. 

It is a pity that the repairs of the group of temples to which the 
Kunwar Math belongs (Nos. 17, 18, 29, 30 and 35 in General Cunning- 
ham's plan) are not proceeded with. These buildings lie somewhat out of 
the way and have consequently received little notice, but they are hand- 
some structures and superior in ornamentation to some of the western 
group, though not so richly decorated as the great temples dedicated to 
Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis'vanath and Chaturbhuj. 

The dome of Kunwar Math is especially worth preserving on account 
of its large size. 

The temple at Jatkari dedicated to Vishnu is remarkable from its posi- 
tion with reference to the cardinal points. The entrance faces the west, 
and the shrine the east, which arrangement is exactly the reverse of that 
adopted in all the other Brahmanical temples, except the smallest shrines. 

The restorations of the Brahmanical temples, although considerable, are 
trifling compared with those of the Jain temples, which are subjected to 
continuous and rather undiscriminating repair and modification. 

It may we fear be thought presumptuous in us to feel hesitation in 
adopting a conclusion respecting the age and destination of a building 
which has been arrived at by so experienced a scholar as General Cunning- 



1879.] V, A. Smith — Observations on some CJiandel Antiquities. 293 

ham, and has been in part accepted by Mr. Fergusson, but, as regards the 
Ganthai temple at Khajuraho, we feel compelled to differ from these autho- 
rities.* The former is of opinion that this temple is a Buddhist building 
of the 6th or 7th century ; the latter declares it to be most likely Jain and 
not Buddhist, but accepts General Cunningham's date as approximately 
correct. The arguments, however, adduced by General Cunningham in 
favour of the early age of this structure appear singularly weak. They are 
two, (1) that the seated 4-armed female statuette over the centre of the 
entrance " is most probably a figure of Dharmma, who was either the first or 
the second person of the Buddhist triad," and (2) that a pedestal lying 
near bore the well known profession of the Buddhist faith in characters of 
the 6th or 7th century. 

Of these two reasons the first is admittedly conjectural, and the second 
is of little force, for the General immediately goes on to say that several 
naked Jain statues of a much later date, one being actually dated 1085 
A. D.,f are lying among the adjacent ruins. It seems to us therefore that 
these facts go as far to prove that the temple is of the 11th century, as 
they do to prove it to belong to the 6th or 7th, and General Cunningham 
admits that they " would seem to show that the old Buddhist temple had 
been appropriated to their own use by the Jains of the eleventh century." 
But in reality the position of detached statues in an ancient site like 
Khajuraho, which has evidently been the scene of repeated vicissitudes and 
restorations, is worthless as a proof of the antiquity of adjoining buildings. 
A close examination of the remains makes it plain, as we have above re- 
marked, that very many of the buildings have been more or less recon- 
structed, and a very cursory inspection shows that images and sculptures 
have been freely shifted about from place to place. 

On the second sandstone pillar on the left of the Ganthai temple as 
you enter there is a short pilgrim's inscription not noticed by General 
Cunningham (Plate XIV). The characters in this inscription are certainly 
not of a very early form, and seem to be of about the eleventh century. 
The presence of this record of a comparatively late date, and the absence 
of any earlier inscription on the building itself tend to support the opinion 
that the temple is not so ancient as has been supposed. J Mr. Fergusson 
bases his opinion of the high antiquity of the Ganthai temple on " the 
character of its architectural details," but he gives no explanation of this 
opinion, and in the absence of such explanation a mere expression of opi- 
nion fails to carry conviction. 

* Arch. Eep. II, 414 and 431. 

t This is now lost, as also is the pedestal with the Buddhist inscription. 

% Ind. Arch. 1876, p. 247. 

O 



29 4 V. A. Smith — Observations on some CJiandel Antiquities. [No. 4, 

The arguments above given in favour of a possible late date for the 
Ganthai temple appear to us not to be undeserving of consideration, but 
we rely mainly on the evidence afforded by the construction of the building 
itself, in support of the conclusion at which we have arrived that the 
temple in question is a comparatively late re-arrangement of the materials 
of earlier buildings, some of which may possibly be as old as the whole 
edifice has been supposed to be. There appears to be no good evidence 
to show to which religion the building belonged, but, as all the immediate 
surroundings are Jain, it may, in the absence of proof to the contrary, be 
assigned to the professors of that faith. 

The name of Ganthai would appear to be derived from the bells 
sculptured on the columns as supposed by Dr. Fergusson, and the villagers 
also gave this reason for the name. As stated by General Cunning- 
ham, the only portions now standing are the four pillars of the porch, the 
carved entrance, the four pillars of the inner mandap or hall, some pilasters 
of granite which were built into the surrounding wall, and some portions 
of the roof. 

The plan of the existing portion is shown on Plate XVII, and the 
dotted lines show the probable shape of the temple when complete. 

This rectangular form we derive from the existing temple of Jinanath 
and are confirmed in our supposition by the plan of the Jain temple re- 
presented in Plate XLV of Burgess, Arch. Survey of Western India, 1874. 
The Ganthai must therefore have been intended to be a large temple, 
larger than even Jinanath, which is the largest of the Jain temples. Assum- 
ing the building to have ever been completed and then allowed to fall into 
ruin, the mass of debris must have been very great, much greater than 
could easily have been removed, but the present remains consist of the 
columns and portions of the roof stated above and absolutely nothing else. 
There is no trace whatever of the sanctum, which must, if it ever 
existed, have been very massive and crowned by a huge steeple. Nothing, 
except the pilasters above mentioned, remains of the thick side walls, which 
would necessarily have been constructed, and it is not likely that the stones 
of the sanctum, side walls and spire could have so completely disappeared, 
if they were ever there. 

From this we are inclined to think that the present building is an 
unfinished portion of what was intended to have been a very large temple, 
but which was never completed, and which, as we now proceed to show, 
was itself a reconstruction. "We are led to believe this, not only from the 
disappearance of the materials of the wanting portion, but also from what 
is now standing having been put together in a clumsy and unsystematic 
manner. The outer pilasters are so irregular that it is evident that they 



1879.] V. A. Smith — Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 295 

were never intended for the positions they now wcupy. They do not 
match with each other either in pattern or size. Some are propped up by 
a blouk placed underneath, whilst others have a piece added to the top to 
lengthen them. The thickness, the width and the patterns differ more or 
less in all. This is never the case in temples which have not been restored. 
The mechanical regularity with which the pillars and ornaments correspond 
to each other in undisturbed temples is remarkable. But in the Ganthai 
temple not only do the granite pilasters not match, but even the eight 
sandstone columns are irregular.* There are four pairs of them, and the 
decoration of each of these pairs has certain minute peculiarities, though 
the general style of all is the same. The accompanying Plate XVIII will 
illustrate our meaning, the several pairs of corresponding pillars being A and 
B, C and D, E and F, and G and H ; and the reader will observe that some 
of the pillars which match each other are in unsymmetrical positions. 
That the restoring of old temples, and in many cases the absolute construc- 
tion of new temples out of old materials, is constantly going on at Kha- 
juraho is seen from the group of Jain temples east of Ganthai, where the 
work of building and repairing is so continual, that, with three exceptions, 
viz., Jinanath, Parswamith and the shrine of the Colossus of Adinath, it is 
difficult to say of any building that it is now as it originally stood. 

Some undescribed buildings in the Hamirpur District appear suffi- 
ciently remarkable to deserve description, and we close this paper with a 
brief notice of one group of them. For the plans of these temples, see 
Plate XIX. The three temples now described are of small size, but, judging 
from their shape, are doubtless Jain. They are situated (1) at Barsi Talao, 
near the village of Pahra, 14 miles north-east of the tahsili town of 
Mahoba ; (2) at Makarbai, 9 miles distant in the same direction ; and (3) 
at Bamhauri, 4 miles south-east of Makarbai. This last village Bamhauri 
is not now in the Hamirpur District, having been ceded to the native state 
of Charkari after the mutiny. 

In these temples the shape is a rectangle, the sides of which face the 
cardinal points of the compass, with a sanctum in the middle of the western 
side, opposite to which is the entrance porch. 

The roof, which is low, is supported internally on eight short pillars 
very simply ornamented, and surmounted by plain capitals over which are 
placed the stone beams which support a perfectly unornamented ceiling. 
Over the sanctum was a sikhara or steeple, which at Bamhauri is still stand - 

* The accounts of General Cunningham and Mr. Fergusson seem to us to ex- 
aggerate the beauty of these pillars, and indeed to attach to this Ganthai temple 
much more importance than it deserves. 



206 V. A. Smith — Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 

ing, slightly ruined, but which is wanting both in the temple at Barsi and 
at Makarbai. 

In this last one the entrance to the sanctum has been walled up, so 
that the shrine is not visible. The floors of the shrines at Barsi and 
Bamhauri are both somewhat below the level of the floor of the main 
chamber. 

The material of these three temples is granite, the walls being con- 
structed of wide slabs set on edge, and externally two bands of ornamented 
moulding run round the building. 

From some fragments of stucco adhering to the outside of the Barsi 
temple it would appear to have been covered with plaster. This temple 
differs somewhat from the other two in having two openings for light in 
the middle of the shorter sides of the mandapa or hall, whilst the temples 
at Makarbai and Bamhauri have closed sides and only obtain light from 
the front of the building. "We were unable to find any inscription at any of 
these temples, and the villagers only know them by the name of Baithaks. 
The name of the talao on the edge of which the first templ9 stands is 
Barsi, and an ancient village site to the west is also called Barsi. The 
maker of the lake is said to be Bar Brahm Chandel.* To the east ot the 
temple stands a small shrine which we have not described, it being of no 
special interest. The neighbouring village of Pahra is also known under 
the name of Khajuraha. In another paper we hope to describe some other 
buildings which have hitherto either altogether escaped notice or been 
inadequately described. While we were engaged on this paper, Vol. VII 
of the Archaeological Beports has appeared, but the notes recorded in it, 
are so meagre, and in some details so incorrect, that much remains to be 
done before it can be said that the antiquities of Bundelkhand have 
received adequate treatment. 

* Bar Brahm {i. e. Varmma) is not mentioned in any known inscription, but is in- 
cluded in the bards' lists of the Chandel princes. He was probably not a ruling chioj. 
but one of the members of the ruling family. 



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INDEX 

TO 

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. XLVJ.II, 
Part I, foe 1879. 



/\ DVANCE of the Wazir, 67 
Afghan tribes about Kandahar, 181 
Ahar, a town near Bulandshahar, 271, 

274 
ahi, a snake, 271 

Ahibaran, a Raja of Bulandshahar, 271 
Ahichhatra, 271 
Ahi-kshetra, snake-land, 271 
Ak-su, white water, 258 
Ala-uddin's war with Hamir, 186, 195, 

201 
Amravati Tope, 9 
Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan's habits 

and character, 154 
Anna-Furna Devi, a form of Siva's sakti 

Parvati, 18 
Andrahta, introduces Buddhist sculptures 

in Burma, 254 
Antiquities of Bulandshahr, 270 ; Chan- 
del observations on, 285 
Archaic Sculpturings of Barrows, 14 
Aryan element in Burmese, 254 
Asam, river names in, 258 
Ashta-Tara-Devi or Goddess of Destiny, 

29 
Attack bv the Atiths of Raja Indar Gir, 

109 

JJAITHAK, name of temples in Hami'r- 

pur,'296 
Bamhauri, undescribed temple at, 295, 

296 
Banchati, old name of Bulandshahar, 271 
Bandyopadhyaya, translation of Hamir 

Rasa, 186 
Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad, 49 
Bar Brahm Chandel, maker of the Barsi 

Talao, 296 
Barakzai, an Afghan sept, 181, 184 
Baran, old name of Bulandshahar, 270, 

271, 272 



Barrows found in the Nizam's territory, 2 

Barrows or grave-mounds, 1 

Barsi Talao, undescribed Temple at, 295, 
296 

Battle of Khudaganj and death of Naval 
Rae, 60 

Benares, Nag Kuan or serpent's well at, 
21 ; Nag panchami or Snake festival at, 
22 ; Nageshwar or snake temple at, 20 ; 
presence of snake symbol in, 1 7 

Bhilsa Topes, 7, 12 

Black, F. C, observations on some Chan- 
del Antiquities, 285 

Bopya Deva, a Raja of Kashmir, 278 

Brahman tradition on prehistoric re- 
mains, 2 

Brahmanical temples, 291, 292 

Brahmans, zamindars of Chhatarpur, 286 

Bulandshahr Antiquities, 270 

Burmese, alphabet, borrowed, 253 ; Aryan 
element in, 254 ; collection of popular 
texts, 255 ; dictionary, by Dr. Judson, 
285 ; orthography in, 254 ; Pali Deriva- 
tions in, 253 ; river names, 280 ; trans- 
literation, 252, 255 ; kingdoms, Indian 
origin of, 253 



CAMPAIGN in Rohilkhand, 102 
Chandel Antiquities, observations on some, 

285 ; coinage, 286, 287 ; royal house, 

286 ; dynasty, 288 ; Bar Brahm, a Chan- 
del prince, 296 ; inscriptions, 288 ; chro- 
nology, 288 

Chandel remains at Khajuraho and 
Mahoba, 285 ; Thakurs, zamindars of 
Khajuraho claim to be aborigines, 286 
Chandrabhan, the Chohan, Raja of 

Nimrana, 186 
Chandra Gupta II, gold coin of, 272 
Chaturbhuj, temple of, in Khajuraho, 290 
Chhatarpur, native state, 286 ; raja Partap 
Singh of, 291, 292 



298 



Indc. 



Chhatrasal, Raja of Tanna, 171 

Chohans, genealogical table of, 248 ; Hamir 
of Rathambor, 192 ; origin of, 187 ; R;ija 
Chandrabhan, 186; Raja Jeyal, 188 

Chronicle of Bangash Nawabs of Farru- 
khabad, 49 

Chronological Table of the Nawabs of 
Farrukhabad, 166 

Chronology of Chandels, 288 

Coinage, Chandcl, 286, 287 

Construction of temples at Khajuraho, 
290 

Coins, copper of Kashmir, 277, 282 ; gold, 
found at Bulandsbahar, 271, 272; gold 
of Kashmir, 277 ; silver of Kashmir, 277, 
282 

Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of 
Kashmir, 277 ; of the Sultans of Kash- 
mir, 282 

Cruciform temples in Khajuraho, 290 

Cunningham, Gcnl. A., on Bhilsa Topes, 
12 ; description of Chandel remains, 
285, 287, 288, 289, 293; on coins of 
Kashmir, 277 ; on identiiication of Vara- 
navata, 272 

" Cup -marks" of barrows, 14, 15, 31 



E 



D. 



'AJJAL, the name of Antichrist, 178 
lJalton, Col., description of prehistoric 

remains, 2 
Dangerfield, Mr. Henry, discovery of pre- 
historic remains, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8 
Debi, figure of, at Gulavar Kbcra, 289 
Defeat of the Wazir, 71 
Derivations, Pali, in Burmese, 253 ; of 

names of the week-days, 254 ; of Sans- 
krit words in, 254 
Descendants of Ahmad Khan Ghalib 

Jang, 167 
liliruii, a name of the Supreme Spirit or 

Paramatma, 171 
Dhamis, name of the followers of Pran- 

nath, 171 
Dhanga, Raja, inscription of, 288 
Di, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river 

names, 2.38 ; variations of, 258, 261 • 
Dictionary, Burmese, by Dr. Judson, 

255 
Didda, Maharani of Kashmir, 277 
Dioha, Rapti, and Gum-ti, tributaries of 

the Ganges, 258 
Dor Raja, Budh Sen, 273 ; Mangal Sen, 

273 ; Chandra Sen, 273 ; liar Datt, 

prince of Baran, 272, 274 
Jiitl.ri, name of Chandel coin, 286 
domes, of temples in Khajuraho, 290, 

291, 292 
Durani, an Afghan tribe about Kandahar, 

181, 182 



XECUTION of tho Five Chclas, 69 ; 
of the Five sons of Nawab Muhammad 
Khan Ghazanfar Jang, 68 



r ARRTJKHABAD, attacked by Shuja,- 
ud-daula, 136 ; Bangash Nawabs of, 49 ; 
visitors to, 128 

Fergusson, on Ganthai Temple, 293, 294 

First Visit of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Imad- 
ul-Mulk, 124 

Five-headed snake (Nag panchamukhi,) 17 

(jANTHAI Temple at Khajuraho, 293, 
294, 295 ; age of, 293, 294' ; pilgrim's 
inscription in, 293 ; derivation of its 
name, 294 

Genealogical Table of Sa'dat Khan Bur- 
han-ul-Mulk's family, 169 ; of Safdar 
Jang's family, 170 ; of Ahmad Khan's 
descendants, 167 ; of Chohans, 246 

Ghazi-ud-din 'Imad-ul-Mulk, eldest son 
of the celebrated Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf 
Jah, 128 

Ghilzais, an Afghan tribe near Khelat i 
Ghilzai, 181 ; near Kandahar, 182 

Ghosha's, P. C, note on tho articles ex- 
hibited by Mr. Rivctt-Carnac, 30 

Gidhaur, Rajas of, 286 

Glasfurd, (Col.) found an iron axe in the 
Godavery district, 7 

Gold coins found at Bulandshahar, 271, 
272 ; of Kashmir, 277 ; leaflet, found 
about Khajuraho, 287 ; leaf found among 
the ruins of Manikyala, 287 

Granite used in the construction of Chausat 
Jogini Temple, 290, 296 

Gricrson, G. A., further notes on Kali- 
dasa, 32 

Growsc, F. S., Bulandshahr Antiquities, 
270 ; sect of tho Pran-nathis, 171 

Quldhbdri, or royal pavilion, 136, 141 

Gulavar Kbcra, figure of Debi at, 289 

Gurnti, derivation of, 258 

Gunna Begam, a poet, was the daughter 
of a poet, 130 

Gupta, Chandra II, gold coin of, 272 ; 
Skanda, inscription of, 274 

Gya, Chandcl Raja's near, 286 

I! AMILTON, Dr. Buchanan, on river 

names, 259 
Hamir, Raja, bis birth, 192; his war with 

Ala-uddin, 195, 201, 203, 207, 20!), 

223, 225, 227, 230, 289 ; liis death, 245 
Hamir Rasa, a history of Hamir, 186 
Hamirpur, Chandels in, 280; undescribed 

buildings in, 295 



In J ex. 



299 



Hanna, discovery of prehistoric remains, 

3, 6 
Hardatt, a Dor Raja, 272 
Harslia, gold coins of, 277 
Hislop, Rev. Stephen, antiquarian, 2 
History of Hamir, prince of Ranthain- 

bor, 186 



IMPLEMENTS of iron, prehistoric, 6— 

9, 10 
Indian origin of Burmese Kingdoms, 253 
Indor, derivation of, 275 
Indus, derivation of, 259 
Inscriptions, Chandcl, 288 ; at Khajuraho, 

288, 289, 293; of pilgrims in Ganthai 

Temple, 293 ; two, from Bulandshahar, 

273 
Intrigues in the Pathan Camp by Mahbiib 

'Alam, 117 
Irvine, W., the Bangash Nawabs of Far- 

rukhabad, 49 



Kandahar, Afghan tribes about, 181 

Kandariya Mabadev, temple, in Khaju- 
raho, 290 

Kara-su, black water, 258, 260 

Karenni Hills, state of, 253 

Kashmir, copper coins of, 277, 282 ; silver 
coins of, 277 ; gold coins of, 277 

Khajuraho, temples at, 274 

remains at, 285 ; inscriptions 

at, 288; zemindars of, 286; temples 
at, 287 ; gold-leaflets found about, 287 

Khojak Pass, names of, 185 

Khudaganj, battle of, 60 

Khurja, flourishing mart on I. E. Rail- 
way, 270 

Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288 

Kol, part of dominion of Dor Raja, 27 2 

Kumaon Rock markings, 20, 27, 29 ; smtke 
well at, 23 

Kunwar Math, temple of, at Khajuraho, 
221 

Kurmis, zamindars of Chhaturpur, 286 



U AGATRAJ Bandela, a prince, 286 

Jaimal Singh, of Gidhaur, representative 
of the Chandel Royal House, 280 

Jain, naked statues, 293 ; statue of Suma- 
tinath disclosed by the drying up of 
the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288 ; tem- 
ples, 291, 294, 295 

Jatkarf, remarkable position of temple at, 
292 

Jaya Deva, Raja of Kashmir, 278 

Jinanath Temple, magic square and in- 
scription of 11 lines on door of, 287; 
rectangular form of, 294 

Judson, Dr., Burmese Dictionary, 255 ; 
Burmese derivation, 256 

Jumna, derivation of, 259 

Junapani, Nagpore district, tumuli in, 2, 
3, 8 

XyACHLLTS, zemindars of Chhatarpur, 

286 
Kachyen Hills, state of, 253 ; reduced to 
writing, 255 ; spoken by Singphos, 255 
Kadphises, copper coin of, 272 
Kakra Marh, temple in Mahoba, 289 
Kalasa, a Rajah of Kashmir, 277, 280 
Kalidasa, at Sibay Singh's court, 34 ; at 
king Bhoja's court, 35, 39 ; further notes 
on, 32 ; traditions in Mysore, 32 ; tradi- 
tions in Mithila, 32 ; born at Damodar- 
pur, 32 ; miraculous knowledge of, 34 
Kali Nadi, black river, 270 
Kiilindi, stream near Bulandshahar, 270, 

273 
Kalinjar, inscriptions from, 288 



L.AILAT-UL-KADR (or night of pow- 
er), 179 

Lai Baranf, a Muhammadan Martyr, 273 

Last or Mixed Dynasty, 278 

Latter, Capt., on Burmese orthography, 
254 

List of river names in Asam, 261 

Lodhis, expelled Chandels, 286 



M, 



.AD AN A Varmma, Raja, inscription 
of 288, 289 
Madan Sagar in Mahoba, 289 
Madari, temple in Mahoba, 289 
Madras barrows, 2 
Magic Square, sculptured, 287 
Mahoba, remains at, 285 ; fifty-two bazars 
at, 289 ; Chandcl zemindars in, 286 ; 
KiratSagarat, 288; Madan Sagar at, 289 
Mahratta affairs : 1752—1771, 148 
Maisey, inscriptions from Kalinjar, 288 
Makarbai, temple at, 291, 295, 296 
Maniya Garh, ancient fort of Rajgarh, 
ancestral place of Chandel Thakurs, 
286 
Maniya Deo, tutelary goddess of the 

Chandels, 286 
Mason, Dr., Pali Grammar, 255 
Merath part of dominion of Dor Raja, 

272 ; antique column at, 274 
Mitra, Dr. R., note on Bulandshahar 
antiquities, 275 ; translation of inscrip- 
tion, 274 
Mritang Mahadco, temple of, at Kha- 
juraho, 291 



300 



Index. 



IN AG A Hills, rivers names in, 258, 260 
Naga Raja, Sri Vadana, 275 
Nagballi or Cobra-croeper, 26 

Niigeshwar, the snake Temple at Benares, 
22 

Nag Kuan or serpent's well in Benares, 
21, 23 

Nag panchami, a great fete, 22, 26 

Nagporc, prehistoric remains in, 1 ; bar- 
rows, 1,2; snake worship, 24 

Nahar Siiih, founder of the Sambhal fort 
273 

Nandi or Siva's Bull, 18, 19, 20 

Nasir-nddin Mahmud, reduced Kol, 272 

Naval Rae, 50 ; his death, 60 

Nawab Ahmad Khan, 49 ; marries again, 
123; at battle of Panipat, 125; blind- 
ness and death, 152; habits and charac- 
ter, 154; wives, 159; children, 159; 
chelas, 160 ; genealogical table of de- 
scendants, 167 

Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang, 58 _ 

Nawab Imam Khan, and the Confiscation 
of the Territory, 49 

Negotiations with Nawab Ahmad Khan 
through 'Ali Kuli Khan, 112 

Nizam's territory, barrows in, 2 

Note to Bulandshahr Antiquities by Dr. 
Rajendralala Mitra, 275 

Observations on chandei Anti- 

quities, 285 
Origin, Indian, of Burmese Kingdoms, 

253 
Orthography in Burmese, 254 
Oxus, derivation of, 259 



X ADAM, a sage, his penances, 189 
Pali Derivations in Burmese, 253 ; Gram- 
mar, by Dr. Mason, 255 ; inscriptions on 
gold coins, 271 ; MSS., 255 ; words have 
several forms in Burmese, 257 
Pailchala, old capital in Burma, 253 
Panjpao, an Afghan sept, 184 
Parikshit, story of his death, 271 
Parmal, a Tomar Raja, 271, 272, 288 
Paitap Singh, Raja, of Chhatarpur, re- 
stored temples, 291, 292 
Peal, S. E., a peculiarity of the river 
names in Asam and some of the adjoin- 
ing countries, 258 
Peculiarity of River names in Asam, 258 
Phallus worship, 28 
Popalzai, a sept of the Durani Afghans, 

181, 182, 183 
Pran-nath, a Kshatriya by caste, lived in 
the beginning of the 18th century, 171 



Pran-nathis, sect of the, 171 
Prehistoric Remains of Central India, 1 
Prithivi Varmma, Raja, 289 
Prithviraj, the celebrated Chohan, 186 



R 



AJA Ahibaran, 271 ; Bhim of Etawa, 
273 ; Dhanga, inscription of, at Kaju- 
raho, 288; Parmal, 271,288; Madana 
Varmma, 288, 289 ; Partap Singh of 
Chatarpur, 291, 292; Prithivi Varmma, 
289 ; Tomar 271 

Rajas, Chandei, near Gya, 286 

Rataagiri, first Sultan of Kashmir, 279 

Renewal of Negotiations, with Nawab 
Ahmad Khan, followed by peace, 120 

Restorations of temples at Khajurdho 
291, 292 

Rivett-Carnac, J. H., prehistoric Remains 
in Central India, 1 ; Snake Symbol in 
India, especially in connection with 
the worship of Siva, 17 

River names in Asam, 258 ; spelling of, 
260 ; list of, 261 

Rodgers, C. J. on Copper Coins of Kash- 
mir, 277, 282 . 

OAHAB-TTDDrN Muhammad Ghori, 
took Baran, 273 

Sanchi Topes, 7 

Sandstone, used in construction of tem- 
ples, 290 

Sangassa, old capital in Burma, 253 

Sanscrit inscriptions from Bulandshahar, 
273 ; words in Burmese, 254 

Sarekhettara kingdom in Burma, 253 

Sarpa or serpent, is a reptile, 31 

Sect of the Pran-nathis, 171 

Self-supporting domes in the Khajuraho 
temples, 291 

Serpent on prehistoric remains, 17 

Shcrring, Rev., description of Benares, 21 

Shuja'ud-daula and Shah 'Alam attempt 
to attack Farrukhabad, 136 ; Shuja'ud- 
daula takes refuge at Farrukhabad, 144 

Siege of Allahabad Fort, 77 ; of Fateh- 
garh and flight of the Nawab, 82 

sihhras or steeples of temples very grace- 
ful in design, 290, 291, 295 

Silver coins of Kashmir, 277, 282 

Similarity between the marks found on 
the stones and the " cup marks" of the 
Barrows in Europe, 14 ; between the 
remains found in the Indian Barrows 
and the contents of the Barrows in 
Europe, 1 2 ; between the Tumuli and 
the Barrows of Europe, 1 1 

Singphos, speak Kachycn, 255 ; river 
names, 260 ; spelling of, 261 



Index. 



301 



Skanda Gupta, inscription of, 274 
Smith, V. A , observations on same Chan- 
del Antiquities, 285 
Snake Symbol in India, 17 ; temple at 
Benares, 20; worship of, 17, 19, 22, 
24 ; wells, 21, 23 ; personal ornamentj 
17 ; festival, 22, 26 ; as a canopy, 17, 
19 ; in connection with Mahadev, 18 
Spelling of Asamese river names, 260 ; of 

Turanian words, 261 
Square silver coins of Kashmir, 282 
St. Barbe, H. L., Pali derivations in Bur- 
mese, 253 
Statue, broken, of Sumatinath, at Maho- 
ba, 288 ; of elephant at Mahoba, 289 ; 
naked Jain, 293 [291 

Steeples, of temples in Khajuraho, 290, 
Stulpnagel, Dr., coin of Kashmir, 283 
Su, a widespread term for " water," 258 
Sumatinath, statue of, at Mahoba, 288 
Suraj-bansis, or descendants of the Sun, 

171 
Sutherland, translation of record in Vis- 
vanath temple, Khajuraho, 287 

J. AYLOR, Col. Meadows, on prehistoric 
remains, 2, 5, 12 

Temple, K. C, rough notes on the dis- 
tribution of the Afghan Tribes about 
Kandahar, 181 

Temples, at Khajuraho, 274, 293 ; of Jina- 
nath, 287, 294 ; Ganthai, 293 ; of 
Mritang Mahadeo, 291 ; at Makarbai, 
291, 295, 296; at Barsi TaMo, 395, 
298 ; at Jatkari, 292 ; at Bamhauri, 
295, 296 ; Brahnianical, 291, 292 ; Jain, 



291, 294, 295 ; Kandariya Mahadeo, 

290, 291, 292; of Visvanath, 287, 
289, 291, 292 ; Madari, 289 ; Kunwar 
Math, 291, 292 ; Kakra Marh, 289 ; 
Chaonsat Jogini, 290 ; Chaturbhuj, 290, 

291, 292 

Ti, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river 
names, 258 ; variations of, 258, 261 

Tisa, " young river", 258 

Tomar Raja, traditional founder of Bu- 
landshahar, 271, 272 

Topes of Sanchi or Bhilsa, 7 ; Amravti, 9 

Transliteration, in Burmese, 253, 255 



u 



TPALA Dynasty, 277 



V ARANAVATA, identified with Baran, 

272 
Visit of the Almora Raja, to Nawab 

Ahmad Khan, 111 
Visitors to Farrukhabad, 128 



Wj 



EEK-DAYS, names of, in Burmese, 

254 
Words for " water" in various languages, 

270 
Worship of the snake very common in tho 

old Nagpur Province, 24 



ZjABITA KHAN, a prisoner in the 

hands of the Marhattas, 151 
Zain ul-Abidin, coins of, 282 
Zodiac, names of, in Burmese, 254 



Errata in Vol. XLVIII of Journal. 



Page 273, line 10, for * darjah' read ' dargah.' 

273, „ 13, for ' Bijay' read ' Bijay. ' 

273, „ 13, for ' Dasarath' read ' Dasarath.' 

273, „ 33, for ' name' read ' namo.' 

275, „ 1, and 5, for ' Indrapura' read ' Indrapura.' 

275, „ 10, and 15, for ' Hastinapur' read ' Hastinapur. 

275, „ 13, for ' Sardhana' read ' Sardhana.' 



CONTENTS 

OF THE 

JOURNAL, Pt. I, for 1878. 



No. 1. — Lyall, The Mo 'allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with 
an introduction and notes. — S h a w, On Stray Arians in Tibet. — 
Rajendralala Mitra, On Representations of Foreigners in the 
Ajanta Frescoes. — R ajendralala Mitra, A Copper-plate Grant 
from Banda. — W a 1 k e r, Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations. — 
Smith, Notes on two ancient Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the 
Hamirpur District, N. W. P. With a note byPrannath Pandit. 
— Beveridge, The Antiquities of Bagura (Bogra). 



No. 2. — G r o w s e, Mathura Notes. 

No. 3. — G r i e r s o n, The Song of Manik Chandra.- 
niti translated from the Burmese Paraphrase. 



-Temple, The Loka- 



No. 4. — I r v i n e, On the Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad — A Chronicle, 
(1713— 1857).— Rajendralala Mitra, On the Pala and Sena 
Rajas of Bengal. 



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Asiatic Researches, from Vols. VI to XII and Vols. XVII to XX, 

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Catalogue of the Books and Maps in the Library of the Asiatic 

Society, 1856, 3 

of Sanskrit Books and MSS. in ditto,. 1 

of Books and MSS. in Arabic, Persian," and Urdu, 1 

The A'in-i-Akbari, Vol. I. Translated into English;, with notes and 

indexes, by H. Blochmann, M. A., » 12 4 

The Prosody of the Persians. — By H. Blochmann, $1. A. 5 

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JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 



VOL. XLVIII. 
PART II. (Natural History, &c.) 
(Nos. I to III.— 1879 : with 17 plates.) 



EDITED BY 



The General Secretary. 



" It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science 
in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to 
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long 
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease." Sir Wm. Jones. 



CALCUTTA : 

PRINTED BY G. H. ROUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, 

AND PUBLISHED BY THE 

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PAEK STREET. 

1879. 



. 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 



Page 

Armstrong, J. ; — Description of some new Species of Hydroid 
Zoophytes from the Indian Coasts and Seas, (Plates IX, X, XI, 
XII.)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 98 

Assam, Chief Commissioner of ; — Becord of the Occurrence of 

Earthquakes in Assam during 1878, ... ... ... 48 

Blanford, H. F. ; — On the Diurnal Variation of Rainfall Fre- 
quency at Calcutta, (Plate III.) ... ... ... ... 41 

, W. T. ; — Notes on a collection of Reptiles and Frogs 

from the neighbourhood of Fllore and Dumagudem,... ... 110 

■; — Notes on a collection of Reptiles made by 



Major 0. B. St. John at Ajmere, ... ... ... ... 119 

; — Notes on Eeptilia, ... ... ... 127 

; — Second note on Mammalia collected by Major 






Biddulph in Gilgit, ... ... ... ... ... 95 

Coczbtjrn, J. ; — Notes on stone Implements from the Khasi Hills 

and the Banda and Vellore Districts, (Plates XIV, XV, XVI.) 133 
Distant, W. L. ; — Hemiptera/hm Upper Tenasserim, (Plate II.) 37 
Fairbank, S. B. ; — Ravages of Rats and Mice in the DaJchan during 

the Harvest of 1878-79, ... ... ... ... 143 

God win- Austen, H. H. ; — On new Species of the Genus Plectopylis 

of the Family Helicidse, (Plate I.) ... ... ... 1 

Harman, H. J. ; — On the Operations for obtaining the Discharges 
of the large Rivers in Assam, during Season 1877-78, (7 Wood- 
cuts.) ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 

Peal, S. E. ; — Note on the old Burmese route over Pathai via 
Nongyang (vieived as the most feasible and direct route, from 
India to China,) (Plates IV, V, VI, VII.)... ... ... G9 

ScirwENDLER, L. ; — On a new Standard of Light, (Plate VIII.) ... 83 
Temple, R. C. ; — Notes on the Formation of the Country passed 
through by the 2nd Column Tal Chotiali Field Force during its 
march from Kala Abdullah Khan in the Khojalc Pass to Lugdri 
Bdrlhdn, Spring of 1879, (Plate XIII) ... ... ... 360 

Tennant, J. F. ; — On some experiments made at H. M.'s Mint in 

Calcutta on coining silver into Rupees, ... ... ... 51 



iv List of Contributors. 

Page 

WATERHOtrsE, J. ; — Notes on the Survey Operations in Afghanistan 

in connection with the Campaign of 1878-79, (Plate XVII.) 116 

Wood-Mason, J. ;— Preliminary Notice of a new Genus (Parectato- 
soma) o/'Phasmida) i /ro«i Madagascar, loith brief Descriptions 
of its two Species, ... ... ... ... ... 117 



Pate of issue of the different numbers of Journal, Part II, 1879. 

No. I. — Containing pp. 1— G8, with Plates I, II, and III., was issued 

on June 10th, 1879. 
No. II.— Containing pp. 69—118, with Plates IV, V, VI, VII, 

VIII, IX, X, XI, XII, and XIII., was issued 

on September 15tli, 1879. 
No. III.— Containing pp. 119—172, with Plates XIV, XV, XVI, 

and XVIL, was issued on November 28th, 1879. 







NEW SERIES. VOL. XLVIII. No. CCXXIV. 



JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 

Vol. XLVIII, Part II, No. I.— 1879. 



EDITED BY 



The General Secretary. 




" The bounds of its investigation will be the geographical limits of Asia : and 
within these limits its inquiries will be extended to whatever is performed by 
man or produced by natui-e." — Sik William Jones. 



Communications should be sent under cover to the Secretaries, Asiai. Soc, ' 
to whom all orders for tlie^ewk~tLce to be add.ressed in India ; or, in Lon- 
don, cave of Messrs. Trj^&x!ifoj{fi6b\t$$3*.8r' 59, Ludrjate Hill. 



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Price (exclusive of postage) to Subscribers, Rs. 1-8. — To Non-Subscribers, Bs. 2. 
Price in England 4 Shillings. 

Issued June 10th, 1879- 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
I. — On new species of the Genus Plectopylis of the Family Heli- 
cidse. — By Lietjt.-Col. Godwin-Austen, f. e. g. s., r. z. s., 
&c, late Deputy Superintendent Topographical Survey of In- 
dia, 

II. — On the Operations for obtaining the Disoharges of the large 
Rivers in Upper Assam, during Season 1877-78. — By Lieut. 
H. J. Habman, e. e., in charge Assam Valley Series, Survey 
of India. Communicated by Majoe-Genl. J. T. Walkeb, 

e. e., c. B., p. e. s., Surveyor General of India, 

III. — Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim, — By W. L. Distant. 

Communicated by J. Wood-Mason, 37 , 

IV. — On the Diurnal Variation of Rainfall Frequency at Cal- 
cutta. — By Henet F. Blanfoed, p. g. s., p. z. s., f. m. s., ... 11 
V. — Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam during 

1878. — Communicated by tbe Chiep Commissioneb of Assam, I s 
VI. — On some experiments made at H. M.'s Mint in Calcutta on 
coining silver into Rupees. — By Col. J. F. Tennant, e, e., 

f. b. s., &c, Master of the Mint, 



Just Published. 

HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF CEYLON. 

Past I. 
By Captain W. V. LEGGE, e. a., f. l. s. 

345 pages, Royal 4to., with 10 plates by Keulemans. To be comple 
ted in two more parts, price £2 each. In this work the geographical range 
habits and nidification of each species is fully worked out. 

Intending subscribers should communicate with the author, who 
address is Aberystwith, Wales. 






JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 



Part II.— PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 

No. I.— 1879. 

I. — On new species of the Genus Plectopylis of the 'Family HelicicUe. — By 
Lieut. -Colonel Godwin-Austen, F. R. G. S., F. Z. S., &c, late 
Deputy Superintendent Topographical Survey of India. 

(Received October 7th, 1878 ;— Read March. 5th, 1879.) 
(With Plate I.) 
Since the paper on the shells of this group of Helices was published 
in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, Nov. 17th, 1874, I 
have had the good fortune to obtain three new species, one from Tenasserim, 
among a collection of shells made by Mr. O. Limborg, of which a list is 
being prepared ; the other two are from Eastern Assam. I give a plate, 
drawn with the aid of the camera lucida, shewing enlarged the arrangement 
of the internal plicce, which differ materially from all those I have as yet 
examined and figured ; these differences form the best of characters by which 
the species may be determined. Some conchologists may be inclined to 
doubt the persistence of these internal characters ; personal observation is, 
however, the best means of settling such a point. Having a very large 
number of P. brachy discus, described below, I set to work and broke open 
42 specimens without finding the very slightest variation ; of P. braJuna 
thirteen were examined with the same result ; there is some slight variation 
in the young, but only in so far that the barriers shew an undeveloped state, 
the general arrangement being the same. In P. achat ina, I found perfect 
similarity in some 12 specimens, and the result has been similar in all other 
species that I have examined. I think we may therefore feel certain 
that such internal structures, depending as they do on the form of the 
1 



2 Godwin-Austen — On new species of the Genus [No. 1, 

animal, its mantle and secreting organs, will be as persistent as the shell 
itself, and that their form and relative positions being more complicated 
and more pronounced than mere outward shape, any divergence in the 
former is of importance and more noticeable and noteworthy in a specific 
sense. The animal, I am sorry to say, I have never had an opportunity of 
examining very closely. 

P. shanensis, Stoliczka, (J. A. S. B., 1873, p. 170,) overlooked in my 
first paper, is I find, the same as P. trilamellaris, which I described in the 
P. Z. S., Jany. 1874, from Burmah ; so this last title will not stand. 
Ferd. Stoliczka's fine collection of shells passed to the Indian Museum, and 
Mr. G. Nevill compared the two shells and settled their identity. It 
should be placed after No. 12, perarcta. 

Helix (Plectopylis) braehydiseus, n. sp. Plate I, fig. 1. 

Shell dextral, umbilicus very open and shallow, very discoid, rather 
strong, dull umber-brown, epidermis thick with a cloth-like texture, finely 
and beautifully ribbed longitudinally ; in young fresh shells the upper outer 
margin is closely set with a strong regular epidermal fringe about '075 
inches long. Spire quite flat, approaching the concave in some specimens, 
the apex itself having a subpapillate form. Whorls 7, the last rather flat 
on the side and angular above, descending at the aperture, which is very 
oblique and oblate. Peristome strongly reflected, thickened, white, the 
margins connected by a well raised ridge, notched above and below. A long 
horizontal lamella is given off from the upper middle portion of this 
towards the vertical parietal lamina, but only extends for 020 inches, 
then terminates, but at "15 inches is again developed, becoming thicker and 
higher as it approaches the vertical lamina and ending just short of it, 
in this respect being similar to P. perarcta. 

The parietal vertical lamina is pointed above and gives off from the 
lower basal end a short lamella towards the aperture, and a very slight 
short thin, free lamina is to be seen just below the vertical barriers. Pala- 
tal teeth simple, six, the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th, are the best developed, the 
1st and last are small, 2nd the longest. 

Animal not observed. 

The measurements of the specimen drawn and of the largest specimen 
arc respectively — 

Major diam. 0-82. Minor diam. 0-68. Alt. at axis about 0-24 and 
„ 0-95. „ „ 083. „ „ „ 0-28. 

Hab. — This shell was found by Mr. 0. Limborg on the high range of 
Mule-it, cast of Moulmcin, Tenasserim, and in the neighbourhood. He 
collected an immense number in a dead bleached state, but only a dozen in 
a fresh state ; the others were, however, exceedingly valuable for proving, 
as above shewn, the persistency of the internal structure in all. 



GODWIN-AUSTEN . Journ.Asiat Soc.BensalVol.XLVIILP 1 !! 1879. 

1 



la, 





Plate I 



lb 





z c 




2 a, 




26 



3 a. 










'-'.f/i del ethth 




Maclure IMacdonaia Imp 



NEW SPECIES OF PLECTOPYLIS 
TENASSEPJM AND ASSAM. ' 



1879.] PleefcopyKs of the Family Helicidse. 3 

This form should be placed between No. 11, P. pseudophis, and 
No. 12, perarcta in my key to the species, vide P. Z. S., 1874, pp. 612, 613. 

Helix (Plectopylis) Oglei, n. sp., Plate I, fig. 2. 

Shell dextral, widely umbilicated, sub-discoid, dull pale brown with 
close-set sienna markings crossing the whorls. Epidermis thick and nacre- 
ous, and somewhat rough. Apex flat but slightly concave, the whorls rising 
regularly. Whorls 8, the last descends slightly near the aperture, which is 
very oblique and ovate. Peristome slightly reflected, white, continuous on 
the body whorl, but not strongly developed. Palatal teeth 6, 3rd, 4th and 
5th equal, 6th longer, double. On the parietal side is one single vertical 
lamina with buttress-like supports on posterior side above and below. 

Major diameter 065 ; minor diam. 058 ; alt. axis 025 inches. 

Hab. — The above shell was discovered near Sadiya, Assam, by Mr. 
M. T. Ogle of the Topographical Survey, after whom I have much plea- 
sure in naming it. Mr. Ogle collected and sent me a very fine collection 
of land-shells from this eastern part of the Assam valley, comprising many 
new and interesting species, which I am engaged in working out. The 
nearest species to P. oglei is serica of the Burrail Kange, but the former is 
very much larger and may be known at once by its less flattened form and 
darker rougher surface. In the synoptical table of this sub-genus, P. Z. S., 
1874, p. 612, this shell should follow No. 1, P. serica, G.-A. 

Helix (Plectopylis) brahma, n. sp., Plato I, fig. 3. 

Shell sinistral, rather closely umbilicated, discoidal, pale ochry-brown, 
finely and regularly striate. Apex flat yet slightly convex. Whorls 7, 
last angular above and rounded below, slightly compressed behind the 
aperture and hardly descending. Aperture lunate, oblique. Peristome 
slightly reflected and thickened, white, continued as a callus on the body 
whorl. 

Internal structure complicated ; the parietal vertical lamina is strong 
and gives off a short horizontal lamella at the lower end ; above this are 
two other and parallel free lamella?,* both short, the lower being the best ' 
developed ; the upper is occasionally united to the upper end of the vertical 
barrier. There is a very thin thread-like lower free lamella extending to the 
peristome and uniting with the parietal callus. The palatal plica are 
arranged in two rows, those of the anterior row are few and large, four in 

* In three cases out of twelve I examined, the upper lamella was united to the 
vertical harrier, hut this does not affect the order of position and arrangement of all 
these processes in this species. 



4 H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining [No. 1, 

number, the two upper long, narrow and adjacent, the 3rd is a flattened 
dome-like mass, the 4th is long and curving inwards. Behind this at a short 
distance is the second row, consisting of fourteen very minute, closely 
arranged, thin, longer or shorter tooth-like processes, those on the upper 
side being slightly the largest. 

Major diam, 035 ; minor diam. 032 ; alt. axis 0'2 inches. 

Hab. — This very interesting new form was also obtained by Mr. Ogle 
near Brahmakhund, eastern Assam, at 1,000 feet elevation. 

The arrangement of the internal barriers is unlike any species of this 
sub-genus I have yet examined, and shews a decided departure from the 
usual North-East Frontier forms, a sort of foreshadow that in the mountains 
further east this particular development is to be found of a like or more 
marked character. 

In external form the present species resembles P. shiroiensis, but may 
be distinguished from it by the coarser epidermis and more regular striation, 
and the broader wider size of the last whorl near the aperture, shewing no 
constriction. It is of interest to note that the flattened dome-like barrier on 
the palatal or mantle side coincides with the vertical barrier in P. s7iiroie?isis 
where we see the distinct result of two teeth fused as it were together. 

This species should come in after No. 18, P. refiiga, var. dextrorsa, as a 
sub-section V of group B of the key in P. Z. S. Palatal vertical plicae only 
compound, in two rows, numerous. Horizontal parietal lamina short. 



II. — On tlie Operations for obtaining the Discharges of the large Hivers in 
Upper Assam, during Season 1877-78. — By Lieut. H. J. Harman, 
E. E., in charge Assam Valley Series, Survey of India. Communicated 
by Major-Genl. J. T. Walker, B. E., C. B., F. E. S., Surveyor 
General of India. 

[One of the Survey Operations during the field season of 1877-78 was 
to explore as much as possible of the region between the Subansiri and the 
Dihang Rivers, with a view to ascertaining which of these two affluents of 
the Brahmaputra river had the best claim to be considered the recipient of 
the Sanpo River of Thibet. As there was reason to fear that political 
difficulties might intervene to prevent the survey officers from proceeding 
a sufficient distance into the interior to settle this disputed point, Lieut. 
Harman was directed to measure the discharges of the several rivers at 
various points, and to ascertain the volume of water in each river in order 
that additional evidence might be forthcoming on an interesting geogra- 
phical problem. The following paper gives the details of these operations. 

J. T. W.] 



1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



The first river measured was the Subansiri. The method of proce- 
dure was as follows, and the same method of work was adopted for all the 
other rivers : 

A gauge-post was planted in the bed of the stream to note tbe varia- 
tion in level of the water during the operations. Four parallel lines were 
laid out across the river, at a perpendicular distance apart of 758 ft., 
the shore portions of the lines being marked by flags (vide fig. 1). 




A 



k 



I 



ViJ. 



-El 



-t E* 






Fig. 1. 
Base lines A B and C D were measured, and on a plane table a 
chart was made on the scale of 70 feet = 1 inch showing the lines of flags 
and the margins of tbe river. The section was obtained in the following 
manner : 

A small dug-out (canoe) was anchored at («) and the cable eased off 
until the observer (myself) in the boat was exactly on tbe upper or first 
line A C. A signal was made to an assistant stationed with the plane 
table at B or D, who at once cut in the position of the observer in the boat 
on the line A C. Soundings were tben taken, and the boat let down to the 
2nd line or upper line of the " Bun." The position of the observer in the 
boat was again cut in and soundings were taken ; and so on for the remain- 
ing two lines. The boat was tben hauled up, the grapnel raised, and a new 
position («,) taken up. 

It was found that in most cases, the line joining the four sounding sta- 
tions obtained from one anchoring position, closely agreed in direction with 
the surface flow of the water at that part of the river. 

The instruments for measuring velocities were discs of wood 3 in. 
diameter and ^ in. thick, marked by a little mass of cotton 
wool thrown over a peg standing upright in the centre 
of the disc (fig. 2). Also tin tubes, 1 in. diameter, closed 
at one end, varying in length from 1\ to 10 ft., containing 
enough water to sink the tubes, so that only 3 or 4 inches 




H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 




of them remained above water (fig. 3). In the 
mouth of the tube was a cork and some cotton 
wool for a marker. I obtained from Calcutta a 
number of hollow balls 3 in. diameter, for sub- 
surface velocity measurements : I did not get them 
till February and found that unfortunately they 
were defective and were of little use to me. 

I had also a current-meter by " Casella," with 
which I intended observing sub-surface velocities. 
Capt. Willans, R. E., Executive Engineer, Shil- 
long, very kindly designed and had made up for 
me an effective apparatus, a lift by which the 
current meter could be lowered and fixed to any 
desired depth in the water, could be started and stopped at pleasure, and 
raised easily to allow of the record being read off. Unfortunately, when 
too late, I found that the meter would not work except with a very high 
velocity of water, and those records obtained were untrustworthy. 
The method of measuring the velocity was as follows : — 
The boat was moored on the upper line A C (vide Fig. 1), and the 
floating instruments dropped into the water. The general line of direc- 
tion taken by the floats was observed with a prismatic compass ; on the bank 
were two observers M and N, each furnished with a good pair of binoculars. 
A recorder, with a large chronometer (Dent's) beating half seconds, was 
seated at O. 

The flag staves were thin and straight. When the observer M saw a 
float cross his line E F he cried "past," and the recorder at O noted the 
time in his book : when the float passed the line Gr H, the observer AT cried 
" past" and the recorder noted the time. The interval between the two 
noted times, gives the time taken by the float to pass over the " Run." 

The following example shows the method of computation adopted in 
the majority of cases : of course it sometimes happened that the section of 
the bed of the river between adjacent sections where velocities were taken 
level of water 8*b W as as in fig. 4, or the direction of 

the flow of the water at a differed 
greatly from that at b, or the obser- 
vations at one of the Sections were 
Bed of water . .. . , ,.,, 

yj ._ 4 untrustworthy ; in such cases modifi- 

cations were necessary and methods recommended by one's judgment 
were resorted to ; but the following example gives the type of computation 
adopted in most cases : — 

The length of run = 50 feet. 




1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



From chart the length c e = 200 feet (vide Fig. 5) . Make c G = Ge. 
Through G draw G K, showing a mean direction of flow of floats, i. e. 



265°. 



Draw/ G h perpendicular to G K and the lines cf, eli perpendicular 
iofg h. 

Then for computation of discharge ; the area of the section from c to 

m] = - 



e is very nearly 



200 x Cos 9° x 






From the velocity measurements — 

The meantime of passage of 10 discs thrown in at c = 12 5 

6 tubes, each 10 ft. long, at e = 115 

4 „ „ 3 ft. long, at c = 12-0 

of 12 discs thrown in at e = 120 

4 tubes, each 8 ft. long, at e = 145 

3 „ „ 3 „ at e = 120 

Assumed meantime of passage for section is 135 — 

50 x see 9° 

The mean velocity per second required for section is - = V, 

13'5 

and AV = discharge, or number of cubic feet of water passing through 

c to e in one second of time. 



12. 



jP' 



J: 



j$ffg** d 



Soundings 

iuE» Schtchn 



Z 



Z66 



A7Q 



Bun, 

So£D. 



A Mag- Bca ci riff 
of thislineui-i* 



>1Z.6 



A2S.3 






'10.9 



_£Jo'2. 

*Z9 



3Z 



9.9 



(VelncitySi') 



10 J9 11 <>\ 



10 






WE! (Velocity S'-i) 



Fig. 5. 



H. 



J. Harman — Operations for ohtah 



nig 



[No. 1, 



There is a clumsiness in the formula, hut no alteration has heen made, 
because I set up all the quantities for giving the discharges before it was 
noticed. The values of the discharges are not affected, but I may as well 
note how the formula took its shape. 

Let M N O P (Fig. 6) be an open channel of considerable length, 
the flow of water uniform, the section of the channel rectangular. 

Let cd and ef be two lines parallel to each other, at a perpendicular 
distance apart equal to gh. ah is a section at right angles to length of 
tube and to the direction of flow of water. 

Let the angle egi = 90° + 0, and v be the depth. 

Let t be the time in seconds taken by a particle of water to move 
from g to K. 

Then the Discharge through the section cd = cd x v x 9 h m 

v 

The Discharge through ab = cd x cos 6 x v x ffh S6C " 6 (1) = cd X v * : -** 



M- 



t 
It is this formula (1) which has been employed. 

c b 




Fig. 6. 

(«) The line of maximum velocity of a river is found at a short dis- 
tance below the surface. The velocity at the bottom of a river is less than 
the surface velocity ; the retardation is great if there are many weeds. 

The bottoms of all the rivers measured were of coarse heavy sand, 
excepting a short stretch of big pebbles in the bed of the combined Dihang 
and Dibang rivers. 

Professor Eankine assumes that the mean velocity on a vertical line, 
is to the greatest velocity on the same line, as 3 to 4 for slow rivers and 4 
to 5 in rapid streams. 

The velocity of a rod extending to nearly the bed of the stream is ap- 
proximately the mean velocity of the water in the vertical plane traversed 
by the rod. In assigning a mean velocity for computation to the several 
portions of the sections of the rivers, all the above facts were kept in view. 

At some sections of observation for determining velocity, many differ- 
ent instruments were used and many passages made ; at other sections only 
a few observations were made. 






1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 9 

(I) The arithmetical mean of the times noted at a station of the pas- 
sages of a certain floating instrument, was taken as the mean time of pas- 
sage of that instrument. The record of times was kept to half seconds, 
and it is rarely that discrepancies of over 1 second from the mean occur. 
These discrepancies were due, first to errors of observation and 2ndly to 
considerable divergence of the floating instrument from the general line taken. 
Having obtained at a station the mean time of passage of each kind of 
instrument, and having regard to the number and quality of the observa- 
tions, a value was assumed as representing the mean time of passage of the 
water at that station. 

For the adjacent station, a mean time of passage was obtained in a 
similar manner. Then for the whole included section, a value was assumed 
as representing the mean time of passage, and this value was employed in 
the computation. 

In such a case as the following : at station (a) the velocity of the 
water is high, and the swift water extends nearly to the adjacent station c, 
and shows a well defined margin-line of the current. At station c the 
velocity is low. 

In such cases the section from station (a) to station (c) is sub-divided 
into 2 parts ; the swift water portion is dealt with by itself, the remaining 
part by itself. 

The method adopted of obtaining the data for computation gives, I 
think, the results required, and without much labour. 

(c) The Flood Discharges are merely probable values. They were 
obtained in the following way. The section lines were laid down on the 
Revenue Survey large-scale maps of the rivers. An examination was made 
on the ground to see what changes had taken place since the maps were 
made. All vertical heights on these flood sections (shown on charts of 
river sections) were estimated. The flood section was then divided into 
portions, and an assumed velocity was assigned to each portion, the value 
being chiefly determined by the section of the portion, its position, and from 
what local information I could gather. The main-stream high flood velo- 
city has been taken at 7 feet per second. To obtain the total Flood Dis- 
charge it was necessary to increase the velocities of each portion of the 
dry season section. After once assuming values for the flood velocities of 
the different portions, no alterations were made subsequently. 

(d) Some of the rivers measured, were above the mean low-level of 
the dry season. To obtain the discharge of the river at its mean low-level 
of the dry season, the following method was adopted : the area of each por- 
tion of the section, due to rise, was computed and subtracted from the 
observed area of that portion ; then, to the diminished area of the portion, 
a mean velocity was given which was less than the observed mean velocity 

2 



10 H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining [No. 1, 

of the portion. After velocities have heen once assumed they have not 
been reconsidered or altered. 

In the case of the reduction of the observed discharge of the Dibang 
river, to its mean low-level discharge of the dry season, the rise of water 
was taken as 4 feet, but subsequently it was taken as 5 feet. 

The depths along the section of the Brahmaputra above Sadiya were 
all obtained on the same day. The velocity observations at some of the 
stations were made when the river had risen 1 foot to 1^ feet : reductions 
were therefore made to the observed velocities at these stations. 

(e) The columns in the Synopsis Table, headed " Mean Velocity of 
river at its mean low-level of the year," and at " high flood level," do 
not contain mucb information unless they are compared with the sectional 
areas, and form of section. 

The sum of the discbarges of the rivers forming the Brahmaputra river 
should equal the discharge of the Brahmaputra itself. The work done ful- 
fils this test sufficiently nearly to allow, I think, of the stated discharges 
being considered as sufficiently approximate for geographical purposes. 

The Subansiri measurements were made between the 25th and 28th of 
February 1878. The weather was fine for the work, the level of water 
constant ; very little wind disturbed the observations. The boatmen and 
others living at the site of the section stated that the water was very rarely 
seen at a lower level, and that during the observations it was at the dead-low 
of the dry season. 

Ninety soundings were made to obtain the section of the stream ; at 
21 stations observations were taken for velocity and there were 510 record- 
ed passages of the floating instruments. The resulting discharge at lowest 
level of the year was found to be 16,945 cubic feet per second : tbe super- 
ficial area of the section 9,637 superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of 
the water was 1*7 feet per second. 

During the very bigb floods of the year the water is known to rise 22 
feet, but calculations have been made for ordinary high flood, taken at 16 
feet ; with this rise of water I have computed the discharge to be at least 
170,000 cubit feet per second ; area of section is 35,700 superficial feet, so 
that mean flood velocity is 4 - 7 feet per second. 

For extreme floods, 13,000 superficial feet must be added to the section 
area and 70,000 cubic feet to the discharge, which would bring tbe maxi- 
mum discharge up to 240,000 cubic feet per second, and sectional area to 
48,700 superficial feet. 

The site of the section was at Pathalipam village, 3 miles west of 
Cxogah-muk ferry, and about 10 miles from the foot of the bills, from 
the gorge where the river issues out into the plains. 

Before issuing into the plains, tbe river flows gently for 9 miles in a 



1879.] 



Discharge of large Elvers in Assam. 



11 



great chasm ; the depth of the water may be taken at 60 feet, (the few- 
soundings taken were 66 to 70), mean width 90 yards, and velocity fully 
1 foot per second. Such dimensions give a discharge equal to the measured 
discharge ; but I am of opinion that had I selected my site at the place 
where the river leaves the hills, I should have obtained a greater discharge 
than the one I measured, on account of loss by percolation through the sand. 

The Subansiri after leaving the hills spreads out into several sandy 
channels, which unite above Gogah-muk. At Gogah-muk the river flows 
in one channel and turns abruptly from a north to south course into a 
west by north course. 

The next river measured was the Brahmaputra river, at a site due 
north of, and 3 miles distant from Dibrugarh Church. There was a rise in 
the river just before the measurements were made, but the work was done 
at the low level of the year, and the observations were made at favorable 
times. On account of the wind and the rapidity of the current, the work 
occupied me from March 11th to 18th. In the rapid parts of the river, 
where the velocity was 5 feet per second, a light canoe manned by four men 
could not make way up-stream, and it was therefore generally necessary to 
have the boat brought in shore, poled up-stream and then dropped down 
into position : a position once missed could only be regained by going in 
shore again. 




Main Land 



Fig. 7. 

The site selected, though favourable for the operations, unfortunately 
did not include the entire volume of the river : the blunder happened in 
this way : 

Between the site A, (Fig. 7) and the Miri village of Saenga Jan (B) is 
a distance of 3 miles. During the cold season of 1876-77 there was a wide 
channel D in the sands, its mouth was choked with sand ; a little way down 
the channel the water was less than knee-deep and the flow very slight. 



12 H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining [No. 1, 

Before commencing work I sent men to see the channel and they reported 
it shallower than it was in the preceding year : just before closing work 
I found that at the village G the channel was wide, breast deep and the 
flow slow. To allow for this unmeasured percolation through the sands 
I have added to the measured discharge of the Brahmaputra 8000 cubic feet 
per second to bring the result nearer the truth. The " Buri Suti" channel 
for two miles from its mouth has no water in it, but at 15 miles from its 
mouth it is rarely fordable. 

After the work was finished on March 19th there was a rise of 6 feet in 
the river, and at Gauhati on March 24th it caused the gauge register to 
read 4.6 ft. above the zero. 

For the section, 120 soundings were taken : observations for velocity 
were made at 14 stations, and there were 255 recorded passages of the 
floating instruments. 

The resulting discharge at the low level of the year was found to be 
113,115 cubic feet per second ; the superficial area of section was 24,477 
superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of the water was 4.6 feet per 
second. To the observed discharge, 3,000 cubic feet must be added for 
percolation through the sands and flow through the channel D, mentioned 
above, thus bringing the discharge up to 116,115 cubic feet per second. 

During very high floods the water rises 20 feet, but calculations have 
been made for an ordinary high flood rise of 16 feet, which gives a dis- 
cbarge exceeding 830,000 cubic feet per second, a sectional area of 164,000 
superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of the flood is 5 feet per 
second. 

For an extreme flood the discharge would exceed 1,100,000 cubic feet 
per second, and the sectional area 208,000 superficial feet. For a rise of 3 
feet over the low level of the year, the increased section would be 14,100 
superficial feet and the increased discharge 54,000 cubic feet per second. 

The next river measured was the united stream of the Dihang and 
Dibang rivers, at one mile above the junction with the Brahmaputra and 
one mile below the mouth of the Dibang river. At the time of measure- 
ment the river was somewhat less than 3 feet above the low level of the 
year. 

The weather was fairly ■ favourable and the site selected was a good 
one. The work was done between March 24th and 27th of 1878. 

For the section, 59 soundings were taken, observations for velocity were 
made at 12 stations, and there were 170 recorded passages of floating in- 
struments. 

The resulting discharge was 110,011 cubic feet per second, sectional 
area 25,105 superficial feet, so that the mean velocity was 4'4 feet per 
second. 






1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 13 

The river at time of measurement was 3 feet above the minimum level 
of the year. The increased section due to this 3 feet rise, is computed to 
be 6,222 superficial feet, and the increased discharge to be 27,359 cubic feet 
per second ; thus the cold weather low-level discharge of the united streams 
is 82,652 cubic feet, sectional area 18,883 superficial feet, mean velocity 43 
feet per second. 

To obtain the cold weather low level discharge of the Dihang river it 
is necessary to subtract the Dibang discharge, shown below to be 27,200 
cubic feet per second, and this quantity subtracted from the discharge 
of the united streams will give the Dihang discharge to be 55,400 cubic 
feet per second at minimum level of the year. 

During very high floods the united rivers rise 20 feet, but the cal- 
culations have been made for an ordinary high flood rise of 15 feet which 
gives a discharge of 485,000 cubic feet per second, a sectional area of 
84,000 superficial feet and consequent mean velocity of 5'7 feet per second. 

To obtain the flood discharge of the Dihang river, it will be necessary 
to subtract that of the Dibang river which is shown below to be 122,483 
cubit feet per second, which amount subtracted from the above 485,000 
cubic feet leaves for the ordinary flood discharge of the Dihang river 
362,517 cubic feet per second. 

The next river measured was the Dibang river at one mile above its 
mouth and half a mile below the mouth of the Senseri river. 

The work was done on the 27th March 1878 when the river was 5 
feet above the low level of the year. This river receives a good deal of 
snow-water, from snowy mountains close to the plains. After a hot day 
the river will rise during the night 2 to 3 feet, subsiding during the morn- 
ing. This is not the case in the Dihang river. 

There were 37 soundings taken for the section. At 9 stations ob- 
servations were made for velocity, and there were 116 recorded passages of 
floating instruments. 

The measured discharge was 47,383 cubic feet per second, sectional 
area 10,992, and therefore mean velocity 4 3 feet per second. But at 
time of measurement the river was 5 feet above minimum level of the 
year, and this 5 feet rise has been computed to produce an increased sec- 
tional area of 4,617 superficial feet and discharge of 20,181 cubic feet. 

Thus the discharge of the Dibang river + Senseri river at the low level 
of year is 27,202 cubic feet per second, sectional area 6,375 superficial feet 
and mean velocity 4 - 2 feet per second. But the Senseri river brings down 
about 1,200 cubic feet, so that the low level discharge volume of the Dibang 
river is 26,000 cubic feet per second. 

During the high floods the river rises 20 feet, but like the Dihang 
computations an ordinary flood of 15 feet has been calculated for, and 



L _ 



14 II. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining [No. 1, 

then the flood discharge is 122,483 cubic feet per second, sectional area 
23,092 superficial feet, and mean velocity 5 "2 feet per second. 

For an extreme flood of 18 feet, the discharge would exceed 141,000 
cuhic feet, the sectional area be 27,700 superficial feet, and mean velocity 
52 feet per second. 

The next river measm-ed was the Brahmaputra river at about 9 miles 
above Sadiya and half a mile below the mouth of the united stream of the 
Tengapani aud Noa Dihing rivers. There was a good deal of difficulty 
found in the measurement of this river on account of bad weather and the 
level of the water not remaining constant. The section was made when 
the river was at 3 feet above the low level of the year, but most of the ve- 
locities were measured when the river was at a slightly higher level. These 
facts were kept in view when the calculations were made. 

The measurements were made between April 2nd and 6th of 1878. 
For the section, 61 soundings were made, observations for velocity were taken 
at 14 stations, and there were 165 recorded passages of floating instruments. 

The measured discharge was 66,251 cubic feet per second, sectional 
area 16,396, so that the mean velocity was 4 feet per second. At time of 
measurement the river was 3 feet above the minimum level of the year : the 
increased volume due to this rise was computed to be 32,419 cubic feet per 
second, and sectional area 8,168 superficial feet ; so that the mean low-level 
dry season discharge of the Brahmaputra river below Tengapani-muk is 
33,832 cubic feet per second, sectional area 8,228 superficial feet, and, con- 
sequently, mean velocity 4"1 feet per second. 

To obtain the minimum discharge of the Brahmaputra at the Brah- 
makund, it will be necessary to deduct from the above figures, the cold sea- 
son mean low-level volume of the Tengapani and Noa Dihing (which 
is stated below to be 3,000 cubic feet per second), and that of the Di- 
garu river which I would estimate from hearsay at 5,000 cubic feet per 
second. Thus the minimum discharge of the Brahmaputra at the Brah- 
makund would be 25,000 cubic feet per second. 

The ordinary high flood of the Brahmaputra below Tengapani-muk 
has been calculated at 16 feet. It gives a discharge of 293,000 cubic feet per 
second, a sectional area of 53,017 superficial feet and mean velocity of flood 
55 feet per second. For the flood discharge at the Brahmakund one should 
subtract from above discharge 53,000 cubic feet for the Tengapani and Noa 
Dihing rivers (_vide below), and I would estimate 60,000 for the Digaru 
river, which would leave 180,000 cubic feet per second for flood discharge 
of the Brahmaputra at the Brahmakund. 

For an extreme flood of 18 feet the discharge below Tengapani-muk 
would be over 326,000 cubic feet per second, sectional area 59,000 super- 
ficial feet and mean velocity 55 feet per second j then calculating by pro- 



1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 15 

portion, the extreme flood of the Brahmaputra at the Brahmakund would 
be not less than 200,000 cubic feet per second. 

Before closing work at Tengapani-muk I thought it well to make a mea- 
surement of the united stream of the Tengapani and Noa Dihing rivers. 
This I did on the 6th April 1878 at a site 200 yards below the junction 
of the Tengapani and Noa Dihing rivers. At the time of measurement the 
water was fully 3 feet above mean low level of the year, and more than half 
of it came from the Noa Dihing river. 

For the section 18 soundings were made, observations for velocity 
were taken at 2 stations and there were 19 recorded passages of the floating 
instruments. 

The measured discharge was found to be 6,807 cubic feet per second, 
sectional area 2,203 superficial feet, mean velocity 3 - l feet per second. 

At the time of measurement the river was 3 feet above minimum level 
of the year ; it is computed that for the low level of the year the discharge 
is 3,000 cubic feet, area of section 900 superficial feet, and velocity 3'3 feet 
per second ; and of this 3,000 cubic feet, 2,500 cubic feet comes from the 
Tengapani river. 

For an ordinary high flood rise of 15 feet, the discharge is computed 
to be 53,000 cubic feet per second, sectional area 10,400 superficial feet and 
mean velocity 51 feet per second. 

For an extreme flood rise of 18 feet, the discharge is 65,000 cubic feet, 
sectional area 12,800 superficial feet and mean velocity 51 feet per second. 

From the Synopsis Table attached, it will be seen how closely the sum 
of the volumes &c. observed, for the two great streams which form the 
Brahmaputra Biver, agree with the observed volume of the river at 
Dibrugarh. , The river at Dibrugarh should be of greater volume than the 
combined Dihang and Sadiya streams, because of the Lali channel of the 
Dihang which joins in just below the place where the section of the Dihang 
and Dibang was taken. During the cold season, and at time of observations 
it was a small and fordable stream 100 yards wide, but during floods the 
channel brings down a very large volume of water. 

During the floods a considerable volume of water passes down the 
Buri Suti, the mouth of which is on the north bank and between Dibrugarh 
and the mouth of the Dihang river. 

The Buri Suti falls into the Brahmaputra near the mouth of the Dihing 
river, south of Dibrugarh. 

I have endeavoured to be as moderate as possible in my estimates of 
the flood discharges, but I think it may fairly be stated that at Poba, a 
few miles above the mouth of the Buri Suti, there is every season a 
flood when 1-| million cubic feet per second passes down the Brahmaputra. 
The rise of the flood I have calculated at 15 to 18 feet. The rise at 
Gauhati is 28 to 30 feet. 



1G 



H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 



Synopsis Table. Results of 





o 'a! 


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9 




'S pi 

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.9 


9 


.9 


-^ 
rt 


■flj 


a> 
H 


Name of River. 


■B w 

BP1 a 


<a o 

^ r-H 
r-J cS 

.2 « 


"o 

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Pi 


(I) 

as 

Pi -d 


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sS 


■|m 


S Sfe 


sS 




5 




a 




A 


do 


1=3 


A 


Dihang + Dibang River,.. 


82,652 


18,883 




43 


485,000 


84,000 


57 


567,000 




w 


w 




W 


W 


w 


w 


w 

(18 ft. 
rise) 


Brahmaputra River, above 


33,832 


8,228 




41 


293,000 


53,017 


55 


326,000 


Sadiya and below mouth 


Wl 




(d) 


W 


w 


« 


18 ft. (e) 


of the Tengapani River 










(16 ft. 
rise) 


(16 ft. 
rise) 






Total, .... 


116,484 


27,111 




4-2 


778,000 


137,017 


56 


893,000 








about 






about 




Brahmaputra River at Di- 


116,115 


24,477 




46 


830,000 


164,000 


50 


1,100,000 


brugarh. * 


M 


fcj 




. {0) 


(0 






w 


Difference, .... 


—369 


.... 


• 


... 


+ 52,000 


.... 


.... 


+107,000 


Dibang River, below mouth 


27,202 


6,375 




42 


122,483 


23,692 


52 


144,000 


of Senseri River. 


(d) 


W 




w 


09 


w 


■ w 


18 ft. rise 




1,200 

W 

55,400 


.... 


• 


... 


12,000 

W 

362,517 




.... 


14,000 

M 

423,000 


Dihang River (less the 


Lalisuti.) 











w 






w 

18 ft. rise 


Tengapani + Noa Dihing, 


3,000 


900 




33 


53,000 


10,400 


51 


65,000 




W 


W 




(d) 


15 ft. rise 


15 ft. rise 


« 


M 

18 ft. rise 




2,500 
(el 


.... 




... 


22,00n 


.... 


.... 


26,000 
(A 




W 

500 

(V) 


.... 


• 


... 


W 


.... 


.... 


\ e l 




5,000 








60,000 






75,000 

w 

240,000 




w 

16,915 


9,637 




1-7 


170,000 


35,700 


47 




w 


(•) 




W 










Brahmaputra at the Brah- 


25,000 




. 




180,000 


.... 


. . 


200,000 


makund. 


{d) 








(d) 

16 ft. rise 






18 ft. rise 



Note : (o) means observed value. 

(d) „ deduced value by computation, 
(«) „ estimated Yaluo. 



1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



17 



Discharge Measurements. 



So 

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a -f* 
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at 5ft. above 
an low 



40 



1878. 
24th to 

27th 
March 



April 
3rd to 

6th 



4-2 about 



4-4 



10,992 

to 

at 5 ft. 
above 



March 
16th, 

17th, 



18th. Dibrugarh. 



level of the mean low 



5-1 
to 



year. 



4-9 



6,807 

w 



2,500 

to 

4,307 

to 



level of 
the year, 



2,203 
(o) 



at 5 ft. 

above 
mean low 
level of 
the year. 



31 
to 



4-3 March 

(o)\ 27th. 



1 mile S. of 
mouth of Di- 
bang river & 
mile above 
junction with 
Brahmapu- 
tra. 

9 miles above 

Sadiya and 

I of a mile 

below the 

mouth of the 
Tengapani 

River. 

at a place due 

N. of and 3 

miles from 



mile below 
the mouth of 
the Senseri 
River. 



April 
6th. 



Febr. 

25th to 

28th, 



200 yards be- 
low junction 
of Tengapani 
River with 
"Noa Dihing 
River. 



Pathalipam 

village, 3 

miles west of 

Grogah Muk. 



59 



61 



120 



37 



18 



90 



385 



12 



14 



14 



21 



170 



165 



255 



116 



19 



510 



72 I 1,235 



H. J. Harman, Lieut. R. E. 

Survey of India, 



October, 1878. 



18 



II. J. Harm an — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 



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1879] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



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20 



H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 







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Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



21 



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H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



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1879.] 



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24 



H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



No. 1, 



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1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



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vra 


















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\a 






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-* 


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r-t 


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•om^ notyoas no 


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00 




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in 


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a'| 


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CN 


CS 



1879.] 



Discharge of large Ulcers in Assam. 



27 



in 


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CO 


(M 


t~ 


IM 


w 


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in 


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in 


in in 


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co in 


in cm 


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28 



H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 





•pnooos ^, 1 




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m i> *n co in ■*? 
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1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



29 



S OCO 

E o oo 



o *a 



13 



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lb 



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e.g. 



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V 3 p 

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X X X X X X X 

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X X X X X X X 
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t> in cm ci co t» en 

rH CO CO CO 



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3 

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ffi'iiH 


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cm" tC 


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se in ■ 
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so 



H. J. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 



o 

H 
& 

B 
t= 

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P3 



i— i <t 
ft W 





•UOI'J.lOCt ,_, 


rH 


no 


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CO 


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in 


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i-T 


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co~ 






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co 


CO 




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CO 
CO 


CM 

rH 


o 


CO 


03 

1.^ 




in uoi^aod jo uaay ^ 


5* 

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csf 








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no 


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i 


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inj-H 






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l^ 


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'•sou u<i[(i:)s ■■»ix 


01 








CM 'J' 





1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



31 






12,113 


i-H 

en 

CO 


3,405 


CO 

co" 


CO 
CO 


to 
o 

CO 


CO 
CO 

CO 




2,900 
172 
881 
943 


CO 
US 
CN 


CN 
CN 


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OS 
OS 




1 

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o 

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X 

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6 

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l-H 


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X 

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CD 
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o 

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r- 

co 


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X 

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CO 

c3 

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CO 

X 

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l-H 

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l-H 


in us 

X 

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us|<M 

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cn 


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CO 


00 
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t-H 


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o 

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CN CN 


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CO W3 W3 ID 


cp 

CO 




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o 

us 


CO 


: 


; 






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o o 

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CN CN CN 1M 


o o 

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: 




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1— 1 


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o 


CO 

o 

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CO 
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US 

1 "* 


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CN 




o 

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CO +» CO 

1 


us o CO 

CO HJ CO 


® ON 

CO *» CO 


CO += •** 

CD 







n 



Jh 



82 



J. It. Harman — Operations for obtaining 



[No. 1, 



© O O 

o o o 

CO »o CO 



■§ 






o co 


CO 


o oo 


oo 


.-H CO 


-* 






lO *>• 


CM 


t>- ■* 


CM 



tJ 03 



I 



5 

3 



* 



w 



pq 






i— i 



> 6 x x x 

%>xi ^2 2°° 
3 S^ 
:2 s 

5 x x x 

CD 5 ^ 



ft- 1 " a, 

__. O '-^ o o o 



P 

T3 



H 



be 

w 



1 






^ <J 



3 
-d 



a * 



£ 


e 


o 
1 — 1 


-M 


•fi 


o 

> 


o 

CD 


60 

a 




1 


03 

.0 




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o 


3 
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g 



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CD 2 

CO rQ 



s 



ri 9 .2 



Hfi 



03 

CD 

a 


L_j CO 
1 ° 


3 




■-I CO 


CM 


io to 


00 00 


o 


£ ° 


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CM 


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o t- 


t^" 


3* 


CM ■<!< 


CM 



■S .» Oi o 
a, in t^ cm 
_g c+h eo wi 



1879.] 



Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 



33 



a 

« 
co 
02 

goo ° 

3 J> 60 

p ^ PP 

CO 



O 

O 

Eh 
■54 
H 

t> 
Ph 

o 



s 

^ 
N 



CD 

o 
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1879.] J. Wood-Mason — HenripterajfroOT Upper Tenasserim. 



37 



III. — Hemipterajfam Upper Tenasserim. — By W. L. Distant. Commu- 
nicated by J. Wood-Mason. 

(Eeceived 22nd Feb. 1879 ; read 5th March, 1879.) 

(With Plate II). 

The following paper enumerates and describes the Hemiptera collected 
by Mr. Ossian Limborg in the district east of Moulmein, Tenasserim Pro- 
vinces, and placed in my hands for determination by Mr. Wood-Mason, to 
whom the insects belong. So little has yet been done in enumerating the 
Hemipterous Faunas of the East, and this collection is so limited in extent, 
that it would be futile to attempt any elaborate scheme of tabulation in 
illustration of geographical affinities and distribution. The publication, 
however, of the details of such collections as this from a well specified neigh- 
bourhood will afford material for such work hereafter. Many of the species, 
as might be imagined, are common to Northern India, others range through 
the whole Eastern Archipelago as far as Celebes. 



Heteroptera. 

Fam. PACHTCOHIDiE. 

CTirysocoris grandis, Thunb. 

C. porphyricolus, Walk. 

Hotea curculionides, H. S. 

Fam. Halydtd-E. 
Dalpada oculata, Fab. 
D. varia, Dall. 

Fam. Pentatohid-SI. 
Antestia anchora, Thunb. 
Catacanthus incamatus, Drury. 
Brionaca lata, Dall. 
Strachia crucigera, Hahn. 

Fam. EDESSiDiB. . 
Cyclopelta obscura, St. F. and S. 

Fam. MiCTn>.aE. 
Dalader aeuticosta, A. and S. 
Mictis tenelrosa, Fab. 

31. gallina, Dall. 
Bhysomelus calcar, Fab. 
P. parvulus, Dall. 



Fam. Hoskeocerid^i. 
Homceocerus javanicus, Dall. 
II. marginellus, H. S. 

Fam. Anisoscelidj;. 
Serinetlia augur, Fab. 

8. abdominalis, Fab. 

Fam. Altdid^i. 
Hiptortus pedestris, Fab. 

Fam. Cokeidje. 
Acantlwcoris scabrator, Fab. 

Fam. Pteehocoeidjj. 
Loliita grandis, Gray. 
Ipliita limbata, Stal. 
Bhysopelta gutta, Burm. 
Antilochus russus, Stal. 

A. coguebertii, Fab. 
Odontopus nigricornis, [Stal. 
Dindymus rubiginosus, Fab. 
Dyodercus cingulatus, Fab. 



3S 



J. Wood- Mason — Hcmipterayro/w Tipper Tenasserim. [No. 1, 



Fam. Beduviid-SI. 
Euagoras plagiatus, Burm. 
Velinus malayus, Stal. 
Peduvius mendicus, Stal, var. 
Vesbius sanguinosm, Stal. 

Tarn. Aradid.*. 
Brachyrhynchus membranaceus, Fab. 

Fam. ACANTHASPIDID-E. 
Tiarodes versicolor, Lap. 
Sminthus inarginellus, n. sp. 
Velitra rubro-picta, A. and S. 

Fam. Gerrtda 
Ptilomera laticauda, Hard. 
Limnogonus, sp. ? 

Fam. Belostomid^!. 
Belostoma indica, St. F. and S. 

Homoptera. 

Fam. Cicadxdm. 
Platypleura nobilis, Germ. 
P. insignis, n. sp. 

Huechys sanguinea, De G6er. 
H. philcemata, Fab. 
BL. tJioracica, n. sp. 



Scieroptera splendidula, Fab. 
Dundubia mannifera, Linn. 

D. intemerata, Walk. 
Pomponia tigroides, Walk. var. 

P. sp. ? 
Cryptotympana recta, Walk. 

Fam. Cercopid-E. 
Cosmoscarta tricolor, St. F. and S.var. 
C. megamera, Butl. 

C. inasoni, Dist. 

Fam. Centrotid^. 
Cenirotypus assamensis, Fairm. 

Fam. Iassid-E. 
Tettigonia ferruginea, Fab. 

Fam. Etjrtbrachtdid^!. 
Eurybrachys (?) punctifera, Walk. 
Ancyra appendiculata, White. 

Fam. BiCATaiD-B. 
Ricania guttigera, Walk. 

Fam. FLATnxa:. 
Cerynia maria, White, var. 
tenella, Walk. 



Notes and Descriptions. 
Chrxsocoris porphtricoltjs, Walk. 

Call, porphyricola, Walk., Cat. Het., Part. I, p. 29, (1867). 

Walker describes this form as being allied to O. stocherus, Linn. On 
the contrary it is very closely allied to O. purpureus, Hope, if not even 
a variety of that species. 

Sminthus marginellus, n. sp. PI. II, Fig. 1. 

Sanguineous ; head, elytra, lateral borders of sternum and abdomen 
beneath, and anal abdominal segment black. Antennae obscure, testaceous ; 
a sanguineous spot behind each eye and base of coriaceous portion of the 
elytra narrowly of the same colour. 

Allied to S. fuscipennis, Stal, from which it differs by the very much 
more robustly developed eyes and the narrower space between them ; the 
head is also slightly more elongated, and the sculpture of the posterior lobe 



1879.] J. Wood-Mason — Hemiptera/rowi Upper Tenasserim. 39 

of the pronotum is different. The colour of the head, extent of the basal 
coriaceous patch and the colour beneath also differentiates it. 
Long. 18 mill. 

Plattplettra insignis, n. sp. PI. II, Fig. 2. 

Body testaceous, thickly covered with griseous pubescence, Pronotum, 
mesonotum and metanotum not differing in structure and markings from 
P. nobilis, Germ., but more pubescent; pectus, abdomen above and below 
also resembling that species. Rostrum with the tip pitchy, reaching a little 
beyond posterior coxae. Legs pale ochraceous, fore and intermediate tarsi 
with the base, apex, and claws pitchy. 

Tegmina pale hyaline, with the veins, membrana cost®, area costalis, 
area radialis (excepting almost apical half) and a large basal patch trans- 
versely terminated from near the apex of the lower side of the area radialis 
and the inner border of tegmina at apex of the lower of the areas ulnares, 
fulvous covered with griseous pubescence. The area radialis is transparent 
hyaline from about its middle (where it is darker in colour) to near the apex, 
which is narrowly fulvous and has a subcorneal fuscous spot on its outer 
border. A row of small spots on outer margin of the areaa apicales, situated 
one on each side of the veins, a submarginal waved row of larger spots 
situated in like manner, and an irregular series of similar sized spots situat- 
ed on the bases of the areas apicales and apices of the areas ulnares, black. 
The veins in some places are greenish. Wings pale hyaline, with the veins 
fulvous and a large black basal patch. 

$ . Long. ex. tegm. 15 mill. ; exp. tegm.. 45 mill. 

Allied to P. nobilis, Germ., but tegmina and wings very distinct, the 
opaque portion being much less than in that species. The rostrum is 
shorter in length and the drums do not overlap each other so much as in 
P. nobilis. 

Htjechts thobacica, n. sp. PI. II, Fig. 3. 

Black, pilose ; pile griseous. Face sanguineous with a large triangu- 
lar sub-basal black spot, transversely strigose and with a deep, central 
longitudinal impression. Antennas testaceous with the basal joint black ; 
eyes testaceous, more or less streaked with black (black in a second speci- 
men I have seen). Ocelli, a triangular patch at base of head, the apex of 
which is situated between the ocelli, a central longitudinal hour-glass shaped 
fascia extending through whole length of pronotum, abdomen and three 
large spots on mesonotum, two lateral and one central, sanguineous. Pec- 
tus sanguineous with some frontal black markings. Rostrum and legs, black 
pilose. Tegmina opaque ochreous brown. Wings pale fuliginous hyaline 
with the nervures dark fuscous. 



10 J. Wood-Mason — Hemiptera from Upper Temsserim. [No. 1, 

The rostrum reaches the apex of the intermediate coxae. 

? . Long. ex. tegm. 19 mill. ; exp. tegm. 43 mill. 

Two other unnamed specimens of this species are in the British Museum 
from Hindustan. 

Pomponia, sp. ? 

Owing to the numher of insects described under the Genus Dundubia, 
frequently only one sex being known, I have considered it better to avoid 
describing this form until the other and allied genera are structurally 
monographed. 

Ceyptotympasa becta, Walk. PI II, Fig. 4. 
Fidiciiia recta, Walk. Cat. Horn. I, p. 79, 1850. 

Walker's type is a ? , and I have therefore figured the underside of a 
$ in the collection, which seems to belong to this species. It is much paler 
in colouration above, being more olivaceous than black, but to this I attach 
no importance, nor do I to its smaller size. All the other characters agree 
The drums are olivaceous inwardly, broadly margined with black. 
Long. ex. tegm. 32 mill. ; exp. tegm. 95 mill. 

Cosmoscaeta teicolob, St. F. and Serv. PI. II, Fig. 5. 
Cercopis tricolor, St. F. and S. Enc. Meth. X, p. 604, 1827. 
This only differs from the typical form in having the sub-basal fascia 
represented by a transverse waved series of four sanguineous spots; there is 
also a spot of the same colour at base. It is thus intermediate between G. 
tricolor and G. basinotata, Butl. with the last of which, before expanding the 
tegmina, I confused it. Butler's form differs also in the colouration of the 
abdomen. I have called this form a variety of C. tricolor, though the term 
" local race" would be more correct. The difference is certainly not " speci- 
fic," using that definition in the ordinary sense. 

Cosmoscaeta Masoni, Dist. PI. II, Fig. 6. 

C. Masoni, Distant, J. A. S. B., 1878, Vol. XLVII, Pt. 2, p. 194. 

Pronotum stramineous, with a quadrate black spot on anterior margin ; head 
luteous ; tegmina, pectus, legs and abdomen shining black. Presternum with lateral 
borders stramineous. 

Face robustly tumid, transvorsely strigose, with a central impunctate longitudinal 
impression ; eyes prominent, luteous ; ocelli distinct, shining, situated at about an 
equal distance from each other as from eyes ; basal portion of the head somewhat 
pitchy. Pronotum thickly and finely punctured, with the lateral margins dilated and 
strongly reflexed, the lateral angles produced prominently outwards, and the posterior 
margin rounded, the disc is prominently raised and convex, across the centre of which 
is a faint impunctate central longitudinal line. The frontal quadrate black patch con- 
tains a deep, angular, linear impression on each side behind the eyes, and two small 
rounded impressions on the posterior border. 



WiJDISTANT Journ Asiat. Soc Bengal. Vol. XLWPtll. 



1879.7V: 



Plate ii. 






KoWlEFBippon, Jel et 1th. 



TENAS3ERIM HEMIPTERA. 



Hanlart imp 



1879.] H. F. Blanford — Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. 4<1 

Tegmina obscurely and finely punctured ; wings dark fuscous with tho nervures 
black. Hind tibiae with a small spine towards apex. 
$. Long. ex. tegm. 17 mill. Exp. tegm. 45 mill. 

Greatest long, pronot. *l\ mill. Exp. lat. ang. pronot. 11 mill. 
Habitat, Taoo, Tenasserim. Alt. 3 — 5000 ft. 

Explanation of Plate II. 

Fig. 1. Sminthus marginellus, Dist. 

„ 2. Platypleura insignis, Dist. 

„ 3. Suechys thoracica, Dist. 

,, 4. Cryptotympana recta, Walk. 

„ 5. Cosmoscarta tricolor, St. F. and S. var. 

„ 6. „ masoui, Dist. 

IV. — On the Diurnal Variation of Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. — By 
Henry F. Blanfobd, F. G. S., F. Z. S., F. M. S. 
(With Plate III.) 
[The greater part of the following paper was written some months 
since in France, and laid before the Society at its meeting in November 
1878. In the original paper, the registers of only six years were discussed ; 
but inasmuch as those for twenty years are available in the Meteorological 
Office, on my return to India, with the permission of the Council, 
I have withdrawn and recast the paper, including in the data the whole of 
the existing registers. As might have been anticijjated, the inclusion of a 
period more than three times as long as that originally treated of, has had 
the result of clearing away some irregularities, and of bringing out more 
distinctly the true character of the variation ; some of the minor features of 
which were but doubtfully indicated in the original restricted table ; while 
the more prominent features have been confirmed and emphasised. With 
a view to their more ready appreciation, a plate has been added, which 
will enable the reader to compare the diurnal variation of rain frequency 
at different seasons, with the normal diurnal variations of pressure, tempera- 
ture, relative humidity and vapour tension at Calcutta. H. F. B.] 

The tables here summarised are based on the hourly observations re- 
corded at the Surveyor General's Office from August 1856, to March 1877* ; 
during the greater part of the period on the autographic traces of an Osler'a 
anemometer. The form of the reduction does not show the quantity of the 
rainfall, but only the fact of its occurrence at the several hours specified ; 
in other words, its comparative frequency ; and it is possible that the two 
kinds of variation may not strictly coincide. The traces in question have 
not yet been reduced for quantity, otherwise than for the total diurnal fall ; 
but the laws of diurnal variation in point of frequency are so salient and 
decided, that it is hardly likely that any conclusions to which they may lead,. 
* As published in the Society's Journal. 
G 



42 



H. F. Blanford — Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1, 



bearing on the causes that determine precipitation will require serious 
modification, when the epiantity of precipitation is also taken into account. 
This investigation, I hope to enter upon when the completion of 
other more pressing matters shall allow of my taking up the enquiry. 
Meanwhile, the present will, I think, be found a not unimportant contribu- 
tion to Meteorological Science. 

Talle shoiving the Number of Sours in which rain was recorded 
during 21 years at Calcutta. 

Hotjrs A. M. 



January, 

February, . . . 

March, 

April, 

May, 

June, 

July, 

August, , 

September, .... 

October, 

November, 
December, 

Yearly Total, 



4 



3 

9 

7 

9 

12 

65 

80 

97 

36 

20 

2 



343 



14 
68 
92 
94 

4 7 

26 

3 

3 



374 



5 
14 
11 

7 
14 
64 
94 
94 
65 
31 

6 

4 



409 



10 



12 
55 
88 
112 
64 
34 



9 

11 

4 

6 

12 

70 

82 

107 

68 

37 

6 

3 



410 414 



8 

7 

5 

6 

14 

70 

95 

109 

57 

45 

8 

3 



426 



7 
7 
14 
73 
88 
105 
65 
42 



430 



7 

12 

9 

6 

11 

75 

97 

102 

65 

44 



426 



9 

9 

5 

10 

63 

102 

103 

48 

41 

8 

3 



409 



6 
11 

6 
13 
81 
114 
107 
72 
36 



461 



11 
13 

6 
5 

18 

88 

121 

124 

83 

42 

10 

1 



522 



10 

6 

8 

5 

20 

95 

135 

133 

86 

66 

9 

2 



565 



-3 



88 

115 

94 

73 

164 

867 

1188 

1287 

746 

454 

82 

31 



3189 











HOTJES 


P. M. 








































4 




CO 

1— 1 






















4 


£ 






■* 


«s 


to 


t~ 


00 


o 


© 


.— * 


CN 


CO 








-+J 




** 


1-1 


pH 


r-i 


1— 1 


<M 


CN 


CN 


CN 


r=) 


o 




a 


o 


o 


o 


O 


O 


o 


O 


O 


O 


o 


o 


a 




s 


•+3 


-fj 


-^ 


-fc» 


-M 


-*J 


-t^» 


-t^ 


-*^» 


-*-» 


-m 


o 




fe 


SO 


•* 


US 


CO 


t>- 


00 


OS 


© 


rH 


CN 


eo 


!zj 




1— 1 


r-l 


rt 


1— 1 


r-i 


t-H 


iH 


CN 


(M 


CN 


CN 




5 


5 


6 


6 


11 


9 


6 


4 


5 


5 


4 


6 


72 




7 


9 


7 


13 


9 


9 


10 


13 


8 


10 


9 


8 


112 


March, 


6 

7 

23 

101 


7 

6 

26 

89 


9 
11 
27 
96 


18 
25 
23 

74 


18 
25 
31 
83 


23 
26 
53 
86 


23 

24 
52 
88 


28 
33 
64 
86 


22 
30 

57 
85 


14 
23 
44 
67 


12 
11 
38 
66 


9 

9 

16 

59 


184 




229 


May, 


454 


June, 


980 




152 1 


140 

142 


119 
119 


118 
109 


103 

112 


100 
91 


93 
70 


85 
71 


66 

77 


65 
81 


60 
84 


1241 




126 


140 


1222 




107 


103 


130 


116 


107 


80 


80 


64 


49 


36 


44 


35 


951 




57 


55 


64 


49 


47 


32 


38 


30 


31 


25 


26 


25 


479 




11 


10 


11 


7 


8 


9 


7 


7 


4 


4 


4 


6 


88 




1 


1 


3 


2 


6 


2 


2 


3 


2 








2 


23 


Yearly Total, . . 


603 600 


646 


571 


566 


544 


521 


496 


449 


361 


360 


319 


6035 



DIURNAL 




•JA 


h 






U 


h 








FREQUENCY. 
























































































































































































































































































1. ME 


H N 






















ANNUAL, 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































U 












OCTO 


RFR 


















































































































































































































































































































































III. 


MARCH 


TO 




VIAY 
























. 


















1 


































































; 


















1 
























1 


















!j 



























V 




OVE 


MBE 




TO 




FEBRL 


ARY 










































' 
























1 








1 1 










































1 1 








~| 




































































.. 












~I~ 




M 




2 




4 




6 




a 




TO 


% 




M 


16 


19 






22 




N 





























































































































































































































= RESS 


RF 






















































































'. 
















. 
















^. 


' 


























■- 






































-■ 








■ 




















































































































































































































































































■ 












































/ 










'' 




































/ 














x 


































' 














































7 


















\ 






























/W. TEMPERATURE 




, 
















































■' 
























































































































/ 
































































































































































































\ 




VII. HUMIDITY 








































































































•" 














































■' 
































■ 














/ 




































' 










•• 


























































































































VAPOUR TENSION 
























































■■■ 












































>> 














































■ 






































































































































? 
























M 














































M 






1879. ] H. F. Blauford — Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. 



43 



From this table, the following conclusions may be drawn. On the 
average of the year, which average is mainly determined by that of the 
summer monsoon months, the hour at which rain is least frequent is short- 
ly before midnight, and that at which it is most so, from 2 to 3 p. m. The 
latter accords approximately with the diurnal epoch of maximum tempera- 
ture [see Plate III, fig. 6], but the former does not accord with its mini- 
mum ; and, indeed, the frequency of rain at the hour of mean minimum 
temperature is nearly 40 per cent, greater than at midnight, while at the 
hour of its maximum it is only twice as great ; and it would rather appear 
that while the greatest heat coincides with a principal maximum of rainfall, 
the greatest cold coincides with a secondary maximum. The course of 
variation as shewn by the table and by fig. 1 of the plate is somewhat as 
follows : 

For about three hours after midnight, the frequency of rainfall in- 
creases rapidly, but after 3 a. m. more slowly, till about sunrise ; after 
which there is a slight falling off to a secondary minimum at 9 a. m. This 
is very distinctly shown in the present table : in that originally drawn up 
it was less clearly indicated. After 9 am. the frequency increases rapidly 
to the absolute maximum between 2 and 3 p. M. From this maximum it 
declines, without interruption, to the minimum before midnight. The total 
number of rainy hours from midnight to noon is 46 per cent, of the whole ; 
and between noon and midnight 54 per cent. On the other hand, in the 
day time (6 a. m. to 6 p. m.), the proportion is 57 per cent., and 43 per cent, 
in the night hours. 

The character of the variation in the rainy months of the summer 
monsoon does not differ materially from the above. But that of the 
hot season is very different ; and that of the cold season again differs from 
both and is more uniform than either. The following table and figs. 2, 3 
and 4 in the Plate exhibit the data thus arranged according to the three 
seasons. 





Hours a. m. 




o 




















a 

o 




+3 
















o 








C3 


CO 


•* 


lO 


<£> 


t— 


00 


Oi 


i— < 




ft 




a 




















o 






H3 


o 


O 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


O 


o 










-+J 


-4J 


+3 


-+a 


-tJ 


-fj 


-*J 


-*j 


+3 








S 


1— 1 


<N 


CO 


•* 


US 


<£> 


r~ 


CO 


C5 


o 


T— t 


Rains : June to October, 


298 


327 


348 


353 


364. 


376 


373 


373 


367 


410 


458 


505 


Sot season : March to 




























28 


29 


32 


"8 


21 


24 


28 25 


24 


30 


29 


33 


Cold season : November 








17 


18 


29 29 


29 


26 


29 28 


28 


21 


34 


27 



u 



H. F. Blanford — Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1, 





Houus P. M. 




CO 

o 


■* 


>o 


«3 


t-- 


00 


OS 


o 


CM 




eo 


a 






o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


O 


O 


O 


o 


o 




o 
ft 


eo 


■* 


'O 


to 


t^ 


00 


o> 


o 

CN 


(M 


CM 


CO 
CI 


Mains : June to October, 


543 


537 


572 


477 


464 


413 


397 


343 


321 


261 


282' 


263 


Sot season : March to 


























May, 


36 


38 


47 


66 


69 


102 


99 


125 


109 


81 


61 


34 


Cold season : November 
















I 










24 


25 


27 


28 


33 


29 


25 


27 19 


19 


17 


22 



The variation in the rainy months is, then, almost identical with that 
ahove described, the chief difference being that after the afternoon maxi- 
mum, the decline is more rapid. The heavy rains of the monsoon months 
are, then, more particularly rains of the day time, favoured and accelerated 
by the diurnal rise of temperature, and declining with the decline of the 
sun's heat. In a nearly saturated atmosphere, the rapidity with which 
vapour ascends from lower to higher levels, and eventually becomes dynami- 
cally cooled and condensed, depends on the temperature, increasing indeed 
as the square of the absolute temperature. The relative humidity of the 
lower atmosphere (as tested in our observations), does not follow the same 
course of variation. Indeed, as may be seen in fig. 7, this course is exactly 
the inverse of that of temperature, but as far as can be judged from casual 
observation, the formation and dispersion of cumulus cloud, indicating the 
state of saturation at heights of from 2000 to 7000 or 8000 feet, is equally 
determined by the rise and fall of the temperature, and in its mode of 
formation the rain-cloud of the summer monsoon is essentially cumulus. 
The hour of least frequent rainfall, which in the summer monsoon would 
seem to be between 10 and 11 p. m., is probably also that of least cloudiness. 
The horary variation of cloud is not known for Calcutta, but I found some 
time since on examining the registers of a number of Bengal stations, at 
which the cloud proportion had been recorded for some years at 4 and 10 
A. m. and p. M. that the average at 10 p. m. was very considerably below 
that observed at other hours. Kreil has noticed a similar fact at Vienna, 
and Neumayer in his discussion of the Observations of the Flag-Staff Obser- 
vatory at Melbourne, also finds that, on the average of the year, there is a 
strongly marked minimum about this hour. Kreil explains this tendency 
to the dispersion of cloud, after sunset, by the compression which the lower 
atmospheric strata undergo, in consequence of the general contraction and 
subsidence of the mass ; to which action he also refers the coincident baro- 



1879.] H. P. Blanford — 'Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. 45 

metric rise and maximum. In any case, this coincidence of minimum rain- 
iness, minimum cloudiness and the semi-diurnal maximum of pressure, is an 
important fact of observation. 

The rapid rise of rain-frequency after midnight corresponds, though 
less exactly, to the nocturnal fall of pressure ; but, as on the average of the 
year, the secondary maximum is not reached till some time after sunrise, viz., 
about 6 A. M. In the Melbourne curve of cloud variation, this is also 
about the epoch of the diurnal maximum, and as already remarked it is that 
of minimum temperature and maximum humidity at the ground surface. 
The slight fall that ensues continues till between 8 and 9, which is about 
an hour in advance of the epoch of maximum pressure. It would seem 
therefore that the tendency to the precipitation of rain is a somewhat com- 
plex function of the temperature and pressure variations ; or inasmuch as 
the latter is an effect of the former, of the temperature variation producing 
two conditions which are in part mutually antagonistic in their effect on 
the rainfall. To sum up the results of this discussion, I would suggest the 
following as a possible explanation of the rainfall variation. The cooling 
of the atmosphere after 3 p. m. in the first place checks the production and 
ascent of vapour, as well as of convective atmospheric currents, and (adopt- 
ing Kreil's explanation of the barometric tides) causes a rise of pressure in 
the lower atmosphere as a consequence of the sinking and compression of 
the atmospheric mass. These effects bring about a dispersion of cloud and 
a fall of rainfall frequency from the absolute maximum to the absolute 
minimum of the 24 hours. About 10 p. m. the compression having reached 
its maximum, re-expansion sets in, and, in conjunction with continued cool- 
ing, raises the relative humidity of the cloud-forming strata, and conse- 
quently the tendency to the formation of cloud and rain. When the 
re-expansion ceases about 3 or 4 a. m., the loss of heat is still operative 
in the same direction, though less powerfully ; but, after sunrise, the direct 
effect of the solar heat is to diminish cloud and rainfall, while raising the 
pressure of the lower atmosphere ; and it is not until this increasing pressure 
has nearly attained its maximum, and the ascent of vapour has become 
sufficiently active to prevail over these first effects, that the formation of 
cloud* and rainfall proceed actively, and attain their afternoon maximum ; 
this condition coinciding with the highest temperature and the greatest 
activity of diffusing vapour and convective currents. 

This explanation, I must remark, is suggested solely by a consideration 

of the several coincident phenomena, and presupposes an atmosphere highly 

charged with vapour, such as is that of the summer monsoon. It would be 

impossible to predict the course of the changes a priori, because the several 

* This is of course an assumption as regards the cloud maximum. 



4G H. P. Blanford — Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1, 

actions being to a certain extent mutually antagonistic in their effects on 
the formation of rain, it would be impossible to foretell, in the absence of 
direct observations made in the cloud-forming strata, when and how these 
effects would mutually balance, and in what measure and at what epochs 
one or the other would become predominant. 

In the dry and hot season the diurnal course of rainfall variation is 
very different from the above. The diurnal epoch of minimum is not very 
distinctly indicated, but would appear to fall about sunrise. There is, how- 
ever, but little variation from midnight up to 9 or 10 a. m. ; and after this 
only a slow rise up to 2 p. m., when the increase becomes more rapid. 
About two hours bef ore sunset there is a sudden rise of about 50 per cent., 
and the hour of maximum raininess occurs between 7 and 8 p. m., the num- 
ber of recorded falls being then six times as great as at sunrise. This very 
striking feature of the hot season is due to the well-known evening storms, 
commonly called North- Westers, which are closely analogous to the thunder- 
storms of the European summer ; and, whether as rain or hail-storms or 
simply as dust-storms, are characteristic of the dry season more or less in all 
parts of India. In Lower Bengal they are especially frequent, and the 
favouring conditions appear to be, the presence of a certain moderate 
supply of vapour brought by the coast winds, a high temperature at and 
near the ground surface, and a dry westerly wind from the interior of the 
country, which in Lower Bengal blows chiefly as an upper current from the 
plateau of Western Bengal, but during the hottest hours of the day, when it 
is at its greatest strength, produces a marked effect on the mean wind 
direction at Calcutta, and is sometimes felt there directly as a hot surface 
wind. It is when this wind slackens towards sunset, and that from the 
direction of the coast gains in prevalence, producing a calm in the interval, 
that North-Westers chiefly occur. They receive their name from the fact 
that the storm-cloud most commonly originates in the North- West, and 
advances or rather forms up with great rapidity from that direction, the 
formation of the nimbus overhead being speedily followed by violent gusts 
of wind from the same direction, which raise clouds of dust and occa- 
sionally exert pressures comparable with those of a cyclone. Immediately 
before the onset of the storm, the barometer rises rapidly, sometimes more 
than 01 inch ; and, as Mr. Eliot has shown from a study of the autographic 
records of the Alipore Observatory, the subsequent fall coincides with the 
onset of the stormy winds, and a great and sudden fall of temperature and 
vapour pressure. Frequent casual observations of the motion of the dust 
and cloud margin in advance of these storms, have led me to conclude that 
the stormy wind which blows out from under the storm-cloud is a great 
horizontal eddy, the impulse of which is furnished by the air dragged down, 



1879.] H. F. Blanford — 'Rainfall frequency at Calcutta. 47 

partly by the friction of the rain. But this is not invariably the case ; as I 
have more than once experienced a gusty though less violent wind, when no 
rain was falling. The only essential feature, which is apparently common 
to all storms of this class, including the dry and rainless dust-storms of the 
Punjab and hail-storms, is a more or less spasmodic and sudden subversion 
of vertical equilibrium, and rapid convection accompanied by eddying cur- 
rents, and generally, in Bengal, at least, by heavy rain. It is somewhat 
remarkable that their most frequent occurrence coincides with the most 
rapid cooling of the atmosphere, but it must be observed that as a general, 
if not invariable, rule the cloud canopy in which the storm originates has 
been formed during the day, and that this shields the subjacent air and earth 
surface from rapid cooling, while the higher strata are radiating freely into 
space. 

Lastly, in the cold season, falls of rain are distributed pretty evenly 
throughout the day, with a decided diminution during the two or three 
hours before and after midnight ; as shown in the table, from 8 p. m. 
to 2 a. m. This period corresponds with that of the strongly marked 
minimum of the rainy season ; and may probably be referred to similar 
causes ; the atmosphere of the cold weather being normalty of higher humi- 
dity than that of the hot season, and especially when a southerly wind sets 
in, which is always the precursor of rain. 



The general conclusion to be drawn from this discussion is, that the 
conditions which promote and determine precipitation, are different at 
different seasons. In the highly vapour-charged atmosphere of the rainy 
monsoon, and in a much less degree in the cold season, condensation is most 
promoted by increasing temperature, and the more active ascent of vapour 
determined thereby. In a minor degree, the opposite action, viz., nocturnal 
cooling, under certain conditions, produces the same effect, but this is com- 
plicated with those of the internal movements (the compression and expan- 
sion) of the atmosphere, which are another effect of the oscillation of 
temperature. In the comparatively dry atmosphere of the hot weather, 
the precipitation is chiefly that of storms, which are spasmodic movements, 
arising from the subverted equilibrium of the superimposed strata ; and 
these are most frequent when the atmosphere as a whole is cooling most 
rapidly. They are probably the effect of unequal cooling. 



48 



Becord of the Occurrrence of 



[No. 1, 



V. — Record of the Occurrence 


of Uarthqua7c 


es in Assam during 


Date. 


District. 


Time of 
occurrence. 


Duration. 


19th Jan. 1878. 


Darrang, Tezpur. 


12.50 a. M. 


From 8 to 12 se- 
conds. 



Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts : Cachar, 

Goalpara and 



3rd Feb. 1878. 



Darrang, Tezpur. 



11.52 p. m. 



5 to 8 seconds. 



Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts : Cachar, 

Lakhimpur and 



5th Feb. 1878. 


Darrang, Tezpur. 


1 P. M. 


[Each shock from 
* 10 to 15 seconds. 








Do. 


Do. 


7.15 p. m. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.40 p. m. 




Do. 


Goalpara. 


7.10 p. m. 


About 30 or 35 se- 
conds. 


Do. 


Do. 


11.30 p. m. 


About 40 seconds. 


Do. 


Shillong, (Khasi and 
Jain tea Hills). 


7.18 p. m. 


About 10 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.30 p. m. 


Do. 


Do. 


Gauhati, (Kamrup). 


7.15 p. m. 


5 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.45 p. M. or 
there abouts. 


3 seconds. 


Do. 


Turd (Garo Hills). 


7.30 p, m. 


About- 20 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.15 p. m. 


About 10 seconds. 


Do. 


Barpeta (Kamrup). 


7.30 p. m. 


Not given. 


Do. 


Do. 


11 P. M. 


Do. 


Do. 


(Goalpara), Dhiibri. 


7.30 p. m.' 


About 5 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.40 p. m. 


About 3 seconds. 


Do. 


Nowgong. 


7.30 p. m. 


About 10 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


10.5 p. m. 


About 5 seconds. 


Do. 


Cachar. 


7.50 p. m. 


About 2 seconds. 


Do. 


Do. 


11-50 p. m. 


About 1 second. 



N. B. It was not felt in the Naga Hills, Lakhimpur and Sibsagar 



1879.] 



Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 



49 



1878. — Communicated ly the Chief Commissioned of Assam. 



Apparent 
direction. 



Extent of damage, if any, and general 
Remarks. 



Not noticed. 



A smart shock ; preceded by the usual rumbling noise. 
No damage done. 



Sylhet, Nowgong, Khasi Hills, Garo Hills, Lakkimpur, Sibsagar, Naga Hills, 
Kamriip. 



N. Westerly di- 
rection. 



The rumbling noise that preceded the shock was very 
loud and distinct. The shock itself, slight. No da- 



mage done. 



Sylhet, Nowgong, Khasi Hills, Garo Hills. 
Sibsagar. 



Not noticed. 



S. to N. 

Do. 
W. to E. 

Do. 

W. to E. 
Do. 

W. to E. 
W. to E. 

N. to E. 
Not stated. 
N. E. to S. W. 

Do. 
N. W. to S. E. 

Do. 
N. to S. 

Do. 



No damage done. The shocks were slight but the rum- 
blings that preceded each shock were unusually loud 
and prolonged. 

The second was somewhat heavier than the first. No da- 
mage done. 

No damage done. Both smart shocks. 

There were two sharp shocks but no damage done. 
One shock. No damage done. 

No damage done. 
No damage done. 



Two smart shocks were felt. 

Only one shock, which passed very soon. 

One sharp shock. No damage. 

No damage. 

A slight shock. 

A very slight shock. 



Districts. It was felt in Sylhet, necessary particulars were not noted. 
7 



so 



Record of tJie Occurrence of 



[No. 1, 



Date. 



District. 



Time of 
occurrence. 



Duration. 



25th Feb. 1878. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



Nowgong. 

Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 

Cachar. 

Goalpara. 



7.30 p. m. 
8.20 p. m. 
8.30 p. M. 
9 p. M. 



3 seconds. 
3 seconds. 
1 second. 
1 second. 



13th April, 1878 
Do 
Do 
Do 



Ascertained this shock was not felt in the district of Kamrup, 

9.30 p. M. 5 seconds. 
10.45 p. m. 5 seconds. 
10.5 p. m. a few seconds. 
10.50 p. M. 8 to 10 seconds. 



Nowgong. 

Shillong, (Khasi Hills) 
Gauhati, (Kamrup). 
Tezpur, (Darrang). 



Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts 



19th April, 1878. 



Jorehat sub-division 
of Sibsagar. 



9 P. M. 



1 minute. 



Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, 

Khasi Hills and 



23rd April, 1878, 



10 seconds. 



Jorehat sub-division i 4.30 p. m. 
of Sibsagar. 
Not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, 



29th April, 1878. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



Do. 



Do. 
Do. 
Do. 

Do. 



Samaguting,NagaHills. 
Nowgong. 

Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 
Darrang, Camp Urung. 



Sibsagar, (Head Qrs.) 



1.30 p. M. 
2.30 p. M. 
2.37 p. m. 
2.40 p. m. 



2.50 p. m. 



Lakhimpur, Dibrughar. 2.51 P. M. 

Kamrup, Gauhati. 3 p. m. 

Golaghat sub-division Noon. 

of Sibsagar. 

Jorehat sub-division Not noticed. 10 seconds. 

of Sibsagar. 
Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following 



5 seconds. 
5 seconds. 
30 seconds. 
8 to 10 seconds. 



1 se- 



Less than 

cond. 
3 to 4 seconds. 
A few seconds. 
Not noticed. 



2nd May, 
Do. 



1878. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 
Nowgong. 



2.30 a. 

Night. 



M. 



About 10 seconds. 
Not noticed. 



Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo 



4th May, 1878. 
Do. 



Nowgong. 
Tezpur, (Darrang). 



12 P. M. 

1 A. M. 



About 5 seconds. 
12 to 15 seconds. 



Do. Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 2.20 p.m. 3 seconds. 

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, 



1879.] 



Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 



51 



Apparent 
direction. 



Extent of damage if any and general 
Remarks. 



N. W. to S. E. 
W. to E. 
N. W. to S. E. 
S. to N. 



No damage. 
No damage. 
One smart shock. 
No damage. 



No damage. 



Sibsagar, Naga Hills, Sylhet, Lakhimpur, Darrang and Garo Hills. 
N. W. to S. E. No damage. 
W. to E. Do. 

W. to E. One smart shock. No damage. 

Not noticed. Two distinct and very smart shocks in rapid succession. 

No damage. 

Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, Sylhet, Sibsagar, Naga Hills, and Lakhimpur. 
S. W. to N. E. No damage. 

Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Lakhimpur. 
Naga Hills. 



Not noticed. 



No damage. 



Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Lakhimpur, Khasi Hills and Naga Hills, 



W. to E. 

S. to N. 
W. to E. 
Not noticed. 



N. to S. 

N. to E. 
W. to E. 

E. to N. 

Not noticed. 



No damage. 

A very slight shock. No damage. 

No damage. 

Two very clear smart and distinct shocks felt. They 
were also felt at Mangaldai. No damage done. Tho 
usual rumbling noise did not precede these shocks. 

No damage. 

No damage. Slight shock ; weather rather sultry. 
A slight shock. No damage. 
No damage. 

No damage. 



districts : Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara and Garo Hills. 



S. to N. 
Not noticed. 



No damage. 
Do. 



Hills, Kamrup, Darrang, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills. 

N. W. to S. E. No damage. 

S. E. to N. W. Two very smart shocks preceded by the usual rumbling 

noise ; no damage. 
S. to N. No damage. 

Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, Kamrup, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills. 



52 



Record of ill c Occurrence of 



[No. 1 , 



Date. 


District. 


Time of 
occurrence. 


Duration. 


13th May, 1878. 


Sliillong, (Khasi Hills). 


10 A. M. 


4 seconds. 



Not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, 



30th May, 1878, 



Sliillong, (Khasi Hills). 10 p. m. 



Ahout 5 seconds. 



Not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, 



2nd June, 1878. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills) 



10.25 p. M. 



Ahout 5 seconds. 



Not felt in the following districts : Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, 



1st July, 1878. 

2nd July, 1878. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



5th July, 1878. 
Do. 

Do. 

Do. 



31st July, 1878. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 



4 p. ii. 



About 10 seconds. 



No report from other districts ; apparently 



Tezpur, (Darrang). 

Gauhati (Kamrup). 

Sibsagar, ") 

V Sibsa 



Jorehat, ) 
Nowgong, 



Sibsagar. 



6.15 A. M. 

6.26 a. m. 

6.4 A. M. 
7 A. M. 
6 P. M. 

6.10 p. m. 



Samaguting, (Nagd 
Hills). 

Ascertained that the shock was not felt in Lakhimpur, 



5 seconds. 

6 seconds. 
3 seconds. 
20 seconds. 
5 seconds. 
10 seconds. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 
Tezpur, (Darrang). 

Gauhati, (Kamrup). 
Nowgong. 



8.20 a. m. 
8.20 a. M. 

8.33 a. M. 

Ahout 8 P. M. 



About 5 seconds. 
A few seconds. 

About 20 seconds. 
About 2 seconds. 



Not felt in Goalpara, Garo Hills, Sylhet, 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 



10.20 A. M. 



A second or two. 



Ascertained that the shock was not felt in Goalpara, Kamrup, Nowgong, 



1879.] 



Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 



53 



Apparent 
direction. 



Extent of damage if any and general 
Remarks. 



S. to N. No damage. 

Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills. 



N. to S. 



No damage. 



Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakbimpur and Naga Hills. 



N. to S. 



Very sligbt sbock. No damage. 



Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakbimpur and Naga Hills. 



S. to N. 



No damage done. 



not felt anywbere in tbe Province. 

N. W. to S. E. No damage, two successive sbocks perceptible, but botb 
slight. 
No damage done. 



N. E. to S. E. 
Not known. 
E. to W. 
N. W. to S. E. 
E. to W. 



No damage. 
No damage. 
No damage done. 
No damage. 



Garo Hills, Cachar, Sylbet, and Khasi Hills. 



W. to E. 

Not observed. 

N. E. to S. W. 
N. E. to S. W. 



No damage done. 

No damage, three distinct shocks. Tbe centre one most 

severe, loud rumbling noise preceded the shocks. 
One smart shock. No damage to property. 
A very slight shock. No damage done. 



Cachar, Lakhimpur, Sibsagar and Naga Hills. 



S. W. to N. E. 



No damage done. 



Darrang, Sibsagar, Lakbimpur, Garo Hills, Naga Hills, Sylhet and Cachar. 



54 



Record of tlie Occurrence of 



[No. 1, 



Date. 


District. 


Time of 
occurrence. 


Duration. 


4th Augt. 1878. 


Tezpur, (Darrang). 


8 A. M. 


2 seconds. 



30th Augt. 1878. 



3rd Oct. 1878. 



13th Nov. 1878. 
Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
Do. 



Tezpur, (Dan-ang). 



Jorehat, Sibsagar. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 
Nowgong. 



No reports received from 



6.8 P. M. 



A few seconds. 



No reports received 



About 2 P. M, 



4.30 A. M. 
About 4.30 

A. M. 

About 5 A. M. 
5.30 a. M. 
5.30 a. M. 



Gauhati, (Kamrup). 

Sylhet. 

Tezpur, (Darrang). 

Ascertained that this shock was not felt at Goalpara, 



About \ a minute. 

Not felt in 
About 5 seconds. 
About 3 seconds. 



4 to 5 seconds. 

2 seconds. 

A few seconds. 



14th Nov. 1878. Shillong, (Khasi Hills.) 



12.20 A. M. 



About 15 seconds. 



Ascertained that the shock was not felt at Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang, 
29th Nov. 1878. Tezpur, (Darrang). 5 A. M. 5 to 8 seconds. 



Not felt at Goalpara, Kamrup, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, 



1st Dec. 1878. 



Shillong, (KhasiHills). Q\ p. m. 



About 5 seconds. 



Not felt at Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, 



8th Dec. 1879. 



Shillong, (Khasi Hills) 



11.30 p. m. 



About 5 seconds. 



Not felt in Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, 



25th Dec. 1878. 



Tezpur, (Darrang). 12.42 p. M. 



A few seconds. 



Not felt in Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, 



1879.] 



Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 



55 



Apparent 
direction. 



Extent of damage if any and general 
.Remarks. 



N. to S. No damage, 

the other districts. 
From N. E. 



Two shocks, preceded and succeeded by a loud rumbling. 



from other districts. 



W. to E. 

other districts. 

W. to E. 

N. W. to S. E. 



Nil. 



No damage done. 

Do., a very slight shock. 



S. E. to N. W. One shock, no injury done. 

E. to W. No damage. 

Not noticed. Very distinct and marked while it lasted. No damage done. 

Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, Cachar, Garo Hills and Naga Hills. 



N. to S. 



No damage done. 



Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills and Garo Hills. 



Not noticed. 



No damage done. The actual shock was slight but the 
rumbling and noise preceding the shock was unusually 
loud and marked. 



Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills, Garo Hills and Khasi and Jaiutia Hills. 



W. to E. 



No damage done. 



Lakhimpur, Cachar, Sylhet, Garo Hills and Naga Hills. 

S. to N. No damage done. 

Goalpara, Cachar, Sylhet, Garo Hills and Naga Hills. 

Not observable. A very slight shock. 

Cachar, Sylhet, Garo Hills, Khasi and Jaiutia Hills and Naga Hills. 



56 J. F. Tcnnant — Experiments [No. 1, 



VI. — On some experiments made at U. M.'s Mint in Calcutta on coining 
Silver into Rupees. — By Col. J. F. Tennant, e. e., f. e. b., &c, 
Master of the Mint. 

(Received 22nd March ;— Read 2nd April, 1879.) 
It has long been known that when an alligation containing fine silver 
and copper has been melted the result is an apparent refining, and the 
result of the further processes in coining is also to change the constitution 
of the alloy. In order, therefore, to produce Rupees of standard weight and 
fineness, it has always been found necessary to allow for these changes. The 
rule by which this allowance was made, however, did not seem to me to 
have any good foundation, and, while generally speaking the results were 
fair, there were occasional departures which convinced me that it could be 
improved. The rule here has been to make the alligation to standard 
■|| of silver : scissel being assumed to have this fineness — then copper was 
added in proportion to all the silver except scissel, so as to reduce the fine- 
ness and this " extra alloy" was subject to variation on different coins. 

It was clear then that silver in the form of scissel was not supposed 
to refine, and next that the whole of the change was not supposed to occur 
in melting, but partly to depend on the further processes. The last was a 
matter which was evidently more than probable ; and as regards the first 
Col. J. T. Smith, late Master of this Mint, had many years ago shown that 
after a time a silver alloy ceased to refine. It seemed to me more than 
probable that this last result was only an approximation to the truth, and 
that the fact was that copper when mixed (at all events in small quanti- 
ties) with silver was not exposed to oxidation in the furnace ; but on this 
hypothesis it became absurd to add extra alloy on silver of 900 milliemes 
of fineness as on fine bars. I thought too that I saw that the variations 
which such an error would cause really took place, and resolved therefore 
to investigate the whole matter experimentally. 

Silver at this Mint is reported to - 2 of a millieme : when an alliga- 
tion is made, it is usually arranged that there shall not be a great number 
of finenesses used, and as each quality will be composed of several samples, 
these are all mixed in a heap, so that the silver used is the average (rough- 
ly) of several samples all reported alike. This procedure generally allows 
all the pots of a day's melting to be practically identical in fineness and 
weight, and if this be not the case it is very rarely that there are not 
several similar pots. There were no cases of single pots in this work, 
though owing to a small stock of silver, the whole in each melting could 
not be made alike. 



1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 57 

Having the weight and fineness of each sample of silver in a pot, we 
are in a position to compute its fineness on the supposition that no change 
takes place in melting : this I call the " Theoretical Fineness." When the 
contents are melted and well mixed, a small spoonful of the fused alloy is 
granulated and from this a muster is delivered to the Assay Master : the 
fineness of this I have called the " Fineness of Pot," it is generally greater 
than the Theoretical fineness. In the later processes and especialty in that 
of " pickling," preparatory to coining, the fineness is further increased, and 
the final result is determined from an assay of the coins by taking a propor- 
tion of coins for assay singly, and also some for assay after melting them up. 
This last determination is the least satisfactory ; however uniform the melted 
mixture may be, the alloy is not equally distributed in the resultant 
ingots and every after process tends to increase this irregularity ; so that at 
last, not only are the various coins different in their fineness, but portions 
taken from different parts of the same coin are so. I have used as a measure 
of the fineness of the coins of one day, the mean result derived from 20 
■ single coins — the sample piece being always cut out from the centre of 
the coin, and I have called the result " Fineness of Coins." 

During tbese experiments 10 pots were daily alligated to the same 
Theoretical Fineness : I have thus had a measure of the accuracy of the 
Assay Eeports, and I have used this for calculating the probable errors of 
the theoretical finenesses, in a way which (though somewhat arbitrary) seems 
to me sufficiently accurate for the purpose. When the probable error of an 
Assay Report is known, it is easy to calculate tbat of one heap, made of 
several samples of one quality, on the supposition that the whole is fairly 
mixed. As, however, the mixture must at best be very imperfect, I have 
preferred assigning to each quality of silver the same probable error o£ 
fineness as though all had depended on a single report. 

As any erroneous hypothesis as to the quality of scissel used would 
clearly have vitiated the results, I had a quantity melted down, assayed, and 
laminated, each pot being kept separate, and thus I had metal which was 
of known fineness — save the small change from lamination which would 
equally be shared by all scissel — but which I conceived would be subject 
in melting to the same changes as scissel itself. 

I had intended to keep the work from each pot separate all through, 
hut after a certain point this was found impracticable, and the coins from a 
single day's melting have been mixed. After I had completed the greater 
part of the calculation for this paper, I found that, by a careless blunder, 
there had been a mixing of the coins of the second and third days' meltings : 
and though I could only prove that it had been slight, and it probably would 
not have seriously affected the result, I bad the work of those days repeated 
and I use this repetition, though the results are not nearly so accordant as 
8 



58 



J. F. Tennant — Experiments 



[No. 1, 



those I first bad. This is the reason why the melting numbers do not run 
continuously from 89 to 98 ; 90 and 91 being omitted and 114 and 115 
inserted. 

The following table shows the mean results for each day's work with 
their probable errors ; the quantities of scissel and copper used daily are 
approximately shown. The unit of weight is a tolah of 180 English 
grains. A pot contains close on 12,500 tolahs, or 4687.5 ounces troy, and 
the whole quantity of standard silver melted and watched was about 
12,45,000 tolahs, or 466,875 ounces troy, or about 14,521 kilograms. 
What is not accounted for as scissel or copper was refined bar silver of 
about 997 fine. The scissel was about 916 fine. 





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1879.] 



on Coining Silver into Rupees. 



59 



It will be seen that two meltings have been made for each proportion 
of copper. If C represent roughly one hundred tolas of copper, and 
we group these determinations in proportion to the quantity of copper, we 
shall have : 





Gain in 


Copper. 


Pots — Theory. 


Coins — Theory. 


Coins — Pots. 


OC 


— 0-075 + 0-079 


+ 0-545 + 0-109 


+ 0-620 + 0094 


2C 


+ 0-050 + 0-073 


+ 0-805 + 0-108 


+ 0-755 + 0-091 


40 


+ 0-335 + 0-065 


+ 0-775 + 0-107 


+ 0-440 + 0-088 


60 


+ O-805 + 0071 


+ 1-180 + 0090 


+ 0-375 + 0065 


ec 


+ 0-635 + 0-078 


+ 1-360 + 0-116 J 


+ 0-725 + 0092 



It is evident that the refining of the Pots from the Theory is nearly 
proportional to C, and that the refining of the Coins above the Pots or the 
ingots is approximately constant, though irregular, as indeed might have 
been anticipated. 

If now we assume a + mx to be the refinage in melting, when m is the 
coefficient of C above, and y to be the refinage in passing from the Ingots 
to Coin ; we shall have 

5 values of a + nix of nearly equal weight 
5 ' y of sufficiently equal weight 

and 5 values of a + mx ■+■ y, which being the sums of the others we may 
neglect. 

From these equations we get the following values : 
a = — 0-085 + 0-088 
x = + 0109 ± 0-018 
y = + 0583 + 0-051 
The large probable error of a compared with its value renders it very 
doubtful if there is any real change in scissel melting. What there is 
seems to be towards loss of fineness and it is quite certain that silver evapo- 
rates ; for, in the Eegenerators and flues of the Gas Furnaces (now disused) 
the soot was found to contain silver. 

The other quantities are clearly marked, and the small probable error 
of x shows that the hypothesis that free copper only burns is probably true. 
Had a been assumed = 0, the value of x would have been 095. 



60 J. F. Tennant — Experiments [No. 1, 

The value of x shows that sufficient copper burns away to raise the 
fineness by - 109 milliemes for each 100 tolahs of free copper and this 
quantity should be added as extra alloy : and the value of y shows that, 
during the processes of converting ingots into coin, sufficient alloy is 
removed to make the coins 0583 of a millieme finer on the average than 
the ingots from which they are made. 

Thus in order to have accurate Rupees it would seem necessary that 
the Calculated or Theoretical fineness of the pots should be 
916-667 + 0-085 — 0583 — 0-109 C 
or 916-169 — 0109 C. 

Now if S be the amount of pure silver in a mass and W be its weight, 

S W 
the fineness f = — and dW = — df. 

If in this equation we put W = 12,500, / = 916667 and df = 
0-000109 C, we shall have d W or the additional alloy = 1-48 C. 

Practically then to get Rupees of standard fineness we should alligate 
to 916169 and then add 1\ per cent, of the free copper. 

For smaller coins the increase of fineness will be greater and the alli- 
gation will be lower. 

When the alloy in the silver is at all volatile or very oxidable 
the above rule would not serve of course. So far as possible it is sought 
to guard against this by melting all low-touch or suspicious silver before 
receipt and heating it strongly ; or even, in some cases, partially refining it. 
The probable error of the fineness of the pots for any one day is 
deduced from 10 reports of as many pots assumed to be alike. Its mean 
value is 00276 of a millieme. Hence the probable error of the report of 
a pot is 0-087* of a millieme. As each report is the mean of two single 
assays, the probable error of a single assay will be 0123 milliemes. 

Again, the probable error of coins used above is derived from 20 single 
assays of coins ; its mean is 0-0806 milliemes, thus the probable error of a 
single coin assay on the mean of all will be 0360 milliemes. This probable 
error is the probable error of a single assay combined with the probable 
error of a single coin as compared with the mass from which it is taken. 
The former has been found - 123 milliemes, hence the latter will be 0-139 
milliemes. 

Again, it is customary here to check the single assays of coins daily 
by a double assay of the melted mass resulting from 20 coins spoilt in 
the stamping presses. The probable error of each such report is combined 
of the probable error of the mean of 20 coins together with that of a double 

* I have assumed that 0-1 of a milliumc is a sufficient approximation in valuing 
the Theoretical fineness. 



1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 61 

assay, or is 0T16 millieme. The usual daily check is one such report from 
a melting and 10 from single assays of coins, and, as the prohable errors of 
these values are 0-116 and O'lld respectively, it is evident that they are 
practically of equal weight : when so taken the probable error of the mean 
fineness of a clay's work will be 0081 millieme. 

In receiving Bullion about seven separately assayed parcels make a lac 
(1,00,000) of Eupees in value. The probable error of an assay report has 
above been found to be 087 millieme and that of a lac (in value) of Bullion 
329 Rupees from assay only. The probable error of a lac of coinage is 
8"1 Eupees from its assay, which shows that even for this small daily 
outturn, the valuation is not sufficiently good ; and the uncertainty increases 
in proportion to the outturn, while that of the intake does not increase so 
fast. 

With 1 lac of outturn the probable error is 2 47 that of equal receipt 

2 „ „ 3 50 „ „ 

3 » » 427 „ „ 

4 „ „ 4-95 

In order that the assay valuations of receipt and outturn should be 
similar, the coinage should be only 63,600 Eupees daily. 

If these checks stood alone, it would be impossible for a Mint Master 
to feel any confidence in his work. And an assay establishment suffi- 
ciently large to value a heavy coinage thoroughly, and to make the 
necessary assays of single coins would be very expensive. The assays of 
pots are a very valuable test in a large coinage, especially when, as here, 
they are made nearly uniform in composition and thus check each other. 
In practice a coin beyond the legal remedy of two milliemes in fineness 
is almost unknown, but the law is now probably as exacting as it is 
possible to make it. 

I am very greatly indebted to Mr. Edis, who was acting as Assay Mas- 
ter of this Mint, for the attention and skill he gave to these assays, which 
were more in number than the amount of work ordinarily would have 
called for. The accuracy of his work is proved by the small probable 
errors. 



To obtain these data was the primary object of my experiments : incid- 
entally, however, the weighments which are made in passing the metal 
from hand to hand furnish some interesting information as to the general 
working of the Mint which I purpose here to place on record. 

The unit of weighment is a tolah (the weight of a standard rupee) of 
180 grains, which is here decimally divided : 8 tolahs are equivalent to 3 
ounces Troy ; the English Pound contains 38 - 88889 and the kilogram 
8573526 tolahs. And hence— 



02 



J. F. Tcnnant — Experiments 



[No. 1, 



1,00,000 Rupees should weigh 1,00,000 tolahs. 

„ 37,500 ounces Troy. 

2,571-4290 Pounds = 1-11796 Tons. 
„ 1,1663811 kilograms. 

The Melter receives his silver in hars and lumps, and also as scissel and 
rejected blanks and coins. The portions for each pot and its proportion 
of copper are separately delivered. His results are — 

1st. — Ingots which can be weighed as soon as cleaned. 

2nd. — Chippings from the bars and spillage which require to be clean- 
ed before weighment : usually next morning. 

3rd. — Ends of ingots and pieces cut off before delivery to the lamina- 
tor as not being fit for straps. 

4<th. — He has drosses and sweep which contain more or less silver 
and of which the value cannot be known till later. 

The following table shows the results obtained in this department from 
these experiments, as to which it must be noted, that while the metal is ac- 
curately weighed to the Melter, the future weighments are less accurate until 
it takes the form of coin, for it would be impossible to give the same time 
and care to weighments which are mere checks that are necessarily given 
to the more important ones ; or to use balances for them as delicate. 









Outturn. 






Mating 


Weight given 








Approximate 


No. 


to Melter. 




1 




Loss. 






Good Ingots. 


Heads and 

Pieces. 


Particles. 






Tolahs. 


Tolahs. 


Tolahs. 


Tolahs. 


Tolahs. 


89 


119,447-0 


118,908-8 





461-2 


770 


92 


125,148-0 


124,573-6 





505-4 


690 


93 


125,1210 


124,667-8 





357-5 


957 


94 


125,076-0 


124,557-8 





426-8 


91-4 


95 


125,090-0 


124,642-6 


40 


388-0 


65-4 


96 


125,1330 


124,676-8 


O 


387-4 


68-8 


97 


124,0233 


123,114-8 


1030 


754-5 


51-0 


98 


124,5300 


123,496-4 


531-0 


442-4 


60-2 


114 


125,4340 


124,691-2 


2800 


366-2 


96-6 


115 


125,9730 


125,4804 





423-9 


68-7 


Sums. 


1,244,975-3 


1,238,810-2 


9180 


4513-3 


733-8 


Percentage. 


99-50480 


0-07374 


0-30252 


0-05894. 



1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 63 

Hence it will be seen that about 4<i per cent, alone of the weight is 
unaccounted for at once, and that, after the particles are all recovered, the 
amount left in the drosses is about 6 parts in 10,000, and this includes the 
alloy burnt away. At the rate of 1^ per cent, on the free copper, the loss 
on that metal would have been 607*2 tolahs, leaving only 1266 tolahs 
or 0010169 per cent, of the value as a real loss, but what is shown above 
fairly represents the experience of some years as regards the net loss of 
weight by burning. 

"When passed by the test of assay, the ingots go to the Laminating 
Department, and from this time no trustworthy valuation can be made till 
the coin is ready for issue. In all the succeeding processes metal is lost by 
abrasion and by alloy being burnt in the annealing processes and removed in 
the pickling necessary to clean the surface of the silver for stamping. On 
the other hand, oil and grease from the machinery adhere to the surfaces and 
(till the blanks are cleaned) a small portion of oxide adheres and thus the 
weight is increased. 

It will be seen from the following table that the Laminators cut off 
and reject about 2 per cent, of the metal received, and that, very little 
weight being apparently lost, the outturn of good blanks is nearly 60 per 
cent, of the weight of ingots. Good blanks here of course meaning those 
which are perfect in form and ready to be tested as to their sufficiency in 
weight. When the whole sweeps have been refined and the silver in them re- 
covered, there is ordinarily a gain in the Laminating Department from the 
causes I have spoken of. It appears that in a mean of several years the result 
of crediting the recoveries of sweep &c, has been a small gain in weight 
in these Departments, amounting to 000003 of the amount. It is here that 
the effect of bad silver is mainly felt : when silver which is derived from orna- 
ments, and a few other sources, is used without being well refined, the floors 
of the laminating rooms are covered with spangles, causing of course 
a heavy loss, and the edges of the straps are ragged, so that the outturn 
of blanks is much less than the normal amount, while the weight of 
scissel is sensibly increased. 



64 



J. F. Tennant — Experiments 



[No. 1, 









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1879.] 



on Coining Silver into Rupees. 



65 



The blanks when cut out pass to an officer whom we call the Adjuster 
whose duties are very important. After being slightly cleaned the blanks 
are individually weighed in Automatic Machines, the light blanks are re- 
turned to the melting pot, while those that are too heavy have their weight 
reduced. This used to be done by hand, but we have recently made a 
machine which deals satisfactorily with about 1500 blanks an hour. As the 
farther processes of coining reduce the weight of the blanks, an allowance has 
to be made here for this reduction, and it is part of the adjuster's duty not only 
to keep his machines in order and see that each blank is within the remedy 
allowed, but further to check the weights of the bags (each containing 2000 
blanks) and see that each bag is within the much narrower limit laid 
down for his guidance, and that finally even then they are not all on one 
side so that the error would accumulate. 



Melting 


Tale of Blanks. 


Delivery to Milling Dept. 


No. 


Received. 


Heavy. 


Medium. 


Light. 


Tale. 


Weight. 


89 


69,662 


2,965 


63,933 


2,764 


66,000 


66,035-9 


92 


73,890 


2,617 


68,928 


2,345 


70,000 


70,042-5 


93 


74,124 


3,086 


68,790 


2,248 


70,000 


70,0450 


94 


73,906 


2,416 


69,283 


2,207 


70,000 


70,044-0 


95 


73,896 


2,009 


69,959 


1,928 


70,000 


70,044-6 


96 


74,056 


1,420 


71,277 


1,359 


72,000 


72,045-4 


97 


73,300 


3,143 


67,971 


2,186 


70,000 


70,044-1 


98 


72,684 


2,744 


68,232 


1,708 


70,000 


70,0441 


114 


73,024 


3,028 


67,783 


2,213 


70,000 


70,045-5 


115 


73,582 


1,430 


70,847 


1,305 


70,000 


70,045-5 


Sums. 


732,124 


24,858 


687,003 


20,263 


698,000 


698,436-6 


Perc< 


sntage. 


3-39533 


9383697 


2-76770 


1 



The proportion of light and heavy blanks beyond remedy is about 
what has now for many months been usual : the Tale of Blanks sent on is 
smaller in proportion, and I*have not thought the percentage worth giving. 
Of course it includes heavy blanks reduced, but only whole bags are sent 
on, and thus not only has the percentage sent on been smaller but it is 
more regular than usual : I believe too that the weight is inore regular. 

The experiments were not sufficiently extensive to show the working 
of the machine for reducing blanks, but the following data will show this 
and give a comparison with the old method of filing by hand. 

In December 1878, 283,6399 Tolahs of blanks were reduced 
by machine to 282,366-5 



Silver removed 



1,2734 



The recovery was 1243 - 4 Tolahs of particles worth 1173'61 Es., 
showing a loss of 2'356 per cent, in weight of particles 
and 7 '836 „ „ in value of the silver 



6G J. F. Tennant — 'Experiments 

In December 1877, 233,349-8 tolahs of blanks were reduced 
by filing to 232,049-4 



[No. 1, 



Silver removed 



1,300-4 



The recovery was 1223-7 tolabs of particles worth 1129-28 Rs., 

showing a loss of 5' 898 per cent, in weight of particles 
and 13-236 „ „ in value of silver. 

The accuracy with which a certain amount can be removed per bag has 
been increased and the cost greatly decreased, for one boy can attend on 
two machines reducing, if needed, 21,000 blanks a day, whereas this used to 
require ten men, and as so many were not always available, work often fell 
into arrears. 

I have now to trace the blanks through their last stages till they be- 
come rupees. 

The adjuster passes on the blanks to what is here called the Milling 
Department, but in the Royal Mint the work is called Marking. In this 
process, a few blanks are spoiled when the setting of the machines is 
defective. The final annealing and pickling come next, and the rupees 
lastly issue from the Stamping Press, only requiring examination before 
final issue. 

I have not thought it worth while to give here the separate results in 
the rooms devoted to these purposes severally. Defects in the Milling De- 
partment and those in the annealing sometimes pass till they are found out 
in the presses or in the final scrutiny. 





Blanks from Adjuster. 


Eupees fit for issue. 




Tale. 


Weight. 


Tale. 


Weight at rate of 
receipt. 


Weight after 
coinage. 






Tolahs. 




Tolahs. 


Tolahs. 


89 


66,000 


66,035-9 


64,832 




64,834-0 


92 


70,000 


70,042-5 


67,940 




67,943-9 


93 


70,000 


70,045-0 


68,956 




68,961-9 


94 


70,000 


70,044-0 


69,005 




69,007-8 


95 


70,000 


70,044-6 


67,910 




67,911-6 


96 


72,000 


72,045-4 


70,459 




70,458-6 


97 


70,000 


70,044-1 


67,738 




67,735-8 


98 


70,000 


70,044-1 


68,507 




68,506-6 


114 


70,000 


70,045-5 


68,058 




68,057-4 


115 


70,000 


70,045-5 


68,407 




68,411-6 


Sums. 


698,000 


698,436-6 


681,812 


682,223-4 


681,829-2 


Pert 


scntago of blanks. 


97-68080 ] 


joss of weight in wor 


k. 394-2 



1879.] on Coining Silver into Bupees. 67 

We have already seen that 591437 per cent, of the weight of ingots 
is converted into blanks. These were in tale 732,124, of which 687,003 were 
good and 24,858 heavy but capable of being reduced, or in all 711,861 capable 
of being coined, and we now find that of those sent on from the Adjusting 
Room 97'68080 per cent, become good Rupees. If then, all had been sent 
on we might have expected 695,351 good coins whose standard weight would 
be 56'131 per cent, of that of the ingots. 

Further, we find that 681,812 blanks as they leave the adjuster lose in 
after processes 3942 tolahs, or 70,956 grains, in weight. Thus the average 
loss on each is 0T0407* grains, and each blank leaving the adjuster 
should on an average weigh 180T0407 grains, and each bag of 2000 blanks 
2001156 tolahs. 

The general procedure of Minting has been unchanged for very many 
years, but, as the effects of the coining processes must vary with details of 
manipulation impossible to define exactly, I some time ago recognized 
that it was necessary to modify both the amount of additional alloy and the 
excess weight of the blank over the coin, and resolved to investigate the 
matter. 

I now offer these results to a wider circle than they were originally 
meant for, because I think that many will be interested in knowing the care 
that is taken to keep the coinage of India- to its standard value. I hope too 
that it may lead to the publication and circulation of similar results from 
other Mints and thus to advance in Minting. 



* This amount, like the y of the fineness (see note p. 60), varies \r.th manipulation 
and the quantities are dependent on each other. 



CONTENTS 

OF THE NATURAL HISTOBT PABT (PT. n.) OF THE 

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL FOR 1878. 



No. 1, (issued May 24th, 1878). Description o/Ruticilla schisticeps 
Hodgs. — By W. T. Blanfoed. Aberrant Dentition of Felis Tigris. — By 
R. Lydekkeb. Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam dur- 
ing 1877 — Communicated by Colonel R. H. Keatinge. Sixth List of 
Birds from the Sill Ranges of the North-East Frontier of India. — By 
Majoe H. H. Godwin- Austen. — An Account of the Tidal Observations in 
the Gulf of Outch, conducted by the Great Trigonometrical Survey under 
the superintendence of Colonel J. T. Walkee. Compiled from the 
G. T. Survey Reports by Capt. J. Watebhouse. 

No. 2, (issued July 10th, 1878). The Application of Photography to 
the Reproduction of Maps and Plans by Photo-mechanical and other pro- 
cesses. — By Capt. J. Watebhouse ; (with one Plate). 

No. '3, (issued Oct. 28th, 1878). Notes on some Reptilia from the 
Himalayas and Burma. — By W. T. Blanfoed. Notes on the Earthquake 
in the Punjab of March 2nd, 1878. — By A. B. Wynne. Notes on the 
Land and Fresh-water shells of Kashmir, more particularly of the Jhilum 
valley below Srinagar and the hills North of Jamu. — By W. Theobald. 
On some Mammals from Tenasserim. — By'W. T. Blanfoed, (with three 
plates). List of Hymenoptera obtained by Ossian Limboeg, east of Maul- 
main, Tenasserim Provinces, during the months of December 1876, Janu- 
ary, March, and April 1877, with descriptions of new species : — by F. 
Smith. Communicated by J. Wood-Mason. Preliminary Diagnoses of 
neio Coleopterous Insects belonging to the families Dytiscidae, Staphylinidae, 
and Scarabseidse, obtained by the late F. Stoliczka during the 2nd Mission 
to Yarkand under Sib Douglas Fobstth. — By D. Shabp. 

No. 4, (issued April 6th, 1879). Description of a new Lepidopterous 
Insect belonging to the genus Thaumantis. — By J. Wood-Mason. Great 
Snow-fall in Kashmir. — By R. Ltdekkee. Physiographical Notes on 
Tanjore (Tanja-icr). — By Lt-Col. B. R. Beanfill, Deputy Superintendent, 
Great Trigonometrical Branch, Survey of India. Communicated by Colonel 
J. T. Walkee. — On the proper relative Sectional Areas for Copper and 
Iron Lightning rods. — By R. S. Beough. Description of a New Homop- 
terous Bisect belonging to the Genus Cosmocarta. — By W. L. Distant. On 
the Indian Species of the Genus Erinaceus. — By J. Andebson. — Description 
of a supposed new Hedgehog from Muscat in Arabia. — By W. T. Blanfo ttJ - 
On Arvicola indica, Gray, and its relations to the Sub- Genus Nesoki? Wl ^"' 
a description of the species o/Nesokia. — By J. Andeeson. 



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ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 

Vol. XL VIII, Part II. No. II.— 1879. 

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CONTENTS. 



Page 

VII. — Note on the old Burmese route over PatJcai via Nongyang 
(viewed as the most feasible and direct route, from India to 
China). — By S. E. Peal, Esq., (with 2 maps and 2 plates), ... 69 
VIII. — On a new Standard of Light. — By Louis Schwendlee, 

(with plate), 83 

IX. — A second note on Mammalia collected by Major Bidduljph in 

Gilgit. — By"W. T. Blanford, p. e. s., &c, 95 

X. — A Description of some neio Species of Hydroid Zoophytes 
from the Indian Coasts and Seas. — By Surgeon J. Arm- 
strong, Marine Survey Department, (with 4 plates), 98 

XI. — Notes on the Formation of the Country passed through by the 
2nd Column Tal Chotiali Field Force during its march from 
Kala Abdullah Khan in the Khojah Pass to Lugdri Bdrkhdn. 
Spring of 1879. — By Lieut. R. C. Temple, 1st Qhoorkas, 

(with a map), 103 

XII. — Notes on a collection of Reptiles and Frogs from the neigh- 
borhood of Fllore and Dumagudem. — By W. T. Blanford, 

f. R. s., &c, 110 

XIII. — Preliminary Notice of a new Genus (Parectatosoma) of Thas- 
mld&from Madagascar, with brief Descriptions of its two Spe- 
cies. — By J. Wood-Mason, 117 



Just Published. 

HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF CEYLON. 

Part I. 
By Captain W. V. LEGGE, r. a., f. l. s. 

345 pages, Royal 4to., with 10 plates by Keulemans. To bf comple- 
ted in two more parts, price £2 each. In this work tbe geographical range, 
habits and nidification of each species is fully worked out. 

Intending subscribers should communicate with the author, wh 
address is Aberystwith, Wales. 




JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 



Part II.— PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 
No. II.— 1879. 



VII. — Note on the old Burmese route over Patkai via Xongyang (viewed 
as the most feasible and direct route, from India to China). — 7>'g 
S. E. Peal, Esq. 

(Keceived 12th March ; read 2nd April.) 
(With Plates IV, V, VI, and VII). 
Perhaps in no other part of the world can be found a parallel to the 
small and peculiar region immediately East of Assam, and that separates 
India from China. 

On each side of it we see a large Empire, numbering its people by 
hundreds of millions, densely located, and who have been for many centuries 
conspicuous for their industry and intelligence, and with records extending 
far into the past. 

Yet across this interval of some 200 miles only, we find little or no 
intercourse or trade. 

Undoubtedly towards the North and North-East, the difficulties of find- 
ing an outlet at any reasonable elevation are demonstrated. In most cases 
the routes must cross at least 10,000 feet or more, besides being proverbially 
difficult. 

Assam has never to our knowledge been entered by any large force 
from the North East, or due East, and the only invasions, (excepting those 
^up the valley from the west) have been over Patkai, by the Ahbms and 
"Burmese. 
9 



/ 



70 S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route [No. 2, 

The discovery of a good trade route between India and China, has 
long exercised many minds. Koutes via lower and upper Burma, to 
Yunan, have been of late years advocated and partially tried, but all 
present a consistent feature in the extreme difficulty of the country beyond 
a certain point. 

The experience of the Grosvenor Mission clearly confirms this, and 
indirectly points to the necessity of crossing the intervening valleys higher 
up — (the country between Momein and Yunan being reported extremely 
difficult). 

Keeping these facts in view, a few remarks regarding the old route 
out of Eastern Assam, via Patkai, and the possibility of a good trade route 
with western China, via the Sittang country to the Yang-tse-kiang, may 
be of some interest. 

Some years ago attention was directed to this route and endeavours 
made to induce Government to explore it. 

In 1868 Mr. F. A. Goodenoughof the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce 
submitted a report to Government for co-operation in the matter, urging 
that the time had come when such an expedition was advisable and likely 
to be a success. The local authorities, however, viewed the proposition 
with such marked coldness, that no action was taken in the matter. 

In 1868 Mr. H. L. Jenkins crossed the Patkai near the head waters 
of the Namrup river, discovering the Nongyang lake on the other side> 
but he was unable to proceed further that year.* 

In 1869 he again started in company with Mr.. A. J. Peal, and followed 
the track of the previous year, and passing the Nongyang lake, found no 
serious obstacles until they reached the first Singphii villages at Numyiing 
in the Hiikong valley,t where advance was prohibited by the chiefs. 

After fruitless attempts to overcome their opposition, the party was 
compelled to return to Assam, selecting the route by which Dr. Griffiths 
passed from Assam to Burma in 1837, and which is more to the west. 

By the route in, the line generally was both more circuitous and 
difficult. 

Kemarking on the latter Mr. Jenkins says, " It is much to be 
" regretted that Griffiths chanced to take this route, for it is doubtless 
" owing to his description, that a general impression has arisen that the 
" Patkai range is a formidable barrier erected by nature to prevent com- 
" munication between India and the countries lying to the East." 

Having been more carefully and recently described than the others, 

» See Proceedings A. S. B. 1869, page G7. 

f Sec Proceedings A. S. B. July 1870, page 230 ct seq. 



18V 9.] over Patkai via Nomjyang. 71 

" Griffith's route" has come to be taken as a type of the difficulties on this 
question, and has undoubtedly led many into error. 

Tracing the subject back, we find that in 1816 some 6,000 Burmese 
troops and 8,000 auxiliaries crossed Patkai into Assam, at the invitation 
of the Eaja (Chandrakant). 

Soon after, it is said, 30,000 followed under Keo Minghi, who re- 
turned to Ava in 1818, leaving about 2,000 men behind him in Assam. 

About 1821 Maha Thilawa, tbe Burmese general in Assam, was involved 
in disputes with us, anl in 1822 Menghi Maha Bandula led 18,000 men 
over Patkai and made Assam virtually a Burmese province. 

In 1824, war was declared by us, and the question of routes into 
Burma was eagerly discussed. Four were declared practicable, two by sea, 
and two by land, i. e., 
Land route, Calcutta to Ava via Assam, 1,433 miles and 170 days. 

„ „ „ Manipur, 1,052 „ „ 107 „ 

Sea route, „ „ via Aracan, 835 „ ,, 39 „ 

Eangiin, 1,446 „ „ 82 „ 

Of the land routes, it was settled that the line via Assam, and over 
Patkai was by far the best, but that via Kangun offering better transport 
for stores was ultimately adopted. 

In 1828, Lieut. Burnett reported on the route by which the Burmese 
had entered Assam, and it was no doubt on this that Pemberton relied in 
his " Beport on the N. E. frontier" in 1835. 

" The passage of the Patkai," he remarks, " is represented as easy 
" when compared to the seven or eight equally lofty ranges that must be 
" crossed between Cachar and the Munipuri valley." 

On all occasions Pemberton wrote in high terms of this pass, and, 
after his surveys on the Munipuri side, we may consider him one of the 
best authorities on the matter. 

Sir Ashley Eden has truly said that no man before, or since, has ever 
had such opportunities of collecting reliable information on the subject, 
and very few would, or could, make such good use of them. 

It was in 1837 that Dr. Griffiths, who was one of the Tea Commis- 
sioners, crossed from Assam to Ava. Yet though he started from Bisa, and 
passed Mainkwan, his route over that portion nowhere coincided with 
Pemberton's account of the old Burmese one. 

After leaving Bisa, in Assam, he took a considerable detour to the west, 
the reason for which is not I think to be found in his journal, but is 
attributable to the fact that along the old route villages were maintained, 
so that not only was the route itself always kept more open and in repair, 
but provisions obtainable all along. 



72 S. E. Peal— Note on the old Burmese route [No. 2, 

"Whether these villages were kept there hy the authorities or remained 
there of their own choice, and benefitted by the line of trade we cannot 
now say, but soon after the close of the Burmese war, they migrated 
westwards ; possibly the state of frontier anarchy that followed left them 
too often at the mercy of necessitous soldiery, to avoid whom they retreated 
to the higher ranges. 

On Griffiths' arrival, therefore, at Bisa, instead of pursuing the old route 
up the Namrup river, towards the Loglui basin, we find he made a sudden 
turn westward and passed through the " Morang Naga" country, crossing 
Patkai near Yugli at 5,000 feet elevation, and subsequent ranges at 3,500 
and again 5,100 feet, Nongyang lake being left fully 20 to 25 miles to the 
east. 

The old route, in fact, at that time had been abandoned — neither food 
nor transport could be got there — and he was compelled to go where these 
Avere obtainable ; the old path also by that time would have been covered by 
jungle and more or less impracticable. 

Properly speaking the name Patkai applies only to the highest ridges 
wherever they occur ; in few places are they continuous for any distance ; the 
water parting is often cut up into distinct groups of hills with many low 
places intervening, more especially towards the eastwards, where from the 
Nongyang lake, they sink lower and lower, to where Singphus assert they 
have crossed nearly on the level after Bhinoceros. 

It is in this neighbourhood that Mr. Jenkins and others consider it 
extremely likely that passes may be found at even less than 2,000 feet 
elevation, and it is evidently near here that the old route lay. The basins 
of the Namrup on the north and Loglai on the south, so closely approach 
each other from opposite sides, as to leave but one march between them 
from water to water. 

These two drainage basins, shewing as they do the lowest levels on 
each side to be in such close proximity, and where the soft strata is most 
rapidly denuded, naturally, indicate the lowest part of the range. 

Pemberton describes the old route as follows : 

" Bisa, which is the principal village and residence of the head of the 
" Singphu tribe of that name, stands about 10 miles from the gorge of the 
" defile through which the pass leads, and the first stage is to the Namrup 
" Nulla, on the banks of which good camping ground is found 16 miles 
" from Bisa. 

" Between the 1st and 2nd stages two hills are crossed, the Tontiik 
" and the Nunnun, neither of which present any difficulties that might not 
" be easily overcome. The Namrup flows between these hills, and the 
" Nunnun* falls into it a short distance from the second encampment ; 

* Namphuk, 



IS 79.] over Patkai via Nongyang. 73 

" there is but little jungle in the vicinity of the camping ground, which 
"has space for a tolerably large body of troops. 

" The distance of this stage is 12 miles. 

" The third stage, which extends from the Nunnun to the Kasi Nulla, 
" flowing at the northern foot of the Patkai hill, is about 7 miles. 

" After leaving the Nunnun and crossing a low hill, the Namrup is 
" again reached and its bed travelled over for 5 miles. 

" This portion of the route is the worst, as the bed of the nulla is 
" filled with large stones and rocks over which the traveller finds it diffi- 
" cult to make his way, but the Burmese appear to have avoided it 
" by cutting paths through the forest above. 

" From the Kasi Nulla to the summit of the Patkai central ridge, the 
" distance is about 4 miles, and the ascent is said to *be very precipitous, 
" but it is quite evident from the description given, and the manner in 
" which the Burmese travelled that there are no serious obstacles which 
" the judicious employment of a few pioneers would not readily overcome. 
" From the Kasi Nulla at the northern foot of the Patkai hill across to 
" the Loglai the first nulla met with on its southern declivity is one long 
" march, and there is said to be a very inadequate supply of water between 
" these two streams. 

" From the Loglai to old Bisagaun, the original site of the Singphu 
" tribe, not far from the gorge of the pass on the southern or Burmese 
" side, there are six marches none of which are either very long or diffi- 
" cult." 

In the above quotation from Pemberton it is noteworthy that the 
first two, if not three, marches coincide with the route taken by Mr. 
Jenkins via the Nongyang lake in 1869. 

Both follow the Namrup for some distance and then leave it Avhere 
the river makes a long detour to the east, and near to the village of 
Namphuk, and thence crossing some low hills, descend again to the river, 
thus cutting off a large bend. 

After this, even, it is evident that the routes coincide, and where they 
diverged it is not now easy to find. 

It is extremely probable that the old Burmese route that Pemberton 
describes, lay a little to the east, for though Mr. Jenkins states they could 
have crossed the ridge some 500 or 600 feet lower, by keeping more ivest, 
yet the ranges to the eastwards are generally still lower. 

From the foregoing it is obvious that the old route held longer to the 
basin of the Namrup, and debouched on the Loglai higher up, thus escaping 
Digum Bum ; the two routes, however, are near each other, and fairly direct, 
which Griffiths' was not, but it is only by a careful study of the locality 



74 S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route [No. 2, 

that the best «ite could be found, all is now forest, and the route line will 
have to be re-discovered ; there can however be little doubt that it crossed 
Patkai close to this point, and probably at less than 2,500 feet above the 
sea level, and say 2,000 feet on the spot. 

The approaches to Patkai at the part indicated, present no insuperable 
difficulties on cither side ; undoubtedly a strip of hilly country extends for 
some distance north and south, parallel to the main range or ranges, but 
the country on the northern flank consists of tolerably low hills and rolling 
land, and on the other side, it seems to be repeated between Digumpani 
and the Turong. 

The paths on that side, in fact, are now confined mainly to stream-beds 
between which they cross low spurs ; the latter is characteristic of the 
route between Loglai and Namyung, where it goes by the Kaisu, Namlip, 
Yungsiim, and Yungmoi, to the village of Niimyiing in the Hukong, or 
Dinoi, valley. 

It is unfortunate that ever since our taking possession of Assam most 
works that allude to routes between India and China, treat the passage of 
these ranges as an almost insuperable obstacle. 

Excepting by Pemberton, and latterly Mr. H. L. Jenkins, it is generally 
looked on as a subject hardly worth discussion, or investigation. 

It is taken for granted that there is no good, or even fair, route from 
Assam via Hukong to the Shan States, and that the Patkai is simply an 
impassable .barrier, whereas the truth is that the more the matter is investi- 
gated the more likely it appears that this old route will turn out to be not 
only the best, but perhaps the only available trade-route out of upper 
Assam, by which we can get anywhere East. 

From the summit of Patkai, near where the old route crossed, the 
view south-west is across a rather large triangular valley having a sheet of 
water in it called " Nongyang" several miles long, and a wooded island 
towards the eastern extremity. The " Nongyang Biver" falls in from the 
west after a course of 12 or 14 miles, mainly between two high and contin- 
uous ridges, each called Patkai, that were crossed by Drs. Griffiths and 
Bayfield, and which river has generally been considered the boundary between 
Assam and Burma at this part. After passing through the lake the river 
flows out east into the Loglai, or Laklai, going south and east to the 
Turong. 

On the south, Digam Bum rises very conspicuously beyond the 
Nongyangpani ; it is probably not less than 3,000 to 4,000 feet high, the 
surrounding hills north and south being 2,000 to 3,000, with water-courses 
and passes at perhaps 1,000 feet above the sea level. 

Beyond Digam Bum lie the first Singphu villages in the Hukong 



1879.] over Patlcai via Nongyang. 75 

valley, the nearest being Numyiing, situated on a river of the same name 
that rises far to the west, south of Patkai and nearly opposite the Tirap 
valley (of the northern slope). 

The name of this river has been so variously rendered as to make its 
recognition at times difficult ; we find it as the Ramyoom, Kamyoom, Kam- 
miroan, Nam-ma-ron, and Namyung, the latter no doubt most correct. 
After passing the village it flows S. E. and falls into the Turong. From 
Namyung there is constant intercourse with the south, west, and east, 
over an undulating but not difficult country. Traders generally pass it en 
route for Assam. 

It is extremely significant that the name " Patkai" (which is an 
abbreviation of Pat kai seng kan*) originated on the pass at the part 
above indicated, in consequence of an oath there ratified between the Ahom 
Raja " Chudangpha"f on the north side, with Surunphai, the Nora Raja of 
the south side, whereby each bound themselves to respect the Nongyang- 
pani as the boundary, and that between them, ere separating, they erected 
two sculptured monuments, as memorials of the treaty on each bank of the 
river. 

Previous to this period the range there was called " Doikaurang" 
Doi = Mountain, Kau = 9, and rang = united, namely the place of " nine 
united hills," or where nine ranges converge, which latter singularly 
confirms all we know of the place already. 

At the site in question, but one range is crossed from water to water, 
whereas to the west, at least 8 or 9 conspicuous ridges must be crossed ere 
the plains are reached beyond. 

The name " Doikaurang" was bestowed by the first Ahom Raja 
" Chukhapha," when passing from Nora, or Pong, to take Assam in 1228 
A. D. 

It seems clearly demonstrated by this time, that there are no trade 
routes to be expected via the " Brahmakund," the " Daphapaui," or " No 
Dehing" valleys, and nothing intermediate is j:>ossible. 

The sufferings of Lieut. Wilcox and his party in 1827-8 during his 
attempts to penetrate eastwards are sufficient to deter any re-surveys of 
those routes for such a purpose. 

The Mishmi hills to the north again, or the Abor country, are equally 
uninviting, nor are lines of traffic more likely through the Daphla hills, except 
by cattle, and over passes that on the north, as on the east, are not less than 
10,000 feet, if as low. 

* Pat ■= cut, Kai = fowls, Seng = oath, Kan = taken. 

t Chudangplia's ambassador was the Bor Gohain Tiatanbing, and that of the 
Nora Eaja, Tasinpou, date 1399-40 A. D. 



7G S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route [No. 2, 

To the south-east, even if a littio too far south, must we turn, if 
anything approaching a trade route out of Assam is to be found, and at 
or near the old Burmese route, we at once get one that is remarkably easy 
and that with , comparatively little outlay would be suitable for wheel 
traffic. 

The station of Gauhati on the Brahmaputra, is now connected by a 
fine carriage road to the Shillong plateau, which rises to between 5,000 
and 6,000 feet, the last 3,000 feet of which is in a distance of only 12 
miles. 

The difficulties of crossing Patkai are, at least, less than half of those 
met with on such a road, and that we can easily overcome them we have 
demonstrated. 

Having glanced at the position of the route via Nongyang, it may 
be well to indicate those of several others, leading from upper Assam into 
before noted, the valley of Hukong. 

There is a route through the Naga hills west of the Tirap river, and east 
of the Disang, that enters at the Namsang Nadi, a tributary of the Dihing, 
and not far south of Jaipur. This line after traversing the bed of the 
Namsang for some distance crosses the Patkai by the Takum pass, (say 
5,000 feet) and thence follows the Namyung till it joins Griffiths' route 
(the latter is often called the Tirap route). 

A second entrance to this same Takum route is from Borhat on the 
Disang river ; the water-shed about here, though, rises to 6,000 and 7,000 
feet and is a more continuous ridge. 

The late Colonel Hannay advocated a line via Bhitor Namsang on the 
Tankak river in the Sibsagar district, passing through the Naga villages of 
Sangloi, Sangsa, Sangba, Langia (or Longra), Horu Khet, and Chotagaon 
to Singolani, the latter situated on the Dinoi some ±5 miles north and 30 
west of Munghhong, and near the western extremity of the valley of 
Hukong. This line presents no very serious obstacles and is much used. 

Another route has been proposed entering the Dhansiri valley, passing 
Samaguting, and thence via Phre re ma, Gopsi ma, Dibu ma, Teseshu ma, 
Tajoga ma, Kaza ma, Jessa ma, Kochapa ma, and lastly Teuchu ma on the 
Dinoi. 

This, however, is over a long line of hilly country and ends far to the 
west in the valley of Hukong, and from whence any road east must cross 
the whole line of northern drainage, whereas the endeavour should be to 
keep in the level plains of Assam as long as possible, having in view the 
facilities on the southern side, and also to penetrate the mountain barrier 
where not only lowest but narrowest. 

Once the plains of Hukong are reached, say nearNumpbin or old BU\, 



1879.] over Patlcai via Nongyang. 77 

on the Turong, the line would keep north of the Dinoi Biver, crossing a 
country covered by open undulating grass plains, whence via the low Kako 
hills it could join the trade route to Mungla east of the Irawadi. 

The Shuemai, or Phungmai Kha, on which this town is situated, is 
generally believed now to be the main stream of the Irawadi and flows 
from the N. E. through a large plain or valley called the Sittang country. 
There can be little doubt but that Dr. J. Anderson* is correct in supposing 
that this river has its rise in Eastern Tibet. 

It is hardly necessary to remark that a route over Patkai to Upper 
Burma alone, is not pressingly required ; what is really in demand (and will 
continue in demand until solved) is a good route joining India with China. 

The advocates of a route to Western China may be divided into three 
parties : 1st, those who would start eastwards almost at once from near 
Rangun, and may be called the "Marine" party: 2nd, The far more legiti- 
mate one that advocates a line through Burma to the upper provinces, ere 
starting east, so as to gain not only the China trade but benefit Burma 
itself by a good line of internal communication ; these would be the " Bur- 
mese" party : 3rdly, There is a large party both in India and England, if 
not also in China, who are in favour of a more direct line between India 
and China if it were possible, even if it had to pass via the Hukong valley, 
and across the northern extremity of Upper Burma, towards Talifu and the 
Yang-tse-kiang. 

These three parties are, so far, distinct, if not actually in opposition 
to one another, but the question is becoming gradually much simplified. 
The Marine (or Manchester party) now that India can, and will, beat 
Manchester in the cotton trade, is certain to die a natural death ; a trade 
route with China via the mouth of the Irawadi is not in demand, so that 
only the Burmese and Indo-Chinese parties remain. These should really 
not be found in opposition at all, if the Patkai route is possible ; on the 
contrary, their interests are almost identical ; a junction on the upper 
Irawadi would benefit both. 

To imagine that the trade to England from western China, would go 
by the valley of Assam, while the Irawadi was open, would be absurd. It 
would be equally so to expect the Indian trade to go via the Irawadi ; each 
would take what legitimately belonged to it ; indeed, without combination 
between these two parties it does not seem likely that a route to Western 
China will ever be possible. There is actually no reasonable ground why 
either should oppose that combination, while there is everything to gain 
by union. 

The immediate future of Burma it is not difficult to forecast, and with 
* Journ. Royal Geog. Soc. Vol XL, 1870, p. 286. 
10 



78 S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route. [No. 2, 

such an object in view, as a route joining the two largest empires of 
the East, it behoves us to look ahead. 

The difficulties in connexion with a good trade route from India to 
China via Patkai and upper Burma are not physical ones, as has hitherto 
been supposed ; the only real obstacles are political ones, which would 
vanish, the moment Chinese and Burmese jealousy was overcome. 

The obstacles to trade, in fact, are all confined to one tribe or race, 
the Singphus or Kakhyens, who inhabit the hills between Assam, Burma, 
and China, and by a state of tolerated anarchy, effectually prevent peaceful 
intercourse. 

Until some central authority is recognized, and joint action taken, it 
is not easy to make head against these turbulent clans ; an alliance for their 
suppression, would at once solve the Indo-Chinese route question, via 
Assam.* 

Appetoix. 

The following few extracts from the diary of Mr. A. J. Peal serve 
to corroborate the remarks made by Pemberton before quoted, as to the 
line of route. 

" December Gth, 1869. We had great difficulty to get the men to 
start, and were not off till noon, crossing soon after a couple of low hills, 
due south of the village (of Namphuk), we struck the Namrup again and 
eventually camped 3 or 4 miles up its bed. 

" 7th. Continued up the bed of Namrup, and subsequently the Nam- 
bong, camping at mouth of the Nanki. 

" 8th. Marched up the bed of the Nanki after boiling water at 2 Ll|° 
thermometer at 50°, and commenced the ascent of " Patkai" at 1P30 a. m. 
reaching the summit at 2 p. m., after a hard climb. Boiled water on the 
top at a temperature of 208°, thermometer 66°. We camped at the first 
water on the southern slope at about 400 feet down, and had a fine view 
of the Nongyang lake and also the Brahmaputra. 

" 9th. We boiled water ere starting at 208|°, thermometer at 55°, 
descended pretty easily and rested at the ford of the Nongyang river at 
11 o'clock, route E. S. E. Subsequently crossed a spur of Digam Bum 
nearly as high as Patkai, camping at a small stream half way down the 
other side, course S. E. and tortuous, say 14 miles. 

" 10th. Started about 9 a. M. and by 1030 reached the Digampani, 
crossing and re-crossing several times, and after ascending a low ridge came 
suddenly on the Loglai (or Loklae Kha) of which we had a fine view. 

* The greater portion of tliis note was written in 1872. 



1879.] over Patkai via Nongycmg. 79 

The bed some 80 or 100 feet below was say 100 yards wide, composed 
mainly of slaty rock, and with long rapids. 

" 11th. Marched down the bed of the Loglai, which being composed of 
boulders was very fatiguing, we passed some fine rapids, and camped at the 
mouth of the " Kaisu," having only done about 8 miles. We found no 
dew south of Patkai at night. 

" 12th. We ascended the bed of the Kaisu and crossing " Kasukii," 
(or hill) struck the Namlip, after going down which for some 6 miles, 
camped at the mouth of the Yungsum, a small stream. 

" 13th. From the Yungsum we crossed a low ridge to the Yungmoi 
and followed it out to the Namyung river, which we reached at 4 p. ar., 
finding it about 80 yards wide and flowing over shingle. Men at once 
started on to the Nurnyung village for food. J. brought back rice, fish, 
&c. 

" 14th. Reached Nurnyung village in half an hour after breakfast, 
finding a nice open place and rice lauds, and were very hospitably re- 
ceived." 

The party were here met by messengers from the chief of the Dinoi 
villages prohibiting an advance. While waiting result of a friendly message 
in return, many traders passed, with daus, amber, &c, for Assam ; others 
again came in from Assam, and from the Naga hills west ; a great deal of 
information was gained from five men who had come from near the Irawadi, 
due east, they said a great many Chinese passed through their villages to and 
fro, trading with Hukong, so much so that both they, their wives and even 
children, could understand Chinese. 

The extracts relating to the return journey also completely corroborate 
what was already known as to the difficulties of the Tirap or Griffiths' 
route, by which the party returned. 

" 26th December. Started at 10 a. m. back, after some trouble with 
the carriers who refused to take the loads by that route, through the Naga 
hills. He reached the mouth of the Chilly (Tsili) about 4 P. M. after a 
march of 15 miles. 

" 27th. This day we arrived at the first Mosang Naga villages ; distance 
10 or 12 miles. 

" 28th. Passed through several Mosang Naga villages and camped in 
one with 60 houses at 1,500 feet elevation. 

" 29th. After starting, we ascended a very high hill or range (Gedak 
Bum, say over 5,000 feet) and then down some 500 feet to a Naga village 
on a spur, surrounded by other villages not far off. They have a fine 
breed of cattle, and a peculiar hairy little dog like a terrier. 

" 30th. To-day crossed another high ridge, and camped some 300 feet 



80 



S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route. 



[No. 



down it on the other side, at the first water, it was Patkai. Pound it 
very hard work, as the southern faces of the ranges are either open cultiva- 
tion, or deserted jhums, destitute of shade, the path in many places almost 
perpendicular. 

" 31st. Again over a ridge of Patkai ; water boiled at 203°, and we 
started down to the valley of the Namtsik, where we camped. 

" January 1st, 1870. Crossed another high range, over 3,000 feet, 
crossed a stream, ascending again to Yugli at 3,000 feet or more, from whence 
we had a fine view of the Tirap valley, and Rangatu rising beyond it to over 
3,500 feet, the peak about 4,500. 

" 2nd. We came down from Yugli to the Tirap river, rising again to 
3,500 feet over Rangatu, thence along a ridge passed Eangnam, and down 
to the river Ti keng, thence up to Kongtam 2,000 feet and via Wado to 
Tirap Miik on the Dihing river." 



JElevation of some of the 



" Passes" north of India, Nipal and Assam, also 
of some in Tibet* 

feet above the sea. 



Chang chenmo, (Lon. 79°, Lat. 34° 30') 


.. 19,000 


Cho morang la, (Tibet) ... ... ... 


.. 18,760 


Cho la, (Sikim Chumbi) ... 


.. 15,000 


Donkia, (Sikim Tibet) 


.. 18,466 


Ga la, (Nipal) „ 


.. 16,700 


Gua tina la, (Sikim Chumbi) 


.. 14,000 


Jelep la, (Sikim Chumbi) 


.. 13,000 


Kongra lama, (Sikim Tibet) 


.. 15,740 


Kambala, „ „ 




Khalamba la, (Tibet) 


.. 17,200 


Lagulung la, „ 


.. 16,000 


Mariamla, „ 


.. 15,500 


Nilam, (Nipal Tibet) 


.. 16,623 


Nola, 


.. 16,720 


Photula, (To Tibet) 


.. 15,080 


Tiptala, (Sikim) 




Taklakhar, (Nipal Tibet) ... 


• ■ • 


Taukra la, (Sikim) „ 


.. 16,083 


Walung chung, (East Nipal and Tibet) 


.. 10,385 


Yakla, (Sikim Chumbi) ... 


.. 14,000 


Tulalah, (Bhutan) 


.. 10,000 



* These are not selected passes, on account of their altitudes, hut are thoso host 
known at the moment of writing. 

The avcrago height is 15,458 feet. 



1879.] 



over Patlcai via Nongyctng. 



81 



Dr. Griffiths' route. 

Extracts from Dr. Griffiths' notes regarding the route over Patkai, 

starting from the Diking Hiver. 



Date. 



Feby. 



March 



19th, 

21st, 
22nd, 
23rd, 

24th, 
25th, 
3rd, 



4th, 

5th, 
13th, 

14th, 
15th, 



16th, 
17th, 
18th, 



Direct. 



Eleva- 
tion. 



S.W. 



S.S.E. 

S.S.E. 
S.S.E. 
S.S.E. 



E.S.E. 

E.S.E. 
E.S.E. 

E. by S. 
E. by S. 



S. 



E.S.E. 

N.N.E. 

E. 
S.S.E. 

s.w. 



1,029 



1,029 
1,413 



3,026 
5,000 



2,138 



5,516 



3270 



crossed Tirap several times and along 

difficult places, 
winding difficult path : camped on Tirap. 
route difficult, 
out of Tirap, crossed high ridge 2,500 

feet down to Namtsik. 
marched up the bed of Namtsik. 
ascended ridge to 3,500 feet, 
started up Patkai 1,500 feet above 

camp, down to boundary (i. e. 

Nongyang). 
fatiguing march, (perhaps down Nong- 
yang)- 
met Dr. Bayfield, 
down Nam ma roan, (i. e. Namyung) 

passed village. 
Do. Do. 
ascended some hours to 5,576 feet, to 

Natkaw and Kusi. 

camped at 5,516 feet elevation, 
descended considerably, camped on 

Gedak bum (path over 5,000 feet), 
descended Gedak to Namtsik. 



Route circuitous, heavy jungles to 
Namtsik and Turong Rivers. 
22nd 13 S.S.E. 1,340 Shelling Khat and Kulyung. 
23rd 10 S.W. to Lamun and Tsilone River B. Dinoi 

River 300 yards across. 
24th 17 I 1,064 to Mainkwon. 

The above has been collated, and names where wrong spelt, altered. 

Pehberton's report of Route from Bisa. 
Probably from Lieut. Burnett's report, March 1828. 



Stages 



Miles 



1st, 

2nd, 

3rd, 

4th, 
5th to 11th 
12th to 20th 



16 
12 

11? 



Bisa, 10 miles to the gorge and thence to Namrup River. 

Namrup, over 2 hills, camped at Nunnun. 

Nunnun, to Namrup again, and on to the Khassia, or 

Khasi. 
Khasi to summit Patkai, 4 miles, down to Loglai. 
Loglai to old Bisa, 6 days. 
Bisa to Magaung 8 marches. 



82 



S. E. Peal — Note on the old Burmese route. 



[No. 2, 



Mogong or M'gaung is the Mong maorong of the Shans, and on the 
Mogong river, that falls into the Irawadi. 

The first eleven stages are nearly identical with Dr. Griffiths' route. 
Route from Tirop to Hukong (Mainkwan) by Mr. H. L. Jenkins. 



Stages 


Assam to Hukong. 


an 


1 Hukong to Bamo. 


1. 


Terap muk to Kongtam. 


A. 


Hukong to Jambu hill. 


2. 


Kongtam „ Youngbhi. 


B. 


To Lebong village on the Nun- 


3. 


Yungbhi „ Yugli. 


C. 


kung. 
Down it to Namsang muk. 


4. 


Yugli over Patkai. 


1). 


Do. 


5. 


Patkoi to Mosang Naga village. 


E 


Land march to Santok hill. 


6. 


Naga village to Johanghai. 


P. 


To Nunhang River. 


7. 


Johanghai to Wada pani. 


G. 


Down Do. 


8. 


Wada pani to Gedak Bum. 


H. 


Do. to Benauko Singphu vil- 
lage. 


9. 


Gedak Bum to Disang River. 


I. 


Melankha, on Urup. 


10. 


Thence to Sumbogan, Singphu 
village. 


J. 


To small stream ; long march. 


11. 


Thence to Hukong short march. 


K. 


To Bamo, a long march. 


Eleven stages to Hukong. 


Eleven stages to Bamo. 



Extract from Assam Boumji relating to Patkai. 
(History of the Kings of Assam, p. 13 .) 

j\z^m ^W? *Ft*T?r 3jt3tt few ^T cstr^ *Tft ot ^fn^itre tjc?ji 

■€^'?^^ ^^ts? *fTfrC3 ST3 CST^T?, <4Z\ ^f<TTC<f.1 <$lf[ W3 fh<[ 

Tf^i %ra fmtt ^Wm i ^ 4vm$ ^ <£&, ^ f?Tcr, vii-it^ ^rcw » 

^ fe^ «fTf%?, ^11^ ^r? f^Tsri ^f? c?Btws <rrft c^tc^i ^T^trf ^t^sti 
<$f$^ m*tr$ \ 4% ?s«c*f f^tftfi* ^f? fjTsri *tti% ^vzst ^r^ ^rc? * 

StSJ I *ffl>^t? *F#33> 53>1*F1 3"©1 CWS-^^5T CffJ^ ^51 ^T^Tl) ^?3>T^?5y 
|f^f^C^f l ST^ ^tf 4?, \fr? *t#3 ^T^ S> T>1, ?T5?Ctfri> C-*Tt?1 I *fTt? 4"? 

f*ral 35?T<r *t?rl *rnN>it cssf^tt ^facst ; ^tb^ cs^st *fiT>$T? ntsrcs 
®t%i?j i £ *rnMsit c55?^tJT?r <si9f 4 1 ?, *tn> s>lfi>, ^s^f ?n, a>vrs?M3, 



S. E. PEAL. Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XL VIII, Part II, 1879. 



Kongtam 


2,000 


Tikeng 


500 


Rangatu 


3,500 


Tirap 


800 


Yugli 


4,000 


Tiling 


1.500 



Patkai 



Patkai 



5,170 



5,180 



Numyung Vill to \™ 



Ridge 



Kusi R. 
Namtuga 

Gedak 



Lon Kraw R, 



Nam Tawa 



Namtsik 



{* 



576 
516 



4,000 
5,000 



1,000 



g Patkai 2,140 
NONGYANG R&L 



Digum 2,100 



PLATE VI. 



Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, August 1879. 



3. E. PEAL.— Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part II, 1879. 



PLATE VII. 



S5\\ ou id- 

Iron, tipped 




S. B. Peal, del. 



Z&icogcaphed at tiie Survivor Graernl'a Office Calcutta 



1879.] L. Schwendler — On a new Standard of Light. 83 



VIII. — On a new Standard of Light. — By Louis ScnwE^DLEB. 
(With Plate VIII.) 

No exact measurement of any quantity, even with the most accurate 
and sensitive Test-methods available, can reasonably be expected unless the 
standard by which the unknown quantity is to be gauged is perfectly con- 
stant in itself ; or, if nature does not permit of such a desirable state of 
things, the causes to which the variation of the standard are due, should be 
known, and in addition also their quantitative effect on the standard, in 
order to be able to introduce a correction whenever accuracy of measure- 
ment should permit and circumstances necessitate it. 

This requirement for a standard necessarily entails on the one hand a 
knowledge of the relations which exist between the standard and the causes 
of its variation, and on the other hand the possibility of an accurate and 
independent measurement of these causes. 

Further, having no constant standard, it is impossible to produce two 
quantities of the same kind bearing a fixed and known ratio to each other. 
Consequently, no idea can be formed of the accuracy of the test-method 
adopted, and if such is impossible we are also unable to improve the test- 
method in itself, i. e., with respect both to accuracy and sensitiveness. 

The inconstancy of a standard acts, therefore, perniciously in two direc- 
tions : it prevents us from being able to execute accurate measurements 
even with the most accurate and sensitive test-methods, supposing such are 
available ; and further leaves us in that deplorable condition of not being 
able to improve the test-method, although we may be convinced that the 
method of testing requires such improvement. 

It may be safely asserted that in any of the branches of the physical 
sciences, where constant standards do not exist, the progress in accurate 
knowledge of nature must be slow, if not impossible. 

This train of thought will, I think, invariably beset the physicist who 
endeavours to make Photometric measurements. 

Recent experiments on the value of the electric light as compared with 
the ordinary means of illumination,* called my attention forcibly to this 
point. 

* These experiments I had to institute on behalf of the Board of Directors of the 
East Indian Kailway Company, under orders of the Secretary of State for India, to 
enquire into the feasibility and practicability of lighting- up Indian Kailway Stations 
by the Electric Light. 



84 L. Schwendler — On a neto Standard of Light. [No. 2, 

Old Standards for Light Measurements. — Up to the present in England 
the Standard Candle* has been adopted as the standard of light, the 
unit of light being defined as that light which the said candle emits 
when burning steadily at a certain definite rate. In France the Carcel 
Burner (Bee Carcel) has been introduced as the standard of light. 
The unit of light in this case being defined as that light which emanates 
from a good moderator lamp burning pure colza oil, at a given definite 
rate. The ratio of these two arbitrary units, is given by several authorities 
very differently, the mean value being about : — 

10 Standard Candles = 1 Carcel Burner. 

These two standards of light, although answering perhaps certain 
practical requirements, are by their nature ill-adapted to form the units of 
light intensities. A good and trustworthy standard should possess absolute 
constancy, or if not, should afford the possibility of application of a correc- 
tion for the variation and, moreover, should be capable of accurate repro- 
duction. These qualifications are certainly not possessed by the standards 
at present in use- 

A candle of whatever compound and size will partake of something of 
the nature of a complex body, an accurate reproduction of which must 
always be a matter of great difficulty. Exactly the same holds good for the 
Carcel Burner. 

Further the amount of light these standards produce, depends to a 
very considerable extent on external influences, which do not allow of easy 
control or measurement, and which therefore cause variations in the stan- 
dard light for which it becomes impossible to introduce a correction. For 
instance, the rate and regularity with which a candle burns and the amount 
of light it gives, depend, in addition to the material of which the candle 
consists, on the ready and regular access of oxygen. In a closed up place, 
like the box of a photometer, if the draught is not well regulated or the 
supply of fresh air not quite constant, it can be easily observed that the 
very same candle may emit light at different times varying as much as 
50 per cent. Another difficulty is introduced by the variation of the length 
of the wick, and of the candle itself, by which the standard light necessarily 
alters its position in the photometer and consequently its quantitative 

* The Metropolitan Gas Act 1860 (23 and 24 Vict. Cap. 125, Sec. XXV) defines 
the standard candle as : — 

" Sperm candles of 6 to the pound each hurning 120 grains an hour." I have tried 
the standard candles as made by two different manufacturers, Messrs. Field and Co. and 
Mr. Sugg. These candles are sold as six to the pound, and consume according to my 
own experiments about 8.26 Gin per hour when placed in a large room and direct 
draughts excluded. 



:-:J:'J 



m 




n ., 1 








* ? _[ -« 'j 



i^h 



M -1 




1S79.] L. Schwendler — On a new Standard of Light. 85 

effect on a given point. These difficulties might be overcome to a certain, 
extent by mechanical means ; as, for instance, by cutting the wick automa- 
tically within equal and sbort intervals of time, and by placing the candle 
in a closely fitting metal-tube, against the top rim of which a spring presses 
the burning candle, in fact a similar construction to that used for carriage 
candles. But to say the least, all such arrangements are cumbersome. With- 
out going into further details with reference to the Carcel Burner, it may be 
said that the disadvantages of this standard are at least equally great. In 
fact it appeared to me that the production of a standard light by combus- 
tion is not the right method ; the flame resembles too much organic life 
with its complex and incessantly varying nature. Gauging mechanical 
force by the power a particular horse of a certain breed is able to exert, 
can scarcely be called a less scientific standard, than the combustion stan- 
dard for measuring light. Under these circumstances, I thought it best 
to leave the old track, and produce the standard of light, by the heating 
effect a constant current has, in passing through a conductor of given mass 
and dimensions.* 

New Standard of Light. — Several Platinum Photometric Standards 
were made and tried. If the current passing through the platinum was 
kept constant, the light produced was also constant, and for the same cur- 
rent and the same platinum standard, the light was always of the same 
intensity, under whatever other circumstances the experiments were con- 
ducted. 

Platinum evidently is the best metal which can be chosen, for it does 
not change in contact with oxygen ; it can be procured very pure and its 
melting point is high enough to allow an intense light. 

It is probable that at a high temperature platinum becomes volatilized, 
but this process can only be exceedingly slow, and therefore the light pro- 
duced by a standard, cannot alter perceptibly in time. To make the light 
constant from the moment the current passes, i. e., to establish dynamic 

* The idea of using the light produced by a conductor through which a strong 
current passes, as the unit of light, appeared to me so natural and simple, that I 
could scarcely understand why it had not been proposed and acted upon before. 

I could however find nothing on the subject anywhere, until lately my attention 
was called to a small pamphlet written by Zollner in 1859 in which the same idea 
occurs : 

In the preface to his Inaugural Dissertation, Zollner says : — 

" andererseits aber auch zu zeigen, dass ein galvanisch gliihender Platindraht von 
" den bis jetzt bekannten Lichtquellen zur Aufstcllung einer photometrischen Ein- 
" heit, trotz mancher practischer Sohwierigkeiten, vielleicht dcnnoch das geeignetste 
" Mittcl sei." * 

I have since learnt that Dr.HDraper, as early as 1844, proposed a "unit lamp" 
consisting of a platinum strip heated by an electric current. 
11 



I 



SG L. Sehwcndler — On a new Standard of Liglit. [No. 2, 

equilibrium between the beat produced and the beat lost per unit of time, 
it is necessary to make the arrangement in such a manner, that tbe electric 
resistance offered by the standard is only in the piece of platinum, intended 
to be made hot by the current, and not in the otber parts of the circuit. 

For this reason I find it best to cut the piece of platinum out of a 
jflatinmn sheet. 

Figure 1, Plate VIII gives the form in actual size. The two ears, left 
white in the drawing, may then conveniently form the electrodes between the 
leading wires and the piece of U-shaped platinum which has to produce the 
light. As the U-shaped portion is left in its natural connection with the 
ears, the contact takes place over a large surface, and therefore the contact 
resistance must be small. This special form, if the dimensions are defined as 
well as the weight of the platinum sheet, out of which it is cut, can be easily 
reproduced anywhere. Further it is required to exclude the draught from 
the heated platinum. This is best done by putting on a cover of thin white 
glass. One half of it is left white, the other half is blackened on the inside. 
This precaution is required in order to insure that light emanating from 
one side only of the platinum is used in the photometer. 

Otherwise light from the back part of the heated platinum, would be 
reflected into the photometer. This part is unknown and could there- 
fore not be taken into account when measuring the light emanating from 
one side of another light. In fact to be able to form right conclusions 
from Photometric measurements, it is necessary to arrange the experiment 
in such a manner that either the two lights under comparison throw 
the same fraction of the total light into the Photometer, or if this is 
impossible, to ascertain this proportion accurately. 

The Platinum Standard light (PSL), described before, we will call in 
future A. Sending a current of 6.15 webers through it (15° deflection on 
my large Tangent Galvanometer, for which the constant = 2.296 C. G. S.), 
the PSL (A) produces a light equal to 0.69 Sugg's candle, or, 
1 Sugg's candle = 1.44 PSL (A) with 
6.15 webers. 

Hence, if this particular light were adopted as the unit, we might 
define it as follows : — 

6.15 webers passing through a piece of Platinum 2 mm. broad, 
36.28 mm. long and 0.017 mm. thick, weighing 0.0261 Gm., having a cal- 
culated resistance = 0.109 S. XL, and a measured resistance = 0.143 S. U. 
at 66° F. gives the unit for light intensity.* 

* In order to show that a platinum light standard can easily he reproduced, I will 
give here some actual measurements : — 

The Platinum sheet out of which the P. S. L. (A) was cut weighed 0.0364 Gm. 
per square centimetre. From this the weight of the part which becomes hot calculated, 



2879.] 



L. Sehwendler — On a new Standard of Light. 



Photometric Measurements. Having now a constant light it became 
possible to measure the variations of light -which the combustion standards 
invariably show. 

For instance one of Sugg's Candles was compared with the P. S. L. 
(A) with the result shown in the following table : — 



Distance in 


Millimetres. 


P. S. L. (A) 
with 6.15 webers. 


Sugg's candle. 


100 w 


117 mm. 




120 


d 


112 




110 


-4J 


120 


O -9 


120 


* a 


120 


m <o 


120 


fee > 
(3 fl 


126 


'•it 


128 


£j 


117 


cS 


120 


£.9 


123 


En 


127 



Eemaeks. 



The P. S. L. (A) was kept at the same 
position = 100 mm. 

Sugg's candle was moved in order to get 
the light equal. 

The variations observed were actually in 
the candle and not in the Platinum standard, 
as the eye could easily discern. 



This gives as an average : — 

1 Sugg's Candle = 1.44 P. S. L. (A) with 6.15 webers. 

Mas : 1.64 

•=rr-. — - = r-^TT) or total variation of the candle about 30 per cent, from 

Mm : 1.21 

the average in the very short interval of time of about five minutes. This 

needs no further comment. Some additional experiments were made in 

order to ascertain the variation of the light of a standard candle. 



gives 0.0264 Gm. The resistance of the standard, measured at 66° F., gave 0.143 S. TJ., 
including contact resistances. 

Now another piece of Platinum sheet 26 x 28 mm. wa s found to weigh 0.265 Gm. 
The piece cut off which actually becomes hot = 0.026 Gm., which agrees within 
O.0004 Gm., with the weight found by calculation for the P. S. L. (A) actually used. 

Taking the specific resistance of Mercury = 96190 ) 

of Platinum ) = 915g j at 0° C. 
annealed / ' 

the calculated resistance of the Platinum which becomes hot = 0.109 \ S. U. at 

Measured resistance, including contact resistance = 0.143 > 66° F. 

or contact resistance probably = 0.034 S. U. 

It is therefore much more accurate to define the P. S. L. by weight, than by re- 
sistance. 



88 L. Sehwendler — On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2, 

The P. S. L. (13)* with a current = 5.9 webers was used as unit. 
1st Candle, 7 readings in 10 minutes 

mean = l.OS P. S. L. (B) 

max : 1.19 . . ... , H „ 

= or total variation = 17.0 per cent. 

min : 1.00 x 

The maximum was obtained directly after having opened the Photo- 
meter when fresh air entered. 

2nd Candle, 10 readings in 14 minutes 

mean = 1.07 P. S. L. (B) 

— - — - = — - — or total variation = 59 per cent. 
min : 0.09 l 

The minimum was obtained directly after freshly lighting the candle. 

3rd Candle, 12 readings in 24 minutes 

mean = 1.07 P. S. L. (B) 

max: 1.30 . , , . . . .„ . 

— : — = ■ — or total variation = 46 per cent. 

min : O.bl 

The lowest reading was obtained shortly after lighting the candle. 

4<th Candle, 14 readings in 22 minutes 

mean = 0.94 P. S. L. (B) 

max : 1.26 

■ — : = -t-ttt or total variation = 72 per cent. 

min : 0.58 

The lowest reading cannot be accounted for. 

Two new Platinum Light Standards of the same form and size as the 
P. L. S. (A) described before, were placed in circuit of 8 Grove's cells 
connected up successively and with a Mercury Rheostat in circuit, to keep 
the needle of the Tangent Galvanometer at a constant deflection. 

These two new P. L. S., called II and III, were placed in the Photo- 
meter to compare their lights and by it test the accuracy of the Photo- 
meter readings, and other influences to be named further on. (see fig. 2, 
Plate VIII.) 

d + d' = D = 250 mm (constant). 
Light i produced by P. L. S. (Ill), Light i 1 produced by P. L. S. (II). 
The balance between the two lights being obtained by moving the prisms 
within that fixed distance. A piece of red glass was used for taking the 
readings. 

* This Platinum standard (B) was the first made, and has a different form from 
the other (A) described : Dimensions and weight cannot ho accurately given now. 



1879.] L. Schwendler — On a new Standard of Light. 

In the following table the results are given : — 



89 









^ 






i 


P. L 


. S. 


6D 
PI . 

« a 

o a 
S § 

.2 s 


i 1 




53 

| 
g 


II 


Ill 




CD 
ft 


producing 
i 1 

(fun 


producing 
i 


i 


Eemarks and particulars. 


^ t 


xom Prism. 


torn Prism. 


tflO 






& 






P 






1 


100 


150 


18.8 




Both lights having glass covers, hut 




100 


150 


18.8 




glasses were quite clear. 




100 


150 


18.8 








100 


150 


18.8 








100 


150 


18.8 








99 


151 










100 


150 








1 


99.86 


150.14 


18.8 


0.44 




2 


103 


147 


18.8 




A clear glass cover on No. Ill ; no 




102 


148 


18.8 




glass cover on No. II. 




102 


148 










103 


147 










102 


148 








2 


102.4 


1476 


18.8 


0.48 




3 


98 


152 


18.8 




A clear glass cover on No. II ; no 




97 


153 


18.8 




glass cover on No. III. 




98 


152 


18.8 








98 


152 










98 


152 










99 


151 










98 


152 








3 


98 


152 


18.8 


0.42 




4 


98 


152 


18.8 




A glass cover on No. Ill, the hack of 




98 


152 


18.8 




it covered inside with black paper ; a 




99 


151 


18.8 




clear glass cover on No. II. 




100 


150 


18.8 








100 


150 










98 


152 








4 


98.83 


151.17 


18.8 


0.43 
















5 


101 


149 


18.8 




Both lights covered up with glass 




101 

102 


149 

148 


18.8 
18.8 




covers, each glass cover having inside a 
black paper. 




101 


149 










101 


149 








5 


101.2 


14S.8 


18.8 


| 0.46 





90 



L. Schwcndler — On a neio Standard of Light. 



[No. % 









-^> 










P. L. S. 


<D 

P . 

§a 


i 1 






s 


II 


III 




Pi 


producing 


pioducing 


i 


Remarks and particulars. 




H 

«« 


d l mm 


il mm 


.2 § 

S3 > 








6 


from Prism. 


from Prism. 










G 


103 


147 


21.0 




Current increased by decreasing 


the 




101 


149 


21.0 




resistance of the Mercury Rheostat, 


but 




101 


149 


21'0 




kept constant at 21°. 






101 
101 


149 
149 


21.0 
21.0 




Clear glass again on both like experi- 
ment No. 1. 




101 


149 










6 


101.3 


148.7 


21.0 


0.46 




7 


104 


146 


21 




Clear glass cover on No. III. 






103 


147 


21 




No glass cover on No. II. 






102 


143 


21 










102 


148 


21 










102 


148 


21 
21 








7 


102.6 


117.4 


21 


0.48 




8 


101 


149 


21 . 




Clear glass cover on No. II. 






100 


150 


21 




No glass cover on No. III. 






100 


150 


21 










99 


151 


21 










100 


150 












100 


150 












100 


150 










8 


100 


150 


21 


0.44 




9 


101 
101 
101 


149 
149 
149 


21 
21 
21 




Both the clear glass covers on. 




9 


101 


149 


21 


0.46 








The Deflection 18.8° represents a current = 7.82 webers. 

The Deflection 21.0 represents a current = 8.81 webers. 

From tbese results the following conclusions can be drawn : — 

The thin glass covers, as was to be expected, absorb a measurable 
quantity of light. Compare the results of experiments Nos. 1, 2 and 3, 
and of G, 7, 8 and 9. 

Covering the glass covers inside with black paper to avoid back- 



1879.] L. Schwendler